Geskiedenis Podcasts

Toe segregasie -mense die huis van Martin Luther King jr

Toe segregasie -mense die huis van Martin Luther King jr

Op 30 Januarie 1956 is die huis van Martin Luther King Jr. gebombardeer deur segregationiste as vergelding vir die sukses van die Montgomery Bus Boycott.


Martin Luther King Jr. (1929-1968)

Taylor B. Tak, At Canaan's Edge: America in the King Years, 1965-68 (New York: Simon en Schuster, 2006).

Taylor B. Tak, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (New York: Simon en Schuster, 1988).

Taylor B. Tak, Vuurkolom: Amerika in die Koningsjare, 1963-65 (New York: Simon en Schuster, 1998).

Clayborne Carson, red., Die outobiografie van Martin Luther King, Jr. Herdruk uitg. (2001 New York: Warner Books, 1998).

Michael Eric Dyson, Ek kom dalk nie saam met jou nie: The True Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Free Press, 2000).

Adam Fairclough, To Redeem the Soul of America: The Southern Christian Leadership Conference en Martin Luther King, Jr. Nuwe uitg. (2001 Athene: University of Georgia Press, 1987).

David J. Garrow, Dra die kruis: Martin Luther King, Jr., en die Southern Christian Leadership Conference Herdruk uitg. (2004 New York: Morrow, 1986).

David J. Garrow, Die FBI en Martin Luther King, Jr.: Van "Solo" tot Memphis (New York: Norton, 1981).

John A. Kirk, Martin Luther King Jr.: Profiele in krag (New York: Longman, 2004).

Laura T. McCarty, Coretta Scott King: 'n biografie (Santa Barbara, Kalifornië: ABC-Clio, 2009).

David S. Williams, Van heuwels tot megakerk: die godsdienstige erfenis van Georgia (Athene: University of Georgia Press, 2008).


[Geskiedenis wat op hierdie dag gebeur het]: Martin Luther King Jr.- huis gebombardeer

Op 30 Januarie 1956 bombardeer 'n ongeïdentifiseerde wit supremacistiese terroris die huis van Montgomery van dominee dr Martin Luther King, jr. Niemand is beseer nie, maar die ontploffing was woedend vir die gemeenskap en was 'n belangrike bewys van King se vaste verbintenis tot geweldloosheid.

King was relatief nuut in Montgomery, Alabama, maar het hom vinnig by die burgerregtestryd daar betrek. Hy was 'n toonaangewende organiseerder van die Montgomery Bus Boikot, wat in Desember 1955 begin het nadat aktivis Rosa Parks gearresteer is omdat sy geweier het om haar sitplek op 'n geskeide stadsbus aan 'n wit passasier op te gee. Die boikot het King nasionale erkenning gebring, maar het hom ook 'n teiken van blanke oppergesag gemaak. Hy het die aand van 30 Januarie in 'n nabygeleë kerk gepraat toe 'n man in 'n motor optrek, na King se huis stap en 'n plofstof op die stoep gooi. Die bom het afgegaan en die huis beskadig, maar het nie die vrou van King, Coretta Scott King, beskadig wat saam met die egpaar se sewe maande oue dogter Yolanda binne was nie.

Die nuus van die bombardement het vinnig versprei, en 'n woedende skare het gou bymekaar gekom buite die huis van King. 'N Paar minute nadat sy huis gebombardeer is, op 'n afstand van die plek van die ontploffing, het King gewelddadig gepreek. 'Ek wil hê dat u ons vyande moet liefhê', het hy aan sy ondersteuners gesê. "Wees goed vir hulle, wees lief vir hulle, en laat hulle weet dat jy hulle liefhet." Dit was 'n uitstekende voorbeeld van King se sterk oortuiging in geweldloosheid, want wat 'n oproer kon wees, het eerder 'n kragtige vertoning geword van die hoogste ideale van die burgerregtebeweging.

Die huis van Martin Luther King, Jr., word gebombardeer
Op 30 Januarie 1956 het 'n ongeïdentifiseerde wit supremacistiese terroris die huis van eerwaarde dr Martin Luther King, jr., In Montgomery gebombardeer. Niemand is beseer nie, maar die ontploffing was woedend vir die gemeenskap en was 'n belangrike bewys van King se vaste verbintenis tot geweldloosheid.

King was relatief nuut in Montgomery, Alabama, maar het hom vinnig by die burgerregtestryd daar betrek. Hy was 'n toonaangewende organiseerder van die Montgomery Bus Boikot, wat in Desember 1955 begin het nadat aktivis Rosa Parks gearresteer is omdat sy geweier het om haar sitplek op 'n geskeide stadsbus aan 'n wit passasier op te gee. Die boikot het King nasionale erkenning gebring, maar het hom ook 'n teiken van blanke oppergesag gemaak. Hy het die aand van 30 Januarie in 'n nabygeleë kerk gepraat toe 'n man in 'n motor optrek, na King se huis stap en 'n plofstof op die stoep gooi. Die bom het afgegaan en die huis beskadig, maar het nie die vrou van King, Coretta Scott King, wat saam met die egpaar se sewe maande oue dogter, Yolanda, seergemaak het nie, benadeel.

Die nuus van die bombardement het vinnig versprei, en 'n woedende skare het gou buite King se huis vergader. 'N Paar minute nadat sy huis gebombardeer is, op 'n afstand van die plek van die ontploffing, het King gewelddadig gepreek. 'Ek wil hê dat u ons vyande moet liefhê', het hy aan sy ondersteuners gesê. "Wees goed vir hulle, wees lief vir hulle, en laat hulle weet dat jy hulle liefhet." Dit was 'n uitstekende voorbeeld van King se sterk oortuiging in geweldloosheid, want wat 'n oproer kon wees, het eerder 'n kragtige vertoning geword van die hoogste ideale van die burgerregtebeweging.

King het bygevoeg dat 'as ek gestop word, hierdie beweging nie ophou nie', 'n gevoel wat hy sy hele lewe lank herhaal het. Later dieselfde jaar, terwyl die boikot nog van krag was, het iemand 'n haelgeweer afgevuur na die huis van die Kings, en hulle het steeds dreigemente en intimidasie ontvang - insluitend 'n dreigbrief van die Federale Buro vir Ondersoek - totdat King in 1968 vermoor is Die bombardement was slegs een hoofstuk in 'n lang geskiedenis van geweld teen burgerregte -leiers en Afro -Amerikaners wat tot vandag toe voortduur. Bomaanvalle, skietery en brandstigting by Afro -Amerikaanse kerke bly steeds skokkend algemeen in die Verenigde State - 'n bloedbad wat deur 'n blanke supremacist by 'n kerk in Charleston, Suid -Carolina, gepleeg is, het in 2015 nege lewens geëis, en in 2019 is die seun van 'n plaasvervanger van die balju gearresteer en aangekla van 'n reeks brandstigtingaanvalle op Afro -Amerikaanse kerke in Louisiana

King het bygevoeg dat 'as ek gestop word, hierdie beweging nie ophou nie', 'n gevoel wat hy sy hele lewe lank herhaal het. Later dieselfde jaar, terwyl die boikot nog van krag was, het iemand 'n haelgeweer afgevuur na die huis van die Kings, en hulle het steeds dreigemente en intimidasie ontvang - insluitend 'n dreigbrief van die Federale Buro vir Ondersoek - totdat King in 1968 vermoor is Die bombardement was slegs een hoofstuk in 'n lang geskiedenis van geweld teen burgerregte -leiers en Afro -Amerikaners wat tot vandag toe voortduur. Bomaanvalle, skietery en brandstigting by Afro -Amerikaanse kerke bly steeds skokkend algemeen in die Verenigde State - 'n bloedbad wat deur 'n blanke supremacist by 'n kerk in Charleston, Suid -Carolina, gepleeg is, het in 2015 nege lewens geëis, en in 2019 is die seun van 'n plaasvervanger van die balju gearresteer en aangekla van 'n reeks brandstigtingaanvalle op Afro -Amerikaanse kerke in Louisiana


Die Koningsjare

1929 Martin Luther King, Jr., word op 15 Januarie om 12uur gebore, vir dominee en mev. Martin Luther King, sr., In hul huis in Auburn Avenue 501 in Atlanta, Georgia.

1944 MLK wen 'n redenaarskompetisie op 17 April met 'n toespraak getiteld "The Negro and The Constitution." Op vyftienjarige ouderdom studeer hy aan die Booker T. Washington High School en word op 20 September by Morehouse College (Atlanta) toegelaat.

1948 MLK word op 25 Februarie op negentienjarige ouderdom as predikant by die Ebenezer Baptistekerk georden, sy vader is sy predikant. MLK studeer op 8 Junie aan die Morehouse College met 'n graad in sosiologie. Hy betree Crozer Theological Seminary (Pennsylvania) op 14 September.

1951 MLK ontvang 'n baccalaureusgraad van die goddelike graad van Crozer op 8 Mei en hoor sy eerste lesing oor Gandhi. Hy betree die Universiteit van Boston vir nagraadse studie in teologie op 13 September.

1953 Coretta Scott en MLK trou op 18 Junie in Marion, Alabama, Martin Luther King, senior, tree op tydens die seremonie.

1954 MLK lewer sy eerste proefpreek in die Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, op 24 Januarie. Op 31 Oktober word hy sy predikant.

1955 MLK verwerf op 5 Junie die doktorsgraad in filosofie in sistematiese teologie aan die Universiteit van Boston aan die Universiteit van Boston. Sy proefskrifonderwerp: "A Comparison of God in the Thinking of Paul Tillich and Henry Wiseman." MLK word op 26 Augustus verkies tot die uitvoerende komitee van die Montgomery NAACP. Na Rosa Parks se arrestasie op 1 Desember omdat sy geweier het om haar sitplek op 'n geskeide bus op te gee, sluit hy aan by die busboikot. Op 5 Desember word MLK verkies tot president van die Montgomery Improvement Association en word hy die woordvoerder en leier van die busboikot.

1956 Op 26 Januarie word MLK gearresteer as deel van 'n "Get Tough" -veldtog om die busboikotters te intimideer. Op 30 Januarie word sy huis gebombardeer. Hy pleit suksesvol vir kalmte by 'n wraakgierige skare bure wat buite sy huis vergader het. Op 13 November beslis die Hooggeregshof dat bussegregasie onwettig is. Nadat die swart Montgomery meer as een jaar as deel van die boikot gestap het, is MLK die oggend van 21 Desember een van die eerste passasiers wat op die nuut geïntegreerde busse gery het.

1957 MLK vorm die Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) om segregasie te beveg en burgerregte te bereik, en word op 14 Februarie sy eerste president. Hy en Coretta woon op 6 Maart die middernag seremonies in Accra by, wat die onafhanklikheid van Ghana aandui. Op 17 Mei, in Washington, DC, praat MLK met 'n skare van vyftienduisend tydens die Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom om burgerregte uit te brei. Op 27 September, gedeeltelik in reaksie op die Gebedsbedevaart, het die Amerikaanse kongres die eerste burgerregtewet sedert die heropbou goedgekeur.

1958 MLK se eerste boek, Stride Toward Freedom, word op 17 September gepubliseer. By 'n Harlem -boekondertekening op 20 September word MLK amper doodgemaak toe hy deur 'n aanvaller gesteek word. Saam met ander burgerregte -leiers vergader hy op 23 Junie met president Dwight D. Eisenhower om probleme oor swart Amerikaners te bespreek.

1959 MLK en Coretta val op 2 Februarie na Indië en vertoef daar 'n maand as die gaste van premier Jawaharlal Nehru om die filosofie van geweldloosheid van Mahatma Gandhi te bestudeer en hulde te bring aan sy heiligdom. Op 29 November kondig MLK sy bedanking aan, effektief 1 Januarie, as leraar van die Dexter Avenue Baptist Church om voltyds op burgerregte te konsentreer. Hy verhuis na Atlanta om die aktiwiteite van die SCLC te bestuur.

1960 Op 20 Januarie verhuis MLK na Atlanta en word hy saam met sy pa mede-pastor by die Ebenezer Baptist Church. Middagete begin op 1 Februarie in Greensboro, Noord-Carolina. Die koördinerende komitee vir studente word op 15 April gestig om studentebetogings by die Shaw -universiteit in Raleigh, Noord -Carolina, en elders te koördineer. MLK is die hoofspreker by die geleentheid. In Atlanta, op 19 Oktober, word MLK gearresteer tydens 'n sit-in terwyl hy wag om in 'n restaurant bedien te word. Hy word vier maande tronkstraf opgelê, maar na ingryping deur die destydse presidentskandidaat John Kennedy en sy broer Robert Kennedy, word MLK vrygelaat.

1961 Op 4 Mei, kort nadat die Hooggeregshof segregasie in interstaatlike vervoer verbied het, begin die betogers van die Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) met die eerste Freedom Ride deur die Suide, wat as 'n ras -gemengde groep op 'n Greyhound -bus reis. Op 21 Mei spreek MLK 'n massa-byeenkoms toe ter ondersteuning van 'n ander groep Freedom Riders in 'n menigte beleërde kerk in Montgomery, Alabama. In November verbied die Interstate Commerce Commission segregasie in interstate -reise in reaksie op die betogings van die Freedom Riders. Op 15 Desember arriveer MLK in Albany, Georgia, op versoek van die leier van die Albany -protes, om openbare geriewe daar te skei. Die volgende dag, tydens 'n betoging bygewoon deur sewehonderd betogers, word MLK gearresteer omdat hy die sypaadjie belemmer en sonder 'n permit paradeer.

1962 Na die onsuksesvolle beweging in Albany, Georgia, word MLK op 10 Julie verhoor en skuldig bevind omdat hy die optog die vorige Desember gelei het. Hy word weer op 27 Julie gearresteer en tronk toe gestuur omdat hy 'n gebedswaak in Albany gehou het. Hy verlaat die tronk op 10 Augustus en stem in om die betogings daar te stop. Op 16 Oktober ontmoet hy president Kennedy in die Withuis.

1963 Sit-in demonstrasies begin in Februarie in Birmingham, Alabama. Op 3 April word die Birmingham -veldtog amptelik van stapel gestuur. Op Goeie Vrydag, 12 April, arresteer polisiekommissaris, Eugene "Bull" Connor, MLK en Ralph Abernathy omdat hulle sonder 'n permit betoog het. Gedurende die dae wat hy in die tronk sit, skryf MLK sy historiese 'Letter from Birmingham Jail'. Op 19 April word MLK en Abernathy op borgtog vrygelaat. Gedurende 2-7 Mei gebruik die polisie in Birmingham brandslange en honde teen die Kinderkruisvaart. Meer as duisend betogers, meestal hoërskoolleerlinge, word tronk toe gestuur. Protesleiers skort massademonstrasies op terwyl onderhandelinge op 8 Mei begin. Twee dae later word die Birmingham -ooreenkoms aangekondig. Die winkels, restaurante en skole sal gedegregeer word om swart mense in diens te neem en aanklagte teen die betogers te laat vaar. Die dag nadat die skikking bereik is, bombardeer segregationiste die Gaston Motel waar MLK gebly het. Op 13 Mei arriveer federale troepe in Birmingham. Die protesoptogte in Birmingham blyk die keerpunt in die oorlog te wees om die regsverdeling in die Suide te beëindig. Op 11 Junie kondig president Kennedy nuwe burgerregte -wetgewing aan. Kennedy is die eerste Amerikaanse president wat in die openbaar gesê het dat segregasie juridies en moreel verkeerd is. Op 23 Junie lei MLK 125 000 mense op 'n Freedom Walk in Detroit. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom op 28 Augustus is die grootste demonstrasie van burgerregte in die geskiedenis met byna 250 000 optoggangers. MLK lei die optog vir werk en vryheid. Die betogers eis 'n einde aan staatsondersteunde segregasie en gelyke werksgeleenthede. Tydens die optog hou MLK sy onvergeetlike toespraak oor "I Have a Dream". Op 15 September in Birmingham sterf 'n dinamietontploffing vier swart meisies wat die Sondagskool by die Sestiende Straat Baptiste Kerk bywoon. MLK lewer die lofrede vir die vier meisies op 22 September. President Kennedy word op 22 November vermoor.

1964 Op 3 Januarie verskyn MLK op die voorblad van die tydskrif Time as die Man van die Jaar. MLK word gearresteer om te protesteer vir die integrasie van openbare verblyf in St. Augustine, Florida, op 11 Junie. 21. Junie MLK woon die ondertekeningseremonie van die Civil Rights Act van 1964 by die Withuis op 2 Julie by. Die FBI vind die lyke van die vermoorde burgerregte -werkers wat nie ver van Philadelphia, Mississippi, begrawe is nie. Op 10 Desember, op vyf-en-dertigjarige ouderdom, word MLK die jongste persoon wat die Nobelprys vir Vrede ontvang het.

1965 Op 2 Februarie word MLK in Selma, Alabama, gearresteer tydens 'n demonstrasie van stemregte. Betogende optogte word op 7 Maart op die Pettus -brug geslaan deur patrolliemanne op die snelweg en afgevaardigdes van die balju. In reaksie op die wrede slae spreek president Johnson die nasie toe, beskryf die stemreg wat hy aan die kongres sal onderwerp en gebruik die slagspreuk wat bekend gemaak is deur die burgerregtebeweging: "Ons sal oorkom." Federale troepe word op 21-25 Maart gemobiliseer om meer as drieduisend betogers wat van Selma na Montgomery marsjeer, te beskerm. MLK, wat die optog gelei het, spreek 'n skare van meer as vyf-en-twintigduisend ondersteuners toe voor die Wieg van die Konfederasie, die Alabama State Capitol. Op 6 Augustus word die wet op stemreg van 1965 deur president Johnson onderteken en MLK kry een van die penne.

1966 Op 22 Januarie verhuis MLK in 'n woonstel in Chicago om aandag te vestig op die lewensomstandighede van die armes. In die lente toer hy in Alabama om swart amptenare te help kies ingevolge die paswetlike stemregwet. Op 10 Julie begin MLK 'n poging om Chicago 'n oop stad te maak ten opsigte van behuising. James Meredith word geskiet tydens MLK se March Against Fear, op 6 Junie. MLK en ander gaan voort met die optog. Op 5 Augustus, terwyl hy 'n optog deur Chicago lei, word MLK gestenig deur 'n skare kwaai blankes.

1967 Op 4 April lewer MLK sy eerste openbare toespraak teen die oorlog in die Riverside Church in New York. Op 15 April lewer hy in die skaduwee van die Verenigde Nasies se toespraak 'n toespraak teen die oorlog in Viëtnam in wat die grootste vredesbetoging in die geskiedenis van die land word. Die departement van justisie berig dat vanaf 6 Julie meer as 50 persent van alle stemgeregtigde swart kiesers nou geregistreer is om te stem in Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana en Suid -Carolina. Die Hooggeregshof bekragtig 'n skuldigbevinding aan MLK deur 'n Birmingham -hof vir die demonstrasie sonder 'n permit. Vanaf 30 Oktober sit MLK vier dae in 'n tronk in Birmingham. Op 27 November kondig MLK die aanvang van die Poor People's -veldtog aan wat fokus op werk en vryheid vir die armes van alle rasse.

1968 MLK kondig aan dat die Poor People's-veldtog sal uitloop op 'n optog na Washington om 'n $ 12 miljard-handves van $ 12 miljard te eis wat die arbeidsvermoë waarborg, inkomste vir diegene wat nie kan werk nie, en 'n einde aan behuisingsdiskriminasie. Op 18 Maart praat MLK met sanitêre werkers wat staak in Memphis, Tennessee, en stem in om hulle te ondersteun. Op 28 Maart lei MLK 'n optog wat gewelddadig word. Hy is ontsteld oor die geweld, maar belowe om weer te marsjeer nadat die betogers dissipline geleer het. Op 3 April lewer MLK die toespraak "I'm Been to the Mountaintop" by die Memphis Masonic Temple. Met sonsondergang op 4 April skiet die skerpskutter James Earl Ray dodelik MLK neer terwyl die burgerregte -leier op 'n balkon van die Lorraine Motel in Memphis staan. Ray word later skuldig bevind aan die moord, wat onluste en onrus in 130 Amerikaanse stede veroorsaak en tot 20 000 arrestasies lei. Die begrafnis van MLK, op 9 April in Atlanta, is 'n internasionale gebeurtenis, en sy kis word op 'n muilwaentjie gedra, gevolg deur meer as 50 000 rouklaers. Binne 'n week na die sluipmoord word die wet op oop behuising deur die kongres goedgekeur.

1986 Op 2 November word MLK se verjaardag, 15 Januarie, as 'n nasionale vakansiedag verklaar.

2011 Die toewyding van die Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.-gedenkteken vind plaas in Washington, DC, 26-28 Augustus.

Tydlyn van MLK: 'n viering in woord en beeld bekendgestel deur Charles Johnson, onder redaksie van Bob Adelman


3: Martin Luther King Jr. oor die oorwinning van vrees

Let wel: Die Humanity -argief is opgeneem om gehoor en gevoel te word. As u kan, stel ons u sterk voor om na die klank te luister. Skryf kan nie die emosie van die opgeneemde vertoning produseer nie. Transkripsies word gemaak voordat die vertoning vervaardig word, dus dit is nie woord vir woord nie. Gaan die ooreenstemmende klank na voordat u in druk aangehaal word.

Op 20 September 1958 was 'n 29-jarige Martin Luther King, jr. In Blumstein's Department Store in Harlem. En ek wonder of hy besef het dat dit 24 jaar vroeër by Blumstein die plek was van grond nul vir 'n burgerregtestryd soortgelyk aan sy eie. U sien, in 1934 was dit die plek waar die veldtog 'Koop waar u kan werk' was. 75% van die Blumstein -winkelverkope was aan swart mense. Tog kon hulle nie daar as klerke of kassiere werk nie. Nou protesteer duisende. Nodeloos om te sê, hulle het kort daarna swart mense aangestel.

So hier sit King in dieselfde winkel en kopieë van sy boek, Stride Toward Freedom, onderteken. Die boek, in alle besonderhede, was King se intieme weergawe van hoe hy en 50 000 ander vir burgerregte geveg het sonder geweld. En in 1955, hoe hulle die verrassend suksesvolle Montgomery -busboikot opgevoer het. Ek kan nog steeds nie my fassinasie met die ironie hier inhou dat hy nou in 'n winkel sit wat geboikot is vir dieselfde ding waarvoor hy geboikot het nie. Hou op met die interessante feit, want daar is 'n groter rede dat die boekondertekening van King nie sou verloop soos beplan nie.

U sien, wat georganiseer is om 'n lighartige gebeurtenis te wees, dit is 'n boekondertekening. Een waar hy net 'n minuut kon ontspan van al die burgerregte wat sukkel en nuwe lesers ontmoet en sy aanhangers en bewonderaars groet. Dit sou 'n donker wending neem toe King groet en boeke onderteken, en 'n beskeie 42-jarige vrou het hom genader. Sy het 'n slim pak, 'n katbril, 'n halssnoer en oorbelle aangehad en 'n groot swart handsak gedra. En sy vra: 'Is jy, Martin Luther King?' Toe hy ja antwoord. Sy het gesê jy irriteer my al lank. Toe steek sy 'n briefopener diep in sy bors in.

Hierdie vrou is later geïdentifiseer as Izola Curry. Oorspronklik van Georgië. Sy het verhuis na New York vir werk. Daar is nie veel oor haar bekend nie, maar later is bevind dat sy skisofreen is. En sy het lank gedink dat King en die NAACP haar konstant onder toesig hou. Sy het gedink dat dit haar vyande is. Ek was geskok oor die foto's van Curry in die New York Daily News. Ek bedoel, sy was diep ontsteld in haar gesigsuitdrukkings, maar deur haar voorkoms sou ek nooit gedink het dat sy iemand kan vermoor nie. Sy het net soos hierdie beskeie, gawe, effens meer gelyk as 'n middeljarige swart vrou wat op pad kerk toe was, nie iemand wat op pad is tronk toe vir poging tot moord op Martin Luther King, Jr.

Nou kan ek my nie voorstel hoe dit is om gesteek te word nie, maar ek het verslae gelees waar mense sê dat hulle niks gevoel het nie, meestal van skok en adrenalien. En dan het die rekeninge ook betrekking op dinge soos dat hulle elke millimeter van die staal in hul liggaam voel voel en hierdie pynlike ervaring. Die polisie het op die toneel gekom om King in 'n stoel te sien sit. Hy was verstom en hy het die briefopener se ivoorhandvatsel nog net onder sy kraag uitsteek. Hy is na die hospitaal gehaas en chirurge het sy bors oopgemaak en na 'n gevaarlike operasie, net 'n paar sentimeter van sy hart af, het hy oorleef. En King sê daaroor, "toe ek gesond genoeg was om met dr. Aubre Maynard, die hoof van die chirurge wat die delikate, gevaarlike operasie uitgevoer het, te praat, het ek die rede geleer vir die lang vertraging wat met die operasie plaasgevind het.

Hy het my vertel dat die vlympunt van die instrument my aorta aangeraak het en dat my hele bors oop moes wees om dit uit te haal. "'As u gedurende al die ure se nies ge -nies het, het dr. Maynard gesê dat u aorta gebreek sou gewees het en dat u in u eie bloed sou verdrink het.' 'Curry sou die res van haar lewe in geestesinstellings deurbring vir die poging tot moord op Koning. Sy sterf eers in 2015 en sy is grotendeels verlore in die geskiedenis. Koning op 'n tipiese manier van koning, wat ons as vanselfsprekend kan aanvaar, en hy het die oortreding vinnig laat gaan.

Hy sê tot verbasing van baie dat hy gesê het dat hy Curry vergewe het. Nou is dit vir die meeste van ons moeilik om hierdie soort loslating voor te stel. En ek dink ons ​​natuurlike reaksie om gesteek te word, sou wrewel wees, nie waar nie? Terugbetaling. Soos die terugbetaling van die James Brown -liedjie. Die liedjies is gewild om 'n rede. Dit is hoe die meeste van ons dink. Maar u moet u die morele sterkte, die moed, al hierdie dinge voorstel wat u nodig het om hierdie baie sterk, emosionele gevoelens wat u teenoor iemand sou hê, te laat vaar. En dan om te besluit dat vergifnis die gepaste houding is om in te neem. King het dit gedoen.

Sy liefdesfilosofie het hom toegelaat om die bitterheid, die woede, die haat en die wrok te omseil wat baie van ons sou geteister het. King het gereeld met die sterkste voet opgestaan ​​as met hierdie diepe gevoel van vergifnis. Ek dink dus dat hy 'n hoogs gekwalifiseerde persoon was om ander te help om vrees te oorkom. Dit is die onderwerp van vandag se program. Dr King oor die oorkom van vrees.

Welkom by The Humanity Archive, waar ons die verlede ondersoek, ons hede inlig en kyk na die beste van die mensdom. En soms selfs ons slegste voorbeelde om te sien hoe ons ons in die nou kan plaas en vorentoe kan gaan na 'n beter en beter toekoms. Ons beskou nie net die geskiedenis as 'n statiese rots nie, maar 'n voortdurend vloeiende teenwoordigheid in ons daaglikse lewe en 'n manier om vorentoe te beweeg. Ek is Jermaine Fowler, en ek voel so wonderlik om hier te sit en met jou te gesels in ons onderwerp vir vandag: hierdie idee om vrees te erken en in die gesig te staar.

Ek het die idee vir hierdie program gekry toe ek Martin Luther King, Jr se boek, A Gift of Love, gelees het. En wie moet dit beter gestel het as die persoon wat die voorskrif aan die boek geskryf het, 'n dominee met die naam van dr. Raphael G. Warnock. En hy sê: "Terwyl dr King hom voorberei het op die Birmingham-veldtog vroeg in 1963. Hy het die laaste preke opgestel vir Strength to Love, 'n bundel van sy bekendste homilies. King het gedurende twee weke in die tronk begin werk aan die preke 1962 in hegtenis geneem omdat hy 'n gebedswaak buite die Albany -stadsaal gehou het.

King en Ralph Abernathy het 'n tronksel vir 15 dae gedeel. Volgens King was dit vuil, vuil en swak toegerus, en die ergste wat ek nog ooit gesien het. Terwyl hy agter tralies was, bestee hy ononderbroke tyd aan die voorbereiding van die konsepte vir 'n klassieke preek, soos om jou vyande lief te hê, liefde en aksie en gebroke drome, en het na die vrylating aan die bundel gewerk. "

In hegtenis geneem omdat hy 'n gebedswaak gehou het. As dit nie by u uitkom nie, weet ek nie wat nie. Maar in sy boek praat King baie daaroor. Maar die afdeling oor teenmiddels vir vrees het my ontketen omdat ek gereeld gewonder het waarom 40 miljoen Amerikaners aan 'n angsversteuring ly. Soos hoekom is ons bang? OCD, PTSD, fobies, spanning, ensovoorts. Ek het 'n teorie gehoor wat sê dat al hierdie dinge ons angs toeneem namate ons meer en meer oorskakel na 'n status-soekende, geldgemotiveerde, materiaalgedrewe samelewing, verbruikerskultuur.

Maar as ons fokus op gemeenskap, familie, 'n betekenisvolle filosofie, neem ons angs af. Daar is dus 'n verband. Toe ek dit lees, sien ek waar King lesers op vier stappe lei om vrees te oorkom. Ek dink iets wat vir baie in die gehoor nuttig sal wees, vir my nuttig is, iets wat ek probeer inkorporeer in my daaglikse filosofie. Weereens, hier probeer ons nie net na die geskiedenis kyk asof dit 'n film is nie, maar om te sien hoe ons geskiedenis, filosofie, gedagtes kan gebruik en hulle kan help om ons optrede in die hede in te lig. En ek weet King is iemand wat baie bewonder is, maar ek hoor nie baie mense praat baie oor sy gedagtes hier, oor sy filosofie of oor sy wêreldbeeld nie.

En dit is soort van wat ons hier gaan doen. Ons gaan 'n bietjie meer kyk na die man en sy lewensfilosofie. So weer, hy lei lesers daaroor: dit is die eerste stap om vrees te oorkom. En hy sê: "Eerstens moet ons onwrikbaar ons vrese in die oë kyk en ons eerlik afvra: waarom is ons bang? Hierdie konfrontasie sal ons tot 'n mate krag gee. Ons sal nooit genees word van vrees deur ontsnapping of onderdrukking nie. probeer ons om ons vrese te ignoreer en te onderdruk, hoe meer ons ons innerlike konflikte vermenigvuldig. Deur eerlik en eerlik na ons vrese te kyk, leer ons dat baie van hulle in 'n kind se behoefte of vrees voorkom, deur ons vrese op die voorgrond van bewussyn te bring. om meer denkbeeldig as werklik te wees.

Sommige van hulle sal slange onder die mat wees. ' Op 'n gegewe tydstip is 'n blanke man wreed geslaan en geskop toe hy kwaad was omdat hy hom as die eerste swart gas van 'n historiese Alabama -hotel aangemeld het, of het hy gereageer met die sterkte van liefde? hy marsjeer in Chicago.

Daar is 'n prentjie daarvan. U kan dit nou aanlyn vind. Daarna het hy weer kalm geword en moedig voortgegaan om die protes met 'n besliste senuwee te lei. Stel jou voor dat jy deur 'n see van woede en haat marsjeer. Mense wat werklike geweld teen swart bedreig, selfs al is dit net die gedagte aan ekonomiese bemagtiging vir swart mense. Dit is waarvoor hy daarheen gegaan het om by te dra. Die einste gedagte aan desegregasie. King het gesê: 'Ek het nog nooit, selfs in Mississippi en Alabama, 'n skare gehad wat so haatlik was as wat ek hier in Chicago gesien het nie.' Baie mense dink graag aan die Noorde as 'n meer liberale deel van die land, nie soseer in King se oë nie.

Hy het destyds sy das uitgehaal en hy belowe om aan te hou demonstreer. Toe sê hy, "ja, dit is beslis 'n geslote samelewing. Ons gaan dit 'n oop samelewing maak." Gepraat van die skeiding wat hy tussen die rasse in Chicago gesien het. Gepraat van die gebrek aan geleenthede wat hy vir swart mense in Chicago gesien het. Gepraat van die gebrek aan opwaartse mobiliteit van die swart mense wat hy in Chicago gesien het. Het gesê hy gaan dit vir hulle oopmaak. Dit was sy droom en visie daar. En daar is baie van hierdie gevalle van King wat angs in die gesig staar, waarin hy sy vrees sou moes erken.

Jare vroeër is sy huis in 1956 gebombardeer en dit het op die stoep van sy huis in Montgomery, Alabama, ontplof en sy vrou Coretta was binne. Niemand het seergekry nie, maar dink aan die tipe vrees wat na so iets kan afbreek. Destyds was hy tien weke lank besig om 'n busboikot te lei, wat sy vyande beloof het om te vermorsel. Tog het dit nie eers sy gees onderdruk nie. Probeer nou dink oor wat hy teëgekom het. Om die dood so in die gesig te kyk. Om te gaan na organisasies soos een genaamd The Anti Negro White Citizens Council.

Stel jou voor die Anti Negro White Citizens Council. Dit was 'n groep van die burgemeester en die polisiehoof, en al hierdie regeringsamptenare was openlik deel van hierdie groep. Stel jou voor die moed om teen hierdie tipe vyand op te gaan. En dit kom in sy tweede punt dat moed altyd nodig is wanneer jy bang wil wees. Soos ons almal, ek is seker King, moes hy 'n innerlike stryd met vrees ondervind. Niemand is vreesloos nie, tensy u 'n sosiopaat of 'n psigopaat is of iemand sonder gevoel. Maar selfs al het hy hierdie vrees aan die binnekant, het hy uiterlik standvastig gelyk. Hy het onbewoë gelyk. Dit lyk asof hy gereed was om 'n oorweldigende haat vir Amerika in die gesig te staar.

En in hierdie gees beskou hy as 'n tweede manier waarop ons hierdie vrees kan hanteer, en dit is deur moed. Hy sê: "ons kan vrees bemeester deur een van die hoogste deugde wat die mens ken, moed. Moed is die krag van die verstand om vrees te oorkom. Anders as angs, het vrees 'n definitiewe voorwerp wat gekonfronteer, ontleed, aangeval en as moet volhard. Moed, die vasberadenheid om nie deur 'n voorwerp oorweldig te word nie, hoe vreesaanjaend ook al, stel ons in staat om enige vrees te weerstaan. Baie van ons vrese is nie net slange onder die mat nie. Probleme is 'n werklikheid in die vreemde mengelmoes van die lewe . Gevare skuil binne die omtrek van elke aksie. (14m 9s):

Ongelukke kom wel voor. Swak gesondheid is 'n bedreigende moontlikheid. En die dood is 'n skerp, grimmige en onvermydelike feit van menslike ervaring. Moed is in 'n besluit om vooruit te gaan ten spyte van hindernisse en skrikwekkende situasies. Lafhartigheid is onderdanige oorgawe aan die omstandighede. Moedige mans verloor nooit die lus vir 'n bestaan ​​nie, al is hulle lewe sonder smaak. Lafhartige mans wat oorweldig word deur die onsekerhede van die lewe, verloor die wil om te lewe. Ons moet voortdurend moed skep om die vloed van vrees te weerhou. "

Think of those three solid examples that I just gave you of King facing his fears and living the advice that he is giving us himself. I imagine many of you face your own set of fears daily. Some more challenging than others. And I challenge you to remember this next time you face your next set of challenges and fears. To build up the dyke of courage against a flood of fears as King says. (15m 22s):

Now is the next point is that love is stronger. And he acknowledges that fear has many manifestations, right? Inward ones such as jealousy, hate, self-loathing, and depression, as well as outward ones such as segregation, human persecution, and war. With ongoing fear of death threats to his family, he admitted that he was tempted to carry a firearm. Think about Martin Luther King pistol-packing, toting a gun. Could anybody have blamed him if he did do this? I don't think so, but he knew it was against his nonviolent philosophy. He firmly asserted that the only counter to these fears was love even when much of America hated him.

I don't know if you've heard, but King wasn't as popular in his time then he is now, but he always maintained that even his detractors were his brothers and his sisters. He never let the extreme hate separate him from his belief that peaceful assertiveness was the only means to social change. Love at the foundation of his every action. Love causing him to criticize but not demonize. Love causing him to shed tears but not let those tears turn into rage-filled anger. Love at the basis of his conquering of fear. He says, "fear is mastered through love.

Hate is rooted in fear. And the only cure for fear hate is love. Is not fear one of the major causes of war? We say that war is a consequence of hate, but close scrutiny reveals this sequence. First fear, then hate, then war and finally deeper hatred. We are afraid of the superiority of other people, of failure, and of scorn, and disapproval of those opinions. So we most value envy, jealousy, a lack of self-confidence, a feeling of insecurity, and a haunting sense of inferiority are all rooted in fear. Is there a cure for these annoying theories that pervert our personal lives?

Ja. A deep and abiding commitment to the way of love. Perfect love casts out fear, hatred and bitterness can never cure the disease of fear, only love can do that."

I once heard someone say that, imagine if the people of the Civil Rights Movement let their anger take hold. Let their outrage take hold. Let their bitterness take hold. Let their resentment take hold. Picked up firearms. Let their resentment continue to be fueled. If this were to happen we may have a Black Al Qaeda in America. Terrorist cells everywhere in a continuous war against the American government. This didn't happen. It's due in part to this resounding principle of love that flowed throughout the movement.

This ability to take that resentment and make a different decision about it. Let that resentment bathe in the bath of love and then come forward as critical examination of America in a steadfast commitment to dialog, to protests, to boycott to these other means that would affect change.

Imagine if those are those of the Civil Rights Movement would have done otherwise. America would not be the same as it is today.

Now Martin Luther King, as we know, was a religious leader and he was someone with robust faith. He had a religious zeal and unflinching commitment to revolutionary Christianity. These are parts of King that are entrenched in his legacy and in his personality and in his movement. As a Baptist minister, he fought racism through a mixture of scripture and a hyper-social consciousness. And it's no wonder that his final antidote for fear is faith. And secular or non-secular, religious or non-religious, I think this idea can be applied to anyone. He isn't really talking about blind uncritical faith.

I don't think he is talking about that. He's talking about an acknowledgment of letting whatever your source of good, whether it be spiritual or philosophical, or even the love of your family be the wind at your back. With this idea that humans need faith that comes through spirituality he writes, "fear is mastered through faith. A common source of fear is an awareness of deficient resources in the consequent inadequacy for life. Abnormal fears and phobias that are expressed in neurotic anxiety may be cured by psychiatry, but the fear of death, nonbeing, and nothingness expressed in existential anxiety may be cured only by a positive religious faith.

A positive religious faith does not offer an illusion that we shall be exempt from pain and suffering, nor does it imbue us with the idea that life has a drama of a unalloyed comfort and untroubled ease. Rather it instills us with the inner equilibrium needed to face strains, burdens, and fears that inevitably come, and assures us that the universe is trustworthy and a God is concerned. Religion endows us with the conviction that we are not alone in this vast uncertain universe beneath and above the shifting sands of time. The uncertainties that darken our days and the vicissitudes that cloud our nights as a wise and loving God. That above the manyness of times stands the one eternal God with wisdom to guide us, strength to protect us, and love to keep us."

Though it almost seems blasphemous even to mention the word of God in any form in today's times in this technological, scientific era that we live in, most people favor the intellectual over the spiritual these days. I think this has been the reality throughout history. This is ebbing and flowing between the rational versus the spiritual, but at any rate King, he believed in God. And he thought that this religious faith was such an important part of facing fear that he read his Bible daily, preach sermons, committed his life to Christianity as a way of mitigating his fears.

And it brings me to the question, who do you believe in? Do you believe in yourself? Do you believe in God? Do you believe in Buddha? Do you believe in Mohammed? Whoever you believe in, or even if it's just in common good or your family, King is saying that this faith can help you overcome fear. Now, certainly, we will never fully eradicate our fear, nor should we. It is a nature-given response. It heightens our awareness. It helps us stay alive in dangerous situations. But the question then becomes is our fear paralyzing us or is it motivating us? I think that those deemed the greatest people in human history faced fear head-on.

They kept it at bay. And in Martin Luther King's case, they conquered it. And his book, A Gift of Love is a magnificent read in its entirety but the section on facing fear is a call to each and every one of us to live a life of courage and a life of fulfillment that we can only have if we face our fears.


Inhoud

These places, critical to the interpretation of the life of Martin Luther King Jr. and his legacy as a leader of the American Civil Rights Movement, were originally included in the National Historic Site or National Historic Landmark listings first established on October 10, 1980. The site was expanded and designated as a national historical park through a bipartisan bill long championed by John Lewis and signed on January 8, 2018, by President Donald Trump. [3]

In total, the buildings included in the site make up 35 acres (0.14 km 2 ). The visitor center contains a museum that chronicles the American Civil Rights Movement and the path of Martin Luther King Jr. The King Center for Nonviolent Social Change includes the burial place of King, and his wife, activist Coretta Scott King. An 1894 firehouse (Fire Station No. 6) served the Sweet Auburn community until 1991, and now contains a gift shop and an exhibit on desegregation in the Atlanta Fire Department. The "I Have a Dream" International World Peace Rose Garden, and a memorial tribute to Mohandas K. Gandhi are part of the site, as is the "International Civil Rights Walk of Fame" which commemorates some of the courageous pioneers who worked for social justice.

In 2019, the National Park Foundation purchased the Life Home of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on Sunset Avenue, where the family moved in 1965, from the estate of Coretta Scott King and transferred it to the National Park Service for restoration before it is opened to the public as an expansion of the National Historic Park. [4]

Annual events celebrating Martin Luther King Jr. Day in January typically draw large crowds. Speakers have included Presidents of the United States, national and local politicians, and civil rights leaders. Remembrances are also held during Black History Month (February), and on the anniversary of King's April 4, 1968, assassination in Memphis, Tennessee.

The Martin Luther King Jr. Historic District, an area bounded roughly by Irwin, Randolph, Edgewood, Jackson, and Auburn avenues, was listed on the U.S. National Register of Historic Places on May 2, 1974. [1] [5] The district included Ebenezer Baptist Church, King's grave site and memorial, Dr. King's birthplace, shotgun row houses, Victorian houses, the Atlanta Baptist Preparatory Institute site, Our Lady of Lourdes Catholic Church, Fire Station No. 6, and the Triangle Building at the intersection of Old Wheat Street and Auburn Avenue. [5]

Much of the area was designated as a national historic landmark district on May 5, 1977. [2] The Trust for Public Land purchased 5 single-family homes along Auburn Avenue in the late 1970s, the same block Martin Luther King Jr. grew up on. [6] [7] The Trust for Public Land purchased more than a dozen properties over the next 20 years to create a parking lot as well as a pedestrian greenway to link the King district to the Jimmy Carter Presidential Center. [6] In 2008, The Trust for Public Land acquired one of the remaining historic properties in the neighborhood, on the corner of Auburn Avenue. [6]

By U.S. Congressional legislation, the site with associated buildings and gardens was authorized as a national historic site on October 10, 1980 it is administered by the National Park Service (NPS). [8] A 22.4-acre (91,000 m 2 ) area including 35 contributing properties was covered, including 22 previously included in the NRHP historic district. [8] The area covered in the NRHP designation was enlarged on June 12, 2001. [1] In 2018, it was redesignated as a national historical park, adding Prince Hall Masonic Temple to the protected area. [9]

The King Birth Home is located at 501 Auburn Avenue in the Sweet Auburn Historic District) . Built in 1895, it sits about a block east of Ebenezer Baptist Church. [10] King's maternal grandparents, Reverend Adam Daniel (A.D.) Williams, who was pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church, and his wife, Jennie Williams, bought the house for $3,500 in 1909. In 1926, when King's father married Alberta Williams, the couple moved into the house, where King Jr. was born in 1929.

The King family lived in the house until 1941. [11] It was then converted into a two-family dwelling. The Rev. A. D. Williams King, Dr. King's brother, lived on the second floor in the 1950s and early 1960s.

The first level includes the front porch, parlor, study, dining room, kitchen, laundry, bedroom and a bathroom. The second level includes four bedrooms and a bathroom. The visitor center offers free tours of the house led by National Park Service rangers, but with limited availability. [12]

In 1968, after King's death, Coretta Scott King founded the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change (a.k.a. the King Center). [13] Since 1981, the center has been housed in a building that is part of the King complex located on Auburn Avenue adjacent to Ebenezer Baptist Church. [14]

In 1977, a memorial tomb was dedicated to King. His remains were moved to the tomb, on a plaza between the center and the church. King's gravesite and a reflecting pool are located next to Freedom Hall. After her death, Mrs. King was interred with her husband on February 7, 2006. An eternal flame is located nearby.

Freedom Hall at 449 Auburn Avenue features exhibits about Dr. and Mrs. King, Mahatma Gandhi and American activist Rosa Parks. It hosts special events and programs associated with civil rights and social justice. It contains a Grand Foyer, large theater/conference auditorium, bookstore and resource center, and various works of art from across the globe. The Grand Foyer features art from Africa and Georgia. The paneling lining the staircase is from the sapeli tree, which grows in Nigeria.

In 1990, Behold, a statue honoring Martin Luther King Jr., was dedicated near Ebenezer Baptist Church. [15]

As of 2006, the King Center is a privately-owned inholding within the authorized boundaries of the park. The King family has debated among themselves as to whether they should sell it to the National Park Service to ensure preservation. [16]

The visitor center at 449 Auburn Avenue [17] was built in 1996 and features the multimedia exhibit Courage To Lead, which follows the parallel paths of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Civil Rights Movement. Visitors can also walk down a stylized "Freedom Road". Die Children of Courage exhibit, geared towards children, tells the story of the children of the Civil Rights Movement with a challenge to our youth today. Video programs are presented on a continuing basis and there is a staffed information desk. [18]

The statue of Mohandas Gandhi was donated by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, India, in collaboration with The National Federation of Indian American Associations and The Embassy of India, USA. The inscribed bronze plaque reads: [19]

Nonviolence, to be a potent force, must begin with the mind. Nonviolence of the mere body without the cooperation of the mind is nonviolence of the weak of the cowardly, and has, therefore, no potency. It is a degrading performance. If we bear malice and hatred in our bosoms and pretend not to retaliate, it must recoil upon us and lead to our destruction.

Tribute to the Mahatma Gandhi was inevitable. If humanity is to progress, Gandhi is inescapable. He lived, thought and acted, inspired by the vision of humanity evolving toward a world of peace and harmony. We may ignore him at our own risk

The "International Civil Rights Walk of Fame" was created in 2004 and honors some of the participants in the Civil Rights Movement. The walk along the Promenade, includes footsteps, marked in granite and bronze. According to the National Park Service, the Walk of Fame was created to "pay homage to the "brave warriors" of justice who sacrificed and struggled to make equality a reality for all." The new addition to the area is expected to enhance the historic value of the area, enrich cultural heritage, and augment tourist attractions.

The "Walk of Fame" is the brainchild of Xernona Clayton, founder and executive producer of the renowned Trumpet Awards and a civil rights activist in her own right. Ms. Clayton said, "This is a lasting memorial to those whose contributions were testaments to the fact that human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable. This historic site will serve as a symbol of pride and a beacon of hope for all future generations. We are looking forward to building a monument to the civil struggle that depicts every step taken toward the goal of justice and the tireless exertions and passionate concern of these dedicated individuals." [20]

Located at 332 Auburn Avenue, the Prince Hall Masonic Temple is where the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) established its initial headquarters in 1957. [21] This historic and distinguished civil rights organization was co-founded by Dr. King, who also served as its first president. Owned by the Most Worshipful Prince Hall Grand Lodge of Georgia, the building was included within the authorized boundary of the park in 2018.

The Martin Luther King Jr. National Historical Park honors the life of Dr. King


A sniper's bullet struck Martin Luther King Jr's neck, which caused his death.

The assassination took place at 6:05 pm on his second-floor balcony at the Lorraine Motel, a day after his speech on Memphis. As he was standing on the balcony, when a bullet from a sniper struck his neck. King was immediately sent to the hospital, only to be pronounced dead after an hour. Eventually, James Earl Ray got arrested for the assassination. A convicted felon and an American fugitive, King unfortunately made it to his long list of victims.


May 13, 2001: New York Times: FBI’s Failure to Turn Over Documents in Oklahoma City Bombing Case Feeds Conspiracy Theories

New York Times reporter David Stout observes that the FBI’s admitted failure to turn over documents to convicted Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh (see 8:35 a.m. - 9:02 a.m. April 19, 1995, June 2, 1997, and May 10-11, 2001) will fuel conspiracy theories that will last for years. Attorney General John Ashcroft admitted as much when he ordered a delay in McVeigh’s scheduled execution to review the incident, saying, “If any questions or doubts remain about this case, it would cast a permanent cloud over justice.” Stout writes: “But for some people the cloud has been there all along, and always will be. They will never accept the government’s assertion that the withholding of the documents was simple human, bureaucratic error. And so the 1995 bombing of a federal office building in Oklahoma City seems likely to join the assassinations of John F. Kennedy and the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. as events whose truth—in the eyes of some Americans—is forever untold.” Charles Key, a former Oklahoma state legislator who has recently released a statement packed with assertions of a larger conspiracy and government malfeasance surrounding the bombing (see May 4, 2001), has been particularly vocal in his scorn over the document incident, and his contention that it is just part of a larger conspiracy by the government to cover up the truth behind the bombing. McVeigh’s former lawyer Stephen Jones seems to agree with Key in his recent book (see August 14-27, 1997) Others Unknown: Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma Bombing Conspiracy, Jones asserts: “The real story of the bombing, as the McVeigh defense pursued it, is complex, shadowy, and sinister. McVeigh, like the government, had its own reasons to keep it so. It stretches, web-like, from America’s heartland to the nation’s capital, the Far East, Europe, and the Middle East, and much of it remains a mystery.” Others go even farther in their beliefs. Charles Baldridge of Terre Haute, Indiana, where McVeigh is incarcerated awaiting execution, says, “I won’t say that McVeigh didn’t do it, but he wasn’t the brains, he wasn’t the one who orchestrated it.” Asked who orchestrated the bombing, Baldridge replies, “The government.” Many people believe that if the government did not actually plan and execute the bombing, it allowed it to happen, in order to use it as an excuse for passing anti-terrorism laws and curbing basic freedoms. Many of the same conspiracy theories that sprouted in the aftermath of the Branch Davidian tragedy (see April 19, 1993 and April 19, 1993 and After) are now appearing in the public discourse about the Oklahoma City bombing, Stout notes. [New York Times, 5/13/2001]


Was Martin Luther King Jr. a Republican or a Democrat? The Answer Is Complicated

M artin Luther King Jr.’s influence on American politics and his views about policy issues are a perennial topic of discussion around the time of his January 15 birthday and the Martin Luther King Jr. Day federal holiday. However, the civil-rights leader’s personal political party affiliation remains a mystery.

His niece Alveda King, an Evangelical supporter of President Donald Trump, has argued that her uncle was a Republican, like his father Martin Luther King, Sr., who was also a Baptist minister. That idea has been repeated often, but videos that claim to show that Martin Luther King, Jr. is Republican have been proven not to do so. King’s son Martin Luther King III said in 2008 that it’s “disingenuous” to insist he was when there is no evidence of him casting a Republican vote. “It is even more outrageous to suggest that he would support the Republican Party of today,” the younger King added, “which has spent so much time and effort trying to suppress African American votes in Florida and many other states.&rdquo

The idea that King would have been a registered Republican is not far-fetched, given the party’s history and its position in national politics in the 1950s, but scholars and those who knew him best say they can’t imagine that he would have supported Republican presidential candidates in the 1960s. In fact, King himself said he voted for Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson for President in 1964.

“I know of no one who has verified MLKJ’s party registration,” says Clayborne Carson, editor of King’s autobiography and Professor of History and Founding Director of The Martin Luther King, Jr., Research and Education Institute at Stanford University. “[He] may have been registered as a Republican and voted Democratic [in national elections].”

If he did so, Carson adds, he would have been doing what many black Southerners did at the time: in Georgia and Alabama, where King lived, the Democratic party was “staunchly segregationist” and few African Americans would have registered as Democrats, even as the party was changing when it came to federal politics. In the South, of the two, the Republican Party “was the least hostile” to them, Carson says.

The Republican Party had initially attracted many black voters by supporting ending slavery and enfranchising African Americans during the Civil War and Reconstruction. But in the late 1800s, as more western states joined the Union, party leaders began to depend less on to wooing black southern votes. The parties would realign in the mid-20th century, as African-Americans moved North to cities where Democratic Party machines courted their votes, and they played a key role in electing Franklin D. Roosevelt during the Great Depression.

Another reason to believe that King would have supported Democratic presidential candidates can be seen in an incident that took place just before Democrat John F. Kennedy was elected in 1960. That October, King was arrested during a sit-in to protest the segregation of an Atlanta department store’s eating areas. A judge sentenced King to six months of hard labor, but Kennedy called the Georgia Governor and asked him to find a way to get King out. He also called King’s wife Coretta, who was pregnant with their third child, to express his sympathies. &ldquoI just wanted you to know that I was thinking about you and Dr. King,&rdquo he told her. &ldquoIf there is anything I can do to help, please feel free to call on me.&rdquo

The judge announced King’s release on Oct. 27. King announced on Nov. 1 that, while he would not be officially endorsing a candidate so that he “could be free to be critical of both parties when necessary,” he was grateful to Senator Kennedy for the “genuine concern he expressed in my arrest.”

“Senator Kennedy exhibited moral courage of a high order,” King said at the time. “He voluntarily expresses his position effectively and took an active and articulate stand for a just resolution. I hope that this example of Senator Kennedy’s courage will be a lesson deeply learned and consistently applied by all as we move forward in a non-violent but resolute spirit to achieve rapidly proper standards of humanity and justice in our swiftly evolving world.”

King’s father, Martin Luther King Sr., did endorse Kennedy. And Kennedy won the election, thanks in part to winning over about 70% of the black vote.


From the archive, 24 May 1961: Martin Luther King unmoved by death threats

It seems a stroke of luck for the United States that the Negroes' leader in Montgomery, Alabama, during the present crisis is a scholarly Baptist minister whose hero is Mahatma Gandhi. He might well have been a black Huey Long or some such political boss of the kind who tries to hold hate-the-white demonstrations in Harlem (and - luckily again - finds little support there). That he is the Rev. Martin Luther King is an assurance that the worst the segregationists can do will be grimly put into perspective and that the extremes of the one side will not lead to extremes on the other - if he can help it.

When Mr King preached to a frightened Negro crowd in a besieged Montgomery church the other day, it was no new situation for him. Only a few years ago a bomb was tossed outside his living-room and threats to his life have become as common in his mail as messages of support from individuals in all the states. After the first threats against his family, he was tempted to carry a gun and then quickly rejected the idea. "How could I have claimed to be the leader of a non-violence movement then?" he explained. For a brief time his wife took their infant daughter to live in Atlanta, Georgia, but soon returned to Montgomery. The Kings - like so many Negroes in the Deep South - have learnt to live with the threat of violence hanging over them, an uneasy condition in some ways, one is tempted to think, like that of the Jews in Nazi Germany.

Yet if you make such a comparison, Mr King is the first to reject it. "We are fighting segregation, not persecution," he says, and the "fighting" for him is in the spiritual field quite as much as in the day-to-day one of Montgomery. Since his leadership filled the feud-ridden vacuum in the Negro community of Montgomery, he has steadily preached what he learnt from his father, who is also a Baptist minister, and from his study of Gandhi's works and example.

"The strong man is the man who can stand up for his rights and not hit back" is what he has impressed on his followers, and the success of his teaching is reflected in the calm, stoical bearing of the young Negroes wherever they try to claim their constitutional rights - whether at lunch-counters, in the buses, or in the schools. The minority of the whites may be crazily hate-filled and psychologically upset, the majority at the best superior and apathetic, but the Negroes under Mr King's leadership have shown a dignity and a restraint that should put the US in their debt for generations - were it not for the fact that their bearing is partly the result of their appreciation that they are one with the whites in being fellow-Americans. They realise what the whites against them rarely do: that if either of them wrecks the nation in inter-racial conflicts all of them will go down.

This America-first attitude is typical of most of the Negro leadership nationally, for it has managed to organise a country-wide advancement programme for Negroes - that is, get rid of segregation - without forming a separate political party. The Negro leaders have been shrewd enough to realise that to get into party politics as a Negro group would merely further segregation rather than achieve their ideal of the opposite. They have been lucky on most fronts in having men who have been able to overcome their bitter heritage in making their decisions. At headquarters great tacticians like Thurgood Marshall, the constitutional lawyer in the field men to set the example like Martin Luther King.

He has stirred not only his fellow-Negroes but - and this may be his greatest achievement - some of the whites. The white ministers in many areas had made no effort either because they believed in segregation or because their congregations were apparently unconvertible. A priest said recently in New Orleans, for example, that "you tell them segregation is sinful and they just look at you." Now some of the apparently apathetic ministers are following Mr King's example and perhaps the trickle will become a river. "No matter how low somebody sinks into racial bigotry, he can be redeemed," insists Mr King, and his opponents hate him for it. It is bad enough to be beaten but worse to be forgiven.


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