Geskiedenis Podcasts

Dag 44 van die Obama -administrasie - Geskiedenis

Dag 44 van die Obama -administrasie - Geskiedenis

Die president het sy dag begin met sy daaglikse inligtingsessie, gevolg deur sy ekonomiese inligtingsessie. Om 13:00 gee die president openingsopmerkings by die Withuis -forum oor hervorming van gesondheidsorg. Die forum was 'n merkwaardige vergadering met kongresleiers, verteenwoordigers uit alle dele van die gesondheidsorggemeenskap, sowel as regeringsamptenare. Na die openingsopmerkings deur die presidente het die deelnemer in werksessies verdeel om verskillende aspekte van die bedryf te ondersoek. Aan die einde van die middag het die president die deelnemers weer bymekaar gebring om vrae te beantwoord en slotopmerkings te maak. Daar was 'n duidelike idee dat hierdie jaar werklik vordering gemaak sou word met die hervorming van gesondheidsorg. Die president het dit duidelik gemaak dat tensy gesondheidsorg hervorm word, dit steeds meer van die federale en privaat begrotings sal eet. Slotopmerkings en V&A

Die presidentsvrou het die middag 'n besoek afgelê aan 'Miriam Kitchen', 'n nie-winsgewende organisasie wat kos aanbied vir haweloses in Washington DC.


Cass Sunstein

Cass Robert Sunstein [1] (gebore 21 September 1954) is 'n Amerikaanse regsgeleerde, veral op die gebied van staatsreg, administratiefreg, omgewingsreg en regte en gedragsekonomie. Hy is ook Die New York Times topverkoper-skrywer van Die wêreld volgens Star Wars (2016) en Gryp (2008). Hy was van 2009 tot 2012 die administrateur van die Withuis se kantoor van inligting en regulerende aangeleenthede in die Obama -administrasie. [2]

As professor vir 27 jaar aan die Law School van die University of Chicago, skryf hy invloedryke werke oor onder meer regulatoriese en grondwetlike reg. [3] Sedert hy die Withuis verlaat het, was Sunstein professor aan die Robert Walmsley Universiteit [4] aan die Harvard Law School. In 2014 het studies van regspublikasies bevind dat Sunstein die Amerikaanse regsgeleerde wat die meeste aangehaal word, grootliks was. [5] [6]


Amerikaners is verbaas oor die weiering van president Obama om die woorde “Isamic ” en “terrorism ” selfs naby mekaar in 'n sin te plaas. Gewelddadige ekstremisme is so na as moontlik, en dit is duidelik dat die hele administrasie onderrig is in taalbeheer. As u goed daarmee is (Jen Psaki), word u bevorder, indien nie, nie.

Maar ons hoor die nuus, ons onthou 9/11, Charlie Hebdo, aanvalle in Australië, Kanada, Londen, Denemarke, Fort Hood, die Boston -bloedbad en daaglikse berigte oor die gewelddadige ekstremisme en#8221 van ISIS, onthoofding, kruisiging, lewendig brand. Die onvermoë om te sê ‘ Islamitiese terrorisme ’ lyk belaglik. Dit is geen wonder dat so baie dink dat Obama dalk is 'n Moslem, of het uiterste Moslem simpatie.

Ek dink nie so nie, maar hy het waarskynlik, soos hy gesê het, aangename herinneringe aan die Islamitiese oproep tot gebed en aan sy tyd in Indonesië, waar hy gewoon het van 1967 tot 1971. Hy is geleer om sy afwesige vader te bewonder, en sy pa se geskiedenis. Na 1971 het hy in Hawaii grootgeword. Wat hom onder nasionale aandag gebring het, was “the Speech, ” die hoofrede by die Demokratiese byeenkoms in 2004. Chicago Magazine gee 'n lang en bewonderende verhaal van hoe dit ontstaan ​​het en wat daarin gegaan het.

Toe Barack Obama sy hoofrede by die Demokratiese Nasionale Konvensie in 2004 begin, was hy nog steeds 'n obskure staatsenator van Illinois. Teen die tyd dat hy 17 minute later klaar was, het hy die aandag van die land getrek en die weg gebaan vir 'n wedloop by die presidensie.

Barack Obama was nog altyd gefassineer deur sy eie verhaal. Dit onderskei hom van ander mans as iets besonders. Dit oorheers nie net sy byeenkomstoespraak nie, maar ook sy outobiografie Drome van my Vader, is die volgende jaar gepubliseer, al moes dit reeds geskryf gewees het. Wie skryf hul outobiografie op die ouderdom van 44?

Obama het geglo dat hy vrede tussen Israel en die Palestyne kon bewerkstellig. Hy het ons vertel dat dit sy ambisie was. Dit het net sy magiese aanraking nodig gehad. Hy was goeie vriende met Rashid Khalidi, die Amerikaans-Palestynse brandmerk, wat nou professor in Moderne Arabiese Studies aan die Universiteit van Columbia is. Sy siening van die Israelies-Palestynse konflik is dat alles Israel se skuld is en dat Palestyne die party is wat mishandel is. As u Victor Davis Hanson se verduideliking van Obama se strategie lees, word dit duidelik:

Leiers wat gekarakteriseer en gedemoniseer word as 'n Kubaanse Stalinis, 'n Iraanse teokraat, 'n voormalige Russiese KGB -agent en 'n plutokratiese Chinese apparaat, dink in werklikheid nie anders as ons nie. Maar hulle het te dikwels geen stem gekry nie omdat die VSA hulle probeer boelie eerder as om met hulle te redeneer. Polarisasie en verouderde etikettering, soos om ISIS of die Taliban "terroriste" of "Islamiste" te noem, of om Bowe Bergdahl tot 'n 'verraaier' te maak, dien geen ander doel as om komplekse kwessies te vereenvoudig op 'n manier wat diegene met wie ons verskil.

In plaas daarvan, as ons ons militêre profiel verminder en ander nasies wys dat dit waarin ons werklik belangstel, die Amerikaanse samelewing fundamenteel verander in 'n meer regverdige en regverdige plek, sal ons eertydse vyande begin besef dat ons ook mense is en dus hul gemeenskaplike aspirasies deel. . Ideale, oorreding, gevoelens en opset is nou 'n saak van buitelandse beleid, nie argaïese en polariserende reëls vir afskrikking, magsbalans, militêre gereedheid en alliansies nie.

Dit maak alles sin vir Obama. Ek is nie seker hoeveel van die Demokratiese Party skerp na links beweeg het nie. Sekerlik het hul woordvoerders, en die administrasie, maar sou die demokrate almal op hierdie idee van 'n strategie vir Amerika in die huidige wêreld teken? Vir my is dit 'n steeds gevaarliker wêreld, met 'n administrasie wat nie vertroud is met die geskiedenis nie en geen begrip van strategie of nasionale veiligheid het nie - wat buitelandse beleid met liggewigte voer.

Die mullahs van Iran het al lankal bewys dat hulle nie op enige tydstip te vertrou is nie. Dit lyk asof Vladimir Poetin vasbeslote is om die Sowjet -ryk te herbou, sonder kommunisme, net tirannie. ISIS groei en word meer kwaad. Die departement van verdediging is van plan om van die A-10 vlakvark ontslae te raak, want hulle het 'n nuwe speelding vir toekomstige oorloë, as dit werklik werk. China brei uit in die Suid -Chinese See en buig sy spiere. Om aan ander nasies te wys dat ons ook mense is en hul gemeenskaplike aspirasies deel, sny dit eenvoudig nie af nie.


Bo, die Obama -familiehond, is dood, 8 Mei 2021 | Die Ted Kennedy -verbinding

En Bo is 277 dae na Obama se 59ste verjaardag oorlede.

277, 59ste prime
Renegade = 59 (Sy naam van die geheime diens)
Negro = 59, Slaaf = 59, Rasta = 59, Blues = 59

Hou in gedagte dat Biden net die 82ste Amerikaanse presidentsverkiesing was.

277, 59ste prime *Dood = 59 (Joodse Gematria)

Vandag kan 5/8 geskryf word, soos 58.

Vrymesselary = 58 /59
Pous Francis = 58 /59

Hieronder sien u wat Neo opgevang het oor die Kennedy -gesin en#8230

John F. Kennedy = 59

En let op wat Neo en Switserland opgevang het.

Charles, Switserland, sê uitkyk!

6 Opmerkings

Die hond is na bewering dood op die ouderdom van 12, en 12 weke voor Obama se komende verjaardag. (Bo = 37 is die 12de priemgetal.)
Die hond was 'n geskenk van die voormalige senator 'Ted Kennedy' wat op 25/08/09 gesterf het, wat die 237ste dag van die jaar was, en nou kom die nuus van Bo se dood op die dag dat daar 237 dae oorbly in die jaar.
Barack Obama beëindig sy presidensiële termyn op 1/20/17, met 58 datum numerologie, wat ooreenstem met die datum van Bo se dood 5/8.
Die nuus berig die hond is dood aan 'Kanker' = 44. Eerste hond = 44. Dood = 44. Ted Kennedy = 44. (Obama was nommer 44.)
Bo = 37. Kanker = 37.
Bo = 17. Hond = 17. Dood = 17. Offer = 17 (0).
Eerste Hond = 118. Kanker = 118.
Eerste Hond = 46. Ted Kennedy = 46. Offer = 46.
Gesinshond = 43. Agt Mei = 43. Dood = 43.

Omdat die seuns van Joe Biden die naam Beau is, is dit interessant dat dit 170 dae ná Joe Biden se verjaardag kom.
Offer = 170.
Joe Biden = 37.
Bo = 37, 52 in Joods.
President = 52.
Joe Biden = 715 in Joods en 15 Julie is 237 dae na Joe Biden se verjaardag, en 8/5/2021 is daar nog 237 dae oor in die jaar.
15/7/2021 laat nog 169 dae oor in die jaar, soos 8/8/2021 169 dae na Joe Biden se verjaarsdag.
15-7-2021 is 'n volledige span van presies 34 weke na Joe Biden se verjaardag, 8/5/2021 het 34 datumnumerologie. 5+8+21 = 34.
Dood = 34.
Moord = 34.
15/7/2021 is 'n volledige span van 177 dae na die inhuldigingsdag.
Die Jesuïete Orde = 177.
Nuwe Wolrd -orde = 177.
8/5/2021 is 108 dae na die inhuldigingsdag.
Meetkunde = 108.
8/5/2021 het 18, 54 datum numerologie. 5+8+2+0+2+1 = 18. 5+8+20+21 = 54.
IHS = 18. 1+8 = 9.
Jesuïete Orde = 54. 5+4 = 9.
9 'n aantal voltooiing.
15/7/2021 het 18, 27, 63 datum numerologie. 7+1+5+2+0+2+1 = 18. 7+15+2+0+2+1 = 27. 7+15+20+21 = 63.
1+8=9.
2+7=9.
6+3=9.

Ook met ‘Bo ’ en ‘Joe Biden ’ gelykstaande aan 37 en 15 Julie word 15/7 geskryf soos 157 die 37ste prime, plus al die 237 uitspring, ‘Minneapolis, Minnesota ’ = 237. 15 Julie is ook Jessy Ventura se verjaardag. ‘James Janos ’ = 1507 in Joods. ‘Bo ’ = 52 hou van ‘Minnesota ’. Terug in 821793 het die Minnesota North Stars na Dallas verhuis waar JFK vermoor is. Miskien sien ons die dood van Joe Biden in Minnesota?

Bo sterf 4464 uur na die begin van die 59ste presidensiële verkiesing.

“Kill ” = 44 (Engels Ordinal) (Obama#44)
“Obama Family ” = 44 (volledige vermindering)

“Dood ” = 64 (omgekeerde ordinale) ” Burgerregte ” = 64 (volledige vermindering) (Wet op burgerregte in 󈨄)
“Obama Family ” = 64 (omgekeerde volledige vermindering)

Dit was ook 'n tydperk van 187 dae (Society of Jesus)

Bo sterf ook 4368 uur na die datum waarop die verkiesing ten gunste van Biden uitgeroep is.

“Bo ’s Death ” = 43 (Reverse Full Reduction) (Gesinshond)
“Dogicide ” = 43 (omgekeerde volledige vermindering)

“Barack Obama ” = 68 (English Ordinal) (Robert Kennedy vermoor in 󈨈. Hy deel 'n verjaardag met Joe Biden)

Robert Kennedy se verjaardag is 6/6, en Bo sterf 'n tydperk van 6 maande en 6 dae vanaf die 11/3 verkiesingsdatum.

“Robert Kennedy ” = 66 (volledige vermindering)

“Bo Is Killed ” = 113 (English Ordinal) (Verkiesing op 11/3)

Bo ’s Offer ” = 109 (Engels Ordinal) (Bo is 109 dae na die inwyding van Biden dood)

Bo sterf presies 310 weke na Beau:

Obama = 31
31 die 11de Prime
Beau = 11

Die hond is 11 maande en 8 dae na die herdenking van Beau se dood dood:
Eerste hond = 118
Kanker = 118
Biden het die verkiesing van 11/8 gewen.
11/8 is 8/11 in die meeste dele van die wêreld:
Barack Hussein Obama II = 811 (Engels uitgebrei)

Dit was ook 'n tydperk van 11 maande en 9 dae:

DIE 119 oomblik in die presidentskap van Obama was toe hy die SEALS = 79 “kill ” Bin Laden presies 119 weke nadat hy die amp aangeneem het:

Osama Bin Laden = 110/47/241/79 *'n Presiese pasmaat vir … *
Ellas McDaniel = 110/47/241/79 ..

..wat is die geboortenaam van Bo Diddley na wie die hond “Bo ” vernoem is (volgens wiki https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bo_(dog))
Die hond, Bo sterf 237 dae voor wat die 93ste verjaardag van Bo Diddley sou wees, en voeg by Neo se 237 waarnemings hierbo.
Bo Diddley is self op 79 -jarige ouderdom oorlede
211 dae vanaf sy verjaardag (47ste prime) wat ooreenstem met sy geboortenaam in 2/4 sifers.

Dit was ook nie toevallig dat dit gebeur het op dieselfde dag as DOGecoin (die muntstuk met die hondembleem) in die neiging was nie; Musk doen SNL:
Vanaf die vrylating van Dogecoin (6 Desember 2013) tot die dag waarop Bo gesterf het, was 2710 dae.
Van die sterwe van Beau Biden tot Bo was die dood van die hond 2170 dae.

Vanaf die sewende herdenking van Dogecoin tot Bo sterf dit 153 dae:
17 is die 7de priemgetal 153 is die 17de driehoekige getal
DOGecoin + Obama ’s Hond wat op dieselfde dag sterf, skreeu “Sirius Ritual ”:
Sirius Ritual = 59, die 17de prime.
Sirius is The Dog Star
Die hondster = 153.


Deursigtigheid, deklassifikasie en die Obama -presidentskap

Op 21 Januarie 2009, met die verklaring: "My Administrasie is daartoe verbind om 'n ongekende vlak van openheid in die regering te skep," het president Barack Obama 'n reuse reeks hervormings van deursigtigheid aangekondig.

In sy eerste jaar het die Obama -administrasie 'n magdom beleidsveranderinge geïmplementeer om die belofte na te kom.

In een van sy eerste amptelike dade het president Barack Obama die uitvoerende bevel (EO) 13233 van die Bush -administrasie ingetrek. Die Bush EO het die publiek se toegang tot presidensiële rekords ernstig beperk en voormalige presidente, hul erfgename en, vir die eerste keer, vise -presidente gegee, die vermoë om die vrystelling van rekords te vertraag of te voorkom.

Benewens die herroeping van president Bush se uitvoerende bevel oor presidensiële rekords, het die president 'n presidensiële memorandum oor deursigtigheid en oop regering en 'n presidensiële memorandum oor die Wet op Vryheid van Inligting (FOIA) uitgereik, waarin alle lede van sy administrasie opdrag gegee is om op te tree onder beginsels van openheid en deursigtigheid.

Op 19 Maart 2009 het prokureur -generaal Eric Holder omvattende nuwe riglyne vir vryheid van inligting (FOIA) uitgereik wat alle departemente en agentskappe van die uitvoerende tak versoek om 'n vermoede van openheid toe te pas by die administrasie van die FOIA.

Die memorandum herroep die riglyne wat die voormalige prokureur -generaal John Ashcroft in 2001 tydens die Bush -administrasie uitgereik het. Die Ashcroft FOIA -memorandum het 'n standaard vir 'gesonde regsgrondslag' vasgestel. Ingevolge hierdie standaard moes die agentskappe tot die oordeel kom dat hul gebruik van 'n FOIA -vrystelling op 'n gesonde grondslag was, beide feitelik en wettig, wanneer hulle inligting verlang. Die Ashcroft -riglyne het die praktiese effek gehad om 'n vermoede aan te moedig om twyfelagtige materiaal vry te stel.

Op 8 Desember 2009 het die Withuis 'n Open Government -richtlijn uitgereik waarin federale agentskappe verplig is om onmiddellike, spesifieke stappe te doen om hul bedrywighede vir die publiek oop te stel. Benewens die opdrag, het die administrasie die "Open Government Progress Report to the American People" en mdashan -analise van die stappe wat reeds geneem is om deursigtigheid en planne vir toekomstige inisiatiewe te verhoog, bekend gemaak.

Op 29 Desember 2009 het die president uitvoerende bevel 13526 uitgereik om die stelsel vir die klassifikasie, beveiliging en deklassering van nasionale veiligheidsinligting aansienlik te verbeter, insluitend die oprigting van die National Declassification Center in die National Archives om 'n eenvormige en doeltreffende ontklassifikasie -hersiening van historiese belangrike ouer rekords. Die president het ook 'n memorandum aan die hoofde van federale agentskappe uitgereik waarin die belangrikheid van hierdie veranderinge vinnig en effektief beklemtoon word.

Ondanks die uitreiking van hierdie talle uitvoerende bevele en voorskrifte, het president Obama, soos president Obama aan die einde van sy eerste termyn nader gekom het, dit gedoen om die verbintenis wat hy gemaak het, na te kom dat sy administrasie die openlikste, deursigtigste en verantwoordbaarste in die geskiedenis was?

Op 3 Augustus 2012 publiseer die Washington Post 'n artikel met die titel "Obama -administrasie sukkel om sy eie deursigtigheidsbeloftes na te kom." Die Pos het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom: "Drie jaar later dui nuwe bewyse daarop dat administrasiebeamptes gesukkel het om die jarelange geheimhoudingskultuur in Washington om te keer. Sommige van hierdie hoë profiel deursigtigheidsmaatreëls het tot stilstand gekom, en deur sommige maatreëls bewaar die regering meer geheime as tevore."

Byvoorbeeld, die National Declassification Center (NDC) het die administrasie opgedra om 'n agterstand van 371 miljoen bladsye teen Desember 2013 te hersien en te ontklassifiseer. Op 30 Junie 2012 het slegs 51,1 miljoen bladsye alle verwerking voltooi en 41,8 miljoen bladsye daarvan is aan die publiek vrygestel.

Die Pos het ook bevind dat federale agentskappe aanvanklik verbeter het in die aantal FOIA -versoeke wat in 2010 toegestaan ​​is en dat die agterstand van versoeke verminder het. Maar in 2011 keer die neiging om met die weiering van versoeke deur agentskappe met 10 persent.

Om 'n "stewels-op-die-grond" -evaluering van die administrasie se deursigtigheidsinisiatiewe te gee, het ons vier deskundiges oor die regering se toegangskwessies gevra om hul mening te weeg.

Steven Aftergood (Direkteur van die projek oor staatsgeheim by die Federasie van Amerikaanse wetenskaplikes en die uitgewer van die blog Secrecy News)

Terugskouend, het die Administrasie 'n fout gemaak deur sy vroeë openbare verklarings af te lê waarin ongekende deursigtigheid beloof word. Die president het die verwagtinge so hoog gemaak dat die gevolglike teleurstelling onvermydelik was. Die slimmer stap was om openheid in aksies te toon, nie in woorde nie, en om die openbare verwagtinge te oortref.

Ondanks wydverspreide ontnugtering, is die waarheid dat daar verskeie beduidende deurbrake in deursigtigheid in die Obama -administrasie was. Vir die eerste keer ooit in die kerntydperk, weet ons nou die grootte van die Amerikaanse kernwapenarsenaal. Ons weet vandag ook meer oor Amerikaanse uitgawes as wat ons ooit tevore gedoen het (en ons weet vanjaar meer as verlede jaar). Dit is nog 'n kontroversie oor meerjarige geheimhouding wat nou opgelos is ten gunste van openbaarmaking. Daar is verskeie ander presedensopgelegde openbaarmakings ten gunste van die administrasie.

Alhoewel ons praat oor 'die Obama -administrasie', word die geheimhoudingsbeleid in die uitvoerende gesag werklik gedefinieer op agentskapsvlak, en slegs oppervlakkig op die Withuis -vlak. En die realiteit is dat agentskappe heel anders reageer het op administratiewe voorskrifte oor openheid. Volgens my ervaring het die departement van verdediging (ten minste op die vlak van die sekretaris van verdediging) en die kantoor van die direkteur van nasionale intelligensie toenemend reageer. Die departement van justisie en die departement van binnelandse veiligheid is moeiliker om mee saam te werk. Na my mening is die Central Intelligence Agency hopeloos. Die punt is dat die Withuis slegs 'n gedeeltelike verantwoordelikheid dra vir die deursigtigheid van die regering. Die grootste deel van die krediet of skuld moet aan die individuele agentskappe gegaan het.

Die administrasie se optrede (of onbedoeldheid) reageer noodwendig op die gedrag van die kongres. Maar die eienaardige ding is dat die Kongres vandag nie geheime hervorming of 'n breë toename in deursigtigheid ondersteun nie. Inteendeel, kongresleiers het eintlik wetgewing om bekendmaking te blokkeer (in die geval van foto's van aangehoudenes), en het aangedring op sterker beheer oor geklassifiseerde inligting. In hierdie politieke klimaat word dit baie moeiliker om die soort beloftes te vervul waarmee die Administrasie begin het.

Thomas Blanton (Direkteur van die National Security Archive aan die George Washington University in Washington, DC)

Daar is duidelik 'n paar meningsverskille oor hierdie onderwerp. My eie is dat ons "die Obama -administrasie" te dikwels in botsing kom met optrede van spesifieke agentskappe of spesifieke burokrate, terwyl die beleidsbesluit bo -aan redelik goed was, net gestimuleer deur voortdurende burokratiese verdoeseling in die middel en onderkant. Of nog erger, kontinuïteit deur die federale loopbaanmedewerkers van Bush -beleid wat die Withuis nie daarin geslaag het nie.

Waar daar spesifieke beleidsbesluite deur president Obama geneem is, is die rekord baie goed. In werklikheid, in vergelyking met die Bush -jare, sou ek sê dat die verskil dag en nag is.

    1. Die uitvoerende bevel van die Bush -administrasie se presidensiële rekordswet en president Obama het die Bush -uitvoerende gesag op sy eerste dag in die amp herroep. Geskiedkundiges was jare lank gewikkel in pogings om die Bush -bevel in die federale hof om te keer. Die Obama -uitvoerende bevel het die vermoede herstel dat die huidige president, nie voormalige presidente, hul erfgename of afgevaardigdes, die bewerings van uitvoerende voorreg moet wees nie.
    2. FOIA -leiding: Bush/Ashcroft het gesê dat u enige rede het om terug te hou, en ons sal u verdedig. Obama/Holder het dit spesifiek herroep en 'n vermoede van openbaarmaking opgedra. Die voorbehoud is dat die loopbaanadvokate by die Departement van Justisie (DOJ) nie hul geskilposisie eintlik verander het in 'n enkele saak waarvan ons weet nie, behalwe dié waarby die Withuis deelgeneem het.
    3. E-pos in die Withuis: Die Bush-administrasie het sterk baklei teen pogings om die herwinning en vrylating van miljoene vermiste e-posse in die Withuis te dwing. Die Obama -administrasie het die regsgeding besleg, die e -pos bewaar en 'n elektroniese argiefstelsel in werking gestel.
    4. Besoekerslogboeke van die Withuis: Weer het die Bush -administrasie geweier om die logboeke van diegene wat die Withuis besoek, vry te laat. Die Obama -administrasie het regsgedinge afgehandel om toegang tot die logboeke te verkry en dit na 6 maande geopen, maar op 'n "vrywillige" basis. Die administrasie beveg steeds die kwessie en beweer dat hulle president is, terwyl dit eintlik rekords van die agentskap/geheime diens moet wees. Dit is dus 'n geval van ongekende vlak van openheid, maar gemeng oor die regstatus.

    Die grootste teenvoorbeeld en die een wat die media in die algemeen oortuig het dat Obama sy openheidsbeloftes verbreek het en dat die departement van justisie 6 vervolgings/vervolgings vervolg het, meer as alle vorige administrasies saamgestel. Ek glo egter dat dit nie 'n beleidskeuse van die Withuis was nie, maar 'n kontinuïteitsprobleem van sommige loopbaanaanklaers, met wie die Withuis verkies het om nie te mors nie.

    Soos Steve Aftergood gesê het, lê die probleem meer by die kongres as by Obama.

    Anne Weismann (Hoofadvies vir burger vir verantwoordelikheid en etiek in Washington-CREW)

    Na my mening is die administrasie se rekord oor deursigtigheid gemeng. President Obama het sonder twyfel 'n sterk, voor-deursigtigheidsbeleid ingestel wat werklik die maatstaf stel vir 'n meer oop regering. Die probleem was by die implementering van die beleid op agentskapsvlak. Agentskappe is aangemoedig om proaktiewe openbaarmakings te maak, maar hulle het min ag geslaan op die kwaliteit en openbare belangstelling in die inligting wat hulle plaas. En die administrasie het hulle nie veel leiding op hierdie gebied gegee nie.

    Op die FOIA -front begin ons 'n mate van beweging na 'n meer oop benadering sien, maar dit was 'n baie stadige proses. Te dikwels is die refleksiewe houding van agentskappe en veral die departement van justisie en mdash's om te onthou ten opsigte van FOIA -versoeke. DOJ was ook 'n groot padblokkade in FOIA -litigasie. Daar is geen waarneembare verskil tussen die geskilposisie wat DOJ nou inneem in FOIA -gevalle en wat dit onder die vorige administrasie ingeneem het nie.

    Dit was ook moeilik om toegang te verkry tot statistieke en inligting wat ons kan help om die vordering wat gemaak is, te beoordeel. Tot dusver het DOJ geweier om toegang tot die publiek te verleen tot inligting oor die aantal en aard van die diskresionêre vrystellings wat agentskappe maak, selfs as die data versamel word. Tog is dit die inligting wat ons die beste sal inlig of die administrasie die deursigtigheidsverpligtinge van die president nakom.

    Uiteindelik bly daar nog baie werk oor. Aangesien agentskappe nog meer begrotingsbesnoeiings ondervind, sal dit nog moeiliker wees om vinnig en volledig op FOIA -versoeke te reageer. Ek bly optimisties, maar die president sal 'n nog groter druk nodig hê om die uitvoerende gesag in lyn te bring oor deursigtigheidskwessies.

    Patrice McDermott (Uitvoerende Direkteur van OpenTheGovernment.Org)

    Ek dink dit is 'n baie gemengde sak. Daar is sterk aanduidings dat die inisiatiewe en pogings van die Obama-administrasie begin het om veranderinge in die houding van komponente van die uitvoerende tak te institusionaliseer, meestal op die gebied van huishoudelike reg om te weet. Terwyl die doeltreffendheid van FOIA as 'n openbaarmakings- en aanspreeklikheidsinstrument vir die publiek steeds agterbly by die beloftes wat die president en die prokureur -generaal gemaak het, word agentskappe baie meer aandag gevestig op die verbetering van die proses, en agentskappe lewer meer inligting proaktief uit ( sonder om 'n FOIA -versoek te vereis of te wag) en nie net die gewone dinge wat hulle wil hê jy moet weet nie. Die grootste frustrasie op die binnelandse beleidsfront was die voortdurende veranderinge in beleidspersoneel in die Withuis, wat probleme met opvolging en konsekwentheid veroorsaak het.

    Op die gebied van nasionale veiligheid, wetstoepassing en die oorvleueling hiervan was daar 'n paar suksesse, en in 2012 is die totale bedrag geld wat vir intelligensie vir die komende jaar aangevra is, formeel bekend gemaak ($ ​​71,8 miljard vir fiskaal 2013). Dit sluit die versoek in vir die Militêre Inligtingsprogram (MIP), wat $ 19,2 miljard was, en vir die National Intelligence Program (NIP), wat $ 52,6 miljard beloop.

    Soos Steve Aftergood onlangs opgemerk het, het die Nasionale Verkenningskantoor en die National Security Agency, met min fanfare, die historiese intelligensie -rekords geleidelik deklassifiseer en vrygestel. Die Nasionale Deklassifikasie Sentrum, hoewel dit nie sal slaag om die doelwit van die President te bereik nie, het 'n paar ingewikkelde pogings aangewend om sommige van die ingewikkelde prosedurele probleme wat die deklassifiseringspogings belemmer het, aan te spreek. Die pogings sal egter min uitwerking hê as die kritieke probleem van oor- en onnodige indeling nie aangespreek word nie. Terwyl die president die Raad vir Openbare Inligting -afklassering gevra het vir aanbevelings vir 'n fundamentele hervorming van die klassifikasiestelsel, is die uitkoms daarvan nog nie duidelik nie.

    Tog was die gebiede met betrekking tot nasionale veiligheid, intelligensie en wetstoepassing die gebiede waar die openheidsgemeenskap aansienlik minder vordering beleef het as wat ons gehoop het en baie meer teleurgesteld was. Sommige hiervan is, ten minste gedeeltelik, te danke aan 'n burokrasie wat van die vorige administrasie geërf is, maar sommige blykbaar te danke aan die gemeenskappe van die Withuis.

    Uiteindelik het die Withuis se eie selfbeoordeling wat 'n jaar gelede uitgereik is van sy vordering met deursigtigheid, miskien die beste gesê.

    "Tog is daar baie werk oor. Daar is geen 'Open' -knoppie wat gedruk kan word om die federale regering oornag meer oop te maak nie. Om 'n meer oop regering te skep, vereis in plaas daarvan, soos die president opdrag gegee het, volgehoue ​​toewyding en openbare amptenare en werknemers op alle vlakke van regering. "


    Obama se onder-40-oomblik (en wat dit beteken)


    Vir die eerste keer in sy presidentskap, president Barack ObamaDie gradering van werkgoedkeuring het onder 40 persent gedaal in die jongste Gallup -opsporingsgetalle.

    Terwyl die Republikeine die getal - 39 persent - aangeneem het as bewys van Obama se kwesbaarheid, is dit die tendens op lang termyn in die Gallup -gegewens wat vir Demokrate meer kommerwekkend behoort te wees. (Gallup se daaglikse opsporingspeiling is 'n deurlopende gemiddelde van drie dae, wat van enige datapunt betyds die eenvoudigste kiekies maak.)

    Die goedkeuring van president Obama in meer as 'n maand was nie meer as 44 persent in die peiling in Gallup nie, en sedert die begin van die somer het dit soms afwaarts neig.

    Die rede vir Obama se insinking in nasionale stembusse, wat gepaard gaan met probleme in swaaistate soos Pennsylvania en Florida, is geen geheim nie: Amerikaners worstel met 'n hakkelende ekonomie en voel asof Washington geen werklike oplossings bied nie.

    (Nie verniet nie: die kongres het ook rekordlawe goedkeuringsyfers in allerhande peilings, 'n besinning oor hoe die vervreemde mense van Washington en sy inwoners voel.)

    Die stryd om die verhoging van die skuldplafon blyk 'n kritieke oomblik vir baie Amerikaners te gewees het, aangesien hulle 'n land se hoofstad in 'n oorlog met homself gesien het en min tasbare oplossings vir gemiddelde Amerikaners wat deur politici bespreek word.

    Die gevoel van ontevredenheid wat die debat oor die skuld veroorsaak het, is vinnig gevolg deur die afgradering van die Amerikaanse kredietgraderings deur Standard & amp Poor's - 'n stap wat die aandelemark in 'n woeste aardbewing gestuur het wat einde verlede week voortgeduur het.

    Al die konsternasie en angs beland, redelik of onregverdig, aan die voete van die president. (Ons het al voorheen geskryf dat presidente in die algemeen te veel krediet kry vir 'n sterk ekonomie en te veel skuld vir 'n swak een.)

    Aangesien die kongres buite sitting is en die idee van 'n tweede groot ekonomiese stimulus 'n politieke onmoontlikheid is, neem president Obama die vertoning letterlik op met 'n bustoer deur Iowa, Illinois en Minnesota wat daarop gemik is om die kommer van die kiesers uit te skakel oor die rigting wat die ekonomie op pad is.

    Die toer is 'n erkenning deur die Withuis dat Obama 'n aktiewe teenwoordigheid moet wees as dit kom by die verbetering van die ekonomie, selfs al is die werklikheid dat hy nie op kort termyn veel kan doen om die werkloosheidsyfer drasties te verlaag nie, of skep 'n groot aantal nuwe werkgeleenthede. (Dit is ook 'n erkenning van die sentraliteit van die plattelandse Midde-Weste vir Obama se herverkiesingskans in 2012.)

    Die geskiedenis bied 'n rede vir hoop vir president Obama. Hoewel sy huidige posgoedkeuring laer is as enige van die laaste drie presidente wat op hierdie stadium 'n tweede termyn gewen het, het twee van die drie aansienlik toegeneem in hul getalle voor die verkiesingsdag.

    Op hierdie punt in 1983, Ronald ReaganDie werkgoedkeuring was 43 persent, maar teen Oktober 1984 het dit tot 58 persent gestyg. Ditto Bill Clinton wat in Augustus 1995 'n telling van 46 % van die werk goedgekeur het, maar teen Oktober 1996 'n baie gesonder telling van 54 persent gehad het.

    Die uitsondering op die reël was George W. Bush wie se goedkeuring in Augustus 2003 op 59 persent was, maar teen Oktober 2004 tot 47 persent gedaal het. Bush se getal kan baie abnormaal wees omdat hy in Augustus 2003 steeds baat by positiewe gevoelens wat na hom gerig is ná die terreuraanvalle van 11 September 2001.

    (Sidebar: Doen jouself 'n guns en boekmerk Gallup se presidensiële posgoedkeuringsentrum. Dit is 'n GROOT bron.)

    Wat die politieke hande van Reagan en Clinton versterk het, was egter ekonomieë in herstel. Dit is nie duidelik of Obama op dieselfde kan hoop nie - veral met selfs optimistiese ekonome wat voorspel dat die werklose koers gedurende die 2012 -verkiesing meer as 8,5 persent sal bly.


    Issa: Obama het 'een van die mees korrupte administrasies'

    Darrell Issa (R-Kalifornië), voorsitter van die komende huisoorsig en die regering se hervormingskomitee, het gesê dat sy komitee nie van plan is om ondersoek in te stel na die pogings van die Withuis om rep. en het opgemerk dat dit sedertdien onthul is dat die Bush -administrasie in vorige jare soortgelyke pogings aangewend het. "Dit was verkeerd as dit in die Bush -administrasie gedoen is, dit was verkeerd in die Obama -administrasie," het Issa gesê en bygevoeg dat sy komitee hoofsaaklik fokus op kwessies van afval, bedrog en misbruik. Issa het ook verduidelik dat toe hy voorheen tydens 'n radio -onderhoud gesê het dat Obama 'een van die mees korrupte presidente in die moderne tyd was', hy verwys na die Obama -administrasie en nie na die president self nie.

    'Deur te sê dat dit een van die mees korrupte administrasies is, dit is wat ek bedoel het om daar te sê,' het Issa gesê, 'as u $ 1 biljoen in TARP uitdeel net voordat hierdie president binnekom, die meeste daarvan onbestee, $ 1 biljoen in stimulus that this president asked for, plus this huge expansion in healthcare and government, it has a corrupting effect."

    The exchange begins at about the 1:20 mark in the following clip:

    He also took aim at the national health care overhaul, which he said is "expanding Medicaid mandates that have been at least tentatively ruled unconstitutional," and at the Troubled Asset Relief Program, which he called "$800-billion worth of walking-around money."

    Democratic National Committee Chairman Tim Kaine said that "it's very unlikely" that President Obama will face a serious primary challenge in 2012. "You and I know that you can always get a fringe candidate or somebody to run," Kaine told CNN's Ed Henry, adding that "the likelihood of any serious challenge to the president is virtually nil." Kaine also said that he will stay on for another two-year term at the DNC because that's where Obama wants him. "It's a wonderful job and I intend continue it," Kaine said.

    Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Md.), incoming ranking member of the oversight committee, Rep. Jason Altmire (D-Pa.) and Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Chairman Steve Israel (N.Y.) also appeared on the show. Cummings said that he's going to hold the administration "to a very, very high standard" but that "we can't have witch hunts we can't have these fishing expeditions." Israel said that Democrats face "an uphill battle" in winning the 25 seats necessary to retake the House but noted that 61 seats currently represented by Republicans voted for Obama in 2008. Altmire called Obama's tax-cut compromise with congressional Republicans "a model for what he should do moving forward.

    FOX NEWS SUNDAY - GOP plans health-law repeal vote before State of the Union

    Rep. Fred Upton (R-Mich.), the incoming chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, pledged that Republicans would bring a vote to repeal the new health-care law before President Obama's State of the Union address in late January. He suggested that Republicans may have enough votes to override a virtually certain presidential veto of any legislation to repeal the law. If repeal fails, Upton said Republicans would attack individual eleements of the bill. Upton also vowed to fight new EPA regulation of greenhouse gases. House Oversight and Government Reform Chairman-to-be Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) responded to reports that the White House is hiring more lawyers to respond to increased scrutiny from GOP-led committees, including Issa's, by saying "they're going to need more accountants." "As soon as the administration figures out the enemy is wasteful spending and not the other party, the better off we'll be," Issa said.

    Rep.-elect Allen West (R-Fla.), a tea party favorite, said he "didn't learn anything" from a firestorm that erupted over his original choice for chief of staff, a controversial Florida conservative readio host who stepped down after bombastic comments grabbed headlines. West stood by previous comments in which he described the Democratic-controlled government as "tyrannical," "socialist" and "despicable." The Florida Republican chastised incoming House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) for his defense of what West has characterized as a lax work schedule. Sen.-elect Mike Lee (R-Utah) called for a balanced budget amendment to force government to reign in spending.

    ABC: THIS WEEK - White House: Don't 'play chicken' with debt ceiling

    White House economic adviser Austan Goolsbee warned Republicans against 'playing chicken' with the national debt ceiling, which he said could cause people to "get the wrong ideas" about whether the U.S. could fulfill its debt obligations. "This would be lumping us in with a series of countries in history who we don't want to be lumped in with," Goolsbee said. The administration hopes to "juice" the economy to increase the rate of growth and lower the unemployment rate. He said the White House's efforts will focus on investment, exports and innovation.

    NBC: MEET THE PRESS - Graham: 2012 could be Romney's year

    South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham pointed to former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney (R) as leading the field of potential 2012 Republican presidential hopefuls. "Mitt Romney has his problems as a candidate, but so does everyone else," Graham said. "But it's a changing environment, and the one thing you've got to prove to the people of South Carolina is not only that are you conservative, but you can carry the day." Graham said he refused to vote for an increase in the national debt ceiling unless it's accompanied by bipartisan reform on spending and Social Security. "I will not vote for the debt ceiling increase until I see a plan in place that will deal with our long-term debt," Graham said. He also lamented that congressional Republicans "were pushing through policies in the lame-duck that could've been made better in the new Congress."

    Sen.-elect Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) also cited the debt ceiling as a concern but stopped short of Graham's refusal to vote for it unless it's accompanied by entitlement reform. "My suggestion is that when we contemplate raising the debt limit, we do it in small increments and we do it periodically," Toomey said. "And every time we do it, we make sure we get a major concession in the direction of limiting spending so that we can get this fiscal train wreck under control."

    CBS: FACE THE NATION - Bachmann, Kelly oppose raising debt ceiling

    In an entertaining but ultimately not very informative roundtable, guest host Harry Smith brought Reps. Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.), Anthony Weiner (D-N.Y.), Debbie Wasserman Schulz (D-Fla.) and Rep.-elect Mike Kelly (R-Pa.) together for a chat that frequently degenerated into the guests talking over each other. Bachmann said the Republicans would introduce a "clean" bill to repeal the new health-care law. Kelly said he hopes that incoming GOP freshmen, many of whom are backed by the tea party, can force the government to live within its means like people in the "real world." Wasserman Schulz said it remains to be seen whether the freshman can translate their campaign rhetoric into meaningful action. "We haven't heard any concrete proposals" from tea party activists and lawmakers, Wasserman Schulz said. Both Bachmann and Kelly said they opposed raising the debt ceiling, but said Republicans were not "looking to shut the government down." "I don't know what you call it, Michele, but that's shutting down the government," Weiner responded.

    Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) backed away from comments he made to Rush Limbaugh that President Obama is "corrupt." But, he said, "time and time again what we've seen the Obama administration is they playfast and loose with the walking-around money Congress gave them." Issa said the government could save $125 billion if it cracked down on Medicare fraud, and it could shrink government by five percent if every committee and lawmaker shrank the size of their budgets by five percent, as incoming House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) has called for.

    CSPAN: NEWSMAKERS - Steele opponent: He's a 'great patriot and a wonderful man'

    Former Ambassador to Luxembourg Ann Wagner, one of the five candidates vying to unseat Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Steele, touted her fundraising ability and her "real political savvy," noting her success chairing Sen.-elect Roy Blunt's (R-Mo.) campaign. Wagner declined to directly criticize Steele, who she called "a great patriot and a wonderful man." "We're grateful for the work that he's done and the great victories we had in 2010," she said, adding that some "retooling and re-management of the building" is necessary.

    Wagner also said that she "applauds" the efforts of the tea party movement but doesn't think it's part of the Republican Party, calling the movement "very much an independent voice." Asked how she would respond as chairman to a potential tea party candidate for president, Wagner wouldn't say whether she'd try to force the candidate out of the race. "I believe in our two-party system. . I think it's the job of the Republican National Committee chairman to bring people together and to listen and to dialogue and to come to some level of consensus moving forward," she said.


    NOW Through the Years:

    October 1966: NOW founding conference

    Betty Friedan, best known for her 1963 book The Feminine Mystique, which changed the conversation on traditional gender roles, was chosen as the organization&rsquos first president.

    Betty Friedan, half-length portrait, facing right / World Telegram & Sun. 1960 (by Fred Palumbo)

    August 1967: First picket by NOW members

    Activists dressed in vintage clothing to protest the gender segregated help-wanted advertisements in The New York Times.

    1973: NOW members organized &ldquoTake Back the Night&rdquo marches and vigils.

    Protestors stimulated the movement against sexual assault and power-based personal violence against women.

    July 1978: Biggest-ever march for the Equal Rights Amendment

    In 95-degree heat, over 100,000 people decked in purple, white, and gold marched in Washington, D.C. to call for an extension to the deadline for ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment.

    Feminists make history with biggest-ever march for the Equal Rights Amendment, including NOW's first president Betty Friedan. (by Feminist Majority Foundation)

    April 2004: March for Women&rsquos Lives

    A record 1.15 million people marched in Washington, D.C. to fight for women&rsquos reproductive health care options.

    The March for Women’s Lives took place on April 25, 2004. (by Feminist Majority Foundation)

    Vandag, NOW is the largest organization of women&rsquos rights activists in the United States, using grassroots organizing to push for social change. NOW focuses on advocating for justice and equality in reproductive healthcare and the economy and continues its work to put a stop to violence against women and discrimination based on race and sexual orientation.

    The fight to end workplace discrimination is not over. The Administration has shown its support for a number of anti-discrimination actions, including fair housing, employment non-discrimination, and health reform for women. President Obama, with help from organizations like NOW, continues to lead the charge for equal rights no matter who you are, what you look like, or who you love.

    &ldquo We have to raise our voices to demand that women get paid fairly. We&rsquove got to raise our voices to make sure women can take time off to care for a loved one, and that moms and dads can spend time with a new baby. We&rsquove got to raise our voices to make sure that our women maintain and keep their own health care choices. & rdquo


    Grading the Presidents on Race

    I’ve watched how Clinton, Bush and Obama have tackled our nation’s trickiest issue. Here’s how they’ve done.

    April Ryan has been White House correspondent for American Urban Radio Networks since 1997.

    As a black woman who has covered the White House beat since 1997, I have had an intimate view of race relations at the center of American power. From Bill Clinton, our first “black” president, to Barack Obama, our first actual black president, I’ve been in the James Brady Briefing Room during a fascinating time—a moment when we’ve realized our troubled racial history has left a far more complex and contradictory legacy than we may have ever expected.

    My perch in the press corps has let me watch up close how the last three presidents have tackled racial issues during their time in office, from confronting the issue publicly to hiring and building diverse teams to them lead the nation. Through it all, I’ve kept notes and been assembling a record. Now it’s time to grade each leader on how his policies and procedures positively or negatively impacted African Americans and other minorities—and ultimately the entire country from the reparations issue and black farmer payouts to present-day incidents such as the riots in Ferguson, Missouri.

    Of course, there’s only so much a president can do when the president aims to tackle centuries-old, deeply entrenched racial disparities—but even across three administrations, the last two decades have seen a far more equally dubious presidential legacy than we’d wish.

    Administration Diversity: A

    Filling the Senate-confirmed posts was a slow process, but upon completion, President Bill Clinton had the most diverse administration of any United States president in American history. An unprecedented number of minority men and women assumed positions as ambassadors, cabinet secretaries, U.S. marshals and U.S. attorneys, federal judges and sub-cabinet members than any other administration. Not only did the visibility of this diversity convince Americans that times had truly changed, but it also made an impact on policy. Within the Clinton Administration, there was a focus on issues of equality and recognizing the racial wrongdoings of the past. This included a presidential apology to black families impacted by the Tuskegee syphilis experiment and an historic agreement to award black farmers billions of dollars due to discrimination in the federal government’s farm loan program. The administrations that followed continued the practice of appointing more minorities, particularly blacks, to more visible and high-level positions, which set the precedent for today’s current landscape where a lack of administration diversity is seen as a liability.

    Apology/Reparations: B

    The president’s 1997 One America Race Commission followed an ambitious agenda outlined in five key points designed to bring the race issue to the forefront. However, one the possibility of an apology for slavery was not specifically included, and it became a major sticking point in the national dialogue on race. There were factions inside the White House that pushed for a public apology and another group that felt it was not the right time. While it was groundbreaking that it was even considered, the administration gets a grade of F for failure to formally apologize for slavery. Yet, at the same time, Clinton and his administration did host a very visible national dialogue on race and worked to right the wrongs for the nation’s black farmers who were denied agricultural loans by the Department of Agriculture based solely on race. It was President Bill Clinton who began the financial restitution process for those farmers. (They would ultimately wait almost two decades before they were actually awarded funds.

    President Clinton, known as a centrist, supported policies designed in part to address the racial wealth gap, such as doubling the number of new housing vouchers, expanding child care tax credits and expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit to provide financial relief to families with more than two children. In 1994, Clinton directed HUD Secretary Henry Cisneros to increase the homeownership rate by ensuring “that families currently underrepresented among homeowners, particularly minority families, young families, and low-income families can partake of the American dream.” (In 2000, five years after the Clinton housing initiative, the homeownership rate was 67 percent, with African Americans and Latinos making notable improvements.) His outreach also included efforts to reduce the numbers on the welfare rolls by reforming the system. He led by example, pledging that over a hundred federal departments would actively hire previous welfare recipients in permanent and temporary positions including the Commerce Department, Defense Department and Social Security Administration. Clinton also focused on efforts to curb illegal gun use by trying to close the “gun show loophole” and calling for background checks of gun purchasers.

    International Outreach: B

    On international outreach, President Clinton himself admits he failed when it came to stopping the Rwanda genocides. However, he placed an unprecedented focus on Africa’s potential as a trading partner with the United States. Some of the effort was a result of conversations with Commerce Secretary Ron Brown, who urged establishing trade relations with the mineral-rich continent that would benefit American companies as well as promote economic development in Africa. After Brown’s untimely death in 1996, President Clinton established the Ron H. Brown Institute in sub-Saharan Africa as a commitment to his vision of private sector-led economic growth. In 2000, President Clinton also signed into law the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that expands market access for textile and apparel goods in the United States for eligible countries in sub-Saharan Africa. AGOA also allows for duty-free goods out of designated countries.

    The economy soared in the 1990s, 23 million jobs were created during the Clinton years and for the first time in 30 years, incomes of the bottom 20 percent of the workforce rose nearly as much as the top 20 percent. Clinton also advocated for and won an increase in the minimum wage in 1995-96 and invested in skills development for workers, primarily benefitting the bottom of the socioeconomic spectrum where minorities are over-represented. Despite all that, Clinton did little to reverse the racial unemployment gap: Black unemployment remained double that of whites.

    Administration Diversity: A

    During the first term of President George W. Bush, former President Clinton correctly pointed out that Bush’s administration the most ethnically diverse Republican administration ever. But President Bush also did something no other president, Democrat or Republican, had ever done: He appointed many people of color in top-tier cabinet roles. General Colin Powell was tapped to head the State Department, followed by Condoleezza Rice. Two other African Americans, Alphonso Jackson and Rod Paige, led the Housing and Urban Development and Education offices, respectively.

    Apology/Reparations: C-

    Like Clinton before him, President Bush took a multi-nation tour of Africa and traveled to sub-Saharan Africa not once but twice during his two terms as president. This was somewhat unanticipated since this president received only a small percentage of the minority vote and was viewed by the black community as much less concerned about their plight as the previous administration. However, like his predecessor, when it came to an apology for slavery, President Bush ultimately did not support the issue. Talk behind the scenes was that the administration subscribed to the logic that Africans sold their own to slave traders and therefore “participated” in the act of slavery, thus there was no need for an official American apology. On reparations issues, in 2008, Congress passed and President Bush signed a law that allowed black farmers to pursue compensation for the USDA discrimination in the years between 1981 and 1996, but there would be no resolution until the next administration.

    Early in Bush’s term, a controversy brewed over a friend-of-the-court brief filed by the Bush Administration to the United States Supreme Court expressing disagreement with racial “preferences” used in the admissions process at the University of Michigan. Needless to say, that brief did not sit well with many members of the black community.

    But that was nothing compared to the one event that overshadowed all issues involving race relations during the Bush years: Katrina. One in three people living in the areas hardest hit by the hurricane were black, and in the devastating wake of the storm, more than 40 percent of the dead in Louisiana were identified as African American. The delayed response to the hurricane, which killed upwards of 1,800 people, was a devastating blow to the Republican Party and any possibility of improving the party’s relations with the black community after African Americans fled the party in the 1960s.

    International Outreach: A

    In 2003, President Bush launched the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) to focus on managing the outbreak of HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis in sub-Saharan Africa. The program allowed people in the recipient countries to obtain drugs at a lower cost, and it had real results: The number of people in the region on anti-retroviral drugs increased from about 100,000 before PEPFAR to about 2 million around the end of Bush’s term. Today, many credit the initiative with ultimately slowing the epidemic. In total, Bush established the Millennium Challenge Corporation (a foreign aid agency), expanded the African Growth and Opportunity Act (which offers incentives for African countries opening their markets), launched the President’s Malaria Initiative and established PEPFAR. Scores of lives have been saved, epidemics have been better managed and foreign relations improved because of these programs, which were all part of the 640 percent-increase in foreign aid to Africa under Bush.

    The latest United States recession began toward the end of the George W. Bush years causing the economy to tank and sending unemployment rates up rapidly. Gas prices rose to over $4 a gallon, the internet bubble burst and job growth slowed to a crawl. Under Bush, the number of people in poverty increased by 26 percent.

    Overall Grade: B+ (so far)

    Administration Diversity: A

    The Obama Administration has been criticized on a number of occasions for not having enough African Americans in key positions at the White House, in the Cabinet and nominated for federal court positions. But attempts at diversity haven’t all been a wash: The administration made history with the first African American Attorney General, EPA Director and Head of Homeland Security. Obama has also appointed more black judges than any other president in American history. Research in 2014 by the Alliance for Justice indicated that 19 percent of the federal judges confirmed up to that point in the Obama administration had been African American, compared to 7 percent confirmed during the eight years President Bush was in office. (During the two terms of Bill Clinton, African Americans accounted for approximately 16 percent of the federal judge confirmations.)

    Apology/Reparations: A

    There has never been a debate or on-the-record statement during the Obama Administration on the issue of an official U.S. apology for slavery. While in Africa, President Obama did talk about “overcoming the stain of slavery,” but never publicly mentioned an apology. However, progress was made as far as reparations are concerned. Obama ended almost two decades of vacillating on the payment for the black farmers, a process that President Clinton initially began. (John Boyd, the head of the National Black Farmers Association, said monies have been disbursed totaling $1.2 billion for black farmers.)

    The Obama administration focused on issue of health (most famously the Affordable Care Act) in an effort to boost the wellness of all Americans, including seven million uninsured black Americans. Obama is also credited with the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, which invested hundreds of billions in infrastructure, education and renewably energy and created jobs at all levels of the income spectrum. The Recovery Act provided tax credits, improvements in unemployment insurance and food stamp increases, keeping 1.4 million African Americans out of poverty. Obama has focused on civil rights by creating a project to supplement his “My Brother’s Keeper” program that will provide support for at-risk minority males partly in response to high-profile events involving African American men such as the deaths of Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown and Eric Garner.

    International Outreach: B

    In 2014, President Obama hosted a first-of-its-kind leadership summit with African leaders and American businesses to discuss increasing trade between the two countries. Also during his administration, President Obama offered help to places like Sudan and Nigeria in taking on terror groups whose growth across the continent could threaten American interests. On Ebola, the administration led a concerted effort to keep close tabs on visitors from West Africa and potentially infected people while avoiding calls to seal the affected countries’ borders, which could have been economically catastrophic for the affected countries’ fragile economies.

    A 2011 Department of Labor Study showed there was an average unemployment rate then of nearly 16 percent for African Americans, double the 8 percent for whites, and 11.5 percent for Hispanics. There has been improvement since, but the figure still remains in the double digits for blacks. The Obama administration’s economic numbers are a tale of two Americas: One for whites and another for black Americans. The Obama administration saw the creation of 11 million jobs since the beginning of 2010 and the overall unemployment rate dropped from 10 percent to 5.6 percent. But the picture for blacks is bleaker, with a 10.4 percent unemployment rate and one in four African Americans living in poverty. Data also shows black Americans earning 60 cents for every dollar earned by white Americans.

    This article was adapted from The Presidency in Black and White: My Up Close View of Three Presidents and Race in America by April Ryan. Copyright © April Ryan. Used by arrangement with the Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or printed without permission in writing from the publisher.


    Damon Weaver, who interviewed Barack Obama as an 11-year-old child in 󈧍, is dead at 23, May 1, 2021

    Murder = 83 (23rd prime number) *End = 23

    Damon Weaver interviewed Barack Obama in 󈧍.

    Now he is dead at 23, and 23 is the 9th prime number. *End = 5+14+4 = 23

    He was 11 years old at the time of the interview.

    And notice he died May 1, 2021, a date with 47 numerology, and the anniversary of the Bavarian Illuminati’s establishment.

    5/1/2021 = 5+1+20+21 = 47 *President = 47 *White House = 47 *Damon = 47

    Keep in mind May 1 is the 121st day of the year.

    Damon Weaver = 49 / 59 / 121 *Welfare = 49 / 59 / 121 *Blood Sacrifice = 121
    -Renegade = 59 (Obama’s Secret Service name) *Slave = 59 *Negro = 59 *Rasta = 59

    2 Opmerkings

    “Welfare” = 119 (Reverse Ordinal)

    “Reporter” = 47 (Reverse Full Reduction)

    “First Black President” = 211 (English Ordinal) – 47th prime

    His death came a span of 96-days from Obama’s birthday.

    “Damon Weaver’s Sacrifice” = 96 (Full Reduction)(Freemason)(Masonic Rituals)

    Damon Weaver’s Murder” = 84 (Full Reduction)(Obama’s birthday is 8/4)(United States of America)(Jesuit)

    He was 11 at the time, interviewing the ‘first’ black President.

    “Eleven” = 27 (Full Reduction)
    “Eleven” = 27 (Reverse Full Reduction)
    “First” = 27 (Full Reduction)

    “Eleven” = 63 (English Ordinal)
    “First” = 63 (Reverse Ordinal)

    The news of his death comes on 25 date numerology. Damon = 25. Death = 25.
    The news of his death comes 81 days before Obama’s upcoming birthday. Ritual = 81.
    The news of his death comes a span of 11 weeks and 5 days before Obama’s upcoming birthday. Killing = 115.
    The news of his death comes 44 days after his birthday. Kill = 44. (Obama was number 44.)
    The news of his death comes 6 weeks and 2 days after his birthday. Sacrifice = 62.
    He died on the 121st day of the year. Damon Weaver = 121. Blood Sacrifice = 121.
    He died 38 weeks after Obama’s birthday. Death, Murder, Killing, all sum to 38. (He reportedly died from “Natural Causes“ = 38.)
    He died a span of 3 months and 4 days before Obama’s upcoming birthday. Weaver = 34. Murder = 34.
    He died on the 31st day of his age. Obama = 31.
    He died while Obama was 59 years old. Damon Weaver = 59.
    He interviewed Obama on 8/13/09, which had 23 date numerology and now he’s dead at the age of 23.
    He interviewed Obama on the 225th day of the year. (The square root of 225 is 15.) The news of his death comes on the 15th day of the month.
    He interviewed Obama at the age of 11, and now 11 years later he’s dead. Obama = 31 is the 11th prime.
    (He was born on 4/1, the 1st day of the month. He’s dead on 5/1, the 1st day of the month.)