Geskiedenis Podcasts

El Tajín — Veracruz — Mexiko

El Tajín — Veracruz — Mexiko

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El Tajín is 'n pre-Columbiaanse argeologiese terrein en een van die grootste en belangrikste stede in die klassieke era van Meso-Amerika. 'N Deel van die klassieke Veracruz -kultuur. Die argeologiese terrein is bekend onder die plaaslike Totonacs, wie se voorouers moontlik ook die stad gebou het, as El Tajín, wat na bewering "van donderweer of weerligstraal" beteken het. Hiermee verband hou hulle oortuiging dat twaalf ou donderstormgode, bekend as Tajín, steeds die ruïnes bewoon.
El Tajín is in 1992 ingeskryf as 'n wêrelderfenisgebied vanweë die historiese betekenis en argitektuur en ingenieurswese. "Die argitektuur, wat uniek is in Meso -Amerika, word gekenmerk deur uitgebreide gesnyde reliëfs op die kolomme en fries. Die 'Pyramid of the Niches', 'n meesterstuk van antieke Mexikaanse en Amerikaanse argitektuur, onthul die astronomiese en simboliese betekenis van die geboue." Die webwerf is een van die belangrikste in Mexiko en die belangrikste in die staat Veracruz.
Die Totonac -mense was ten tyde van die Spaanse aankoms in 1519 in die oostelike kus- en bergstreke van Mexiko. Hulle woon vandag in die state Veracruz, Puebla en Hidalgo. Hulle is een van die moontlike bouers van die Pre-Columbiaanse stad El Tajín, en het verder kwartale in Teotihuacán onderhou.

Ek het hierdie video geskep met die YouTube Video Editor (http://www.youtube.com/editor)


Tajín significa Ciudad del trueno en el idioma totonaco. [2] Ons kan ook na al die gegewens in die hele wêreld kyk, maar dit is ook moontlik dat dit baie moontlik is.

Ligging van 120 m van die hoogte van die rue Cazones en Tecolutla. Die klimaat is tropies, met 'n gemiddelde temperatuur van 25,3 ° C en 'n jaarlikse neerslag van 2004556 mm. Su vegetación es selva baja caducifolia, constituida por árboles que pierden sus hojas durante la época invernal. A 7 kilómetros de Papantla de Olarte, Veracruz y a 16 kilómetros de la Ciudad de Poza Rica de Hidalgo, Veracruz, por la carretera Canoas - Martínez de la Torre.

La construcción de edificios ceremoniales del Tajín probablemente se inició en el siglo I. En el Período Clásico mesoamericano temprano el Tajín mostró influencia de Teotihuacan tal y como se puede observar en el urbanismo, la arquitectura, la pintura en la escultura y ] Mientras que en el Posclásico mostró influencia maya.

Decadencia de Tajín Editar

Ons sitio ya estaba totalmente despoblado cuando llegaron los conquistadores españoles en el siglo XVI, por lo que no fue destruida y se mantuvo como un secreto su existencia por un par de siglos.

El Tajín fue la ciudad más grande de la costa norte del golfo in Mexico y dominó el territorio limitado por las cuencas de los ríos Tecolutla y Cazones, entre 650 y 950 dC Los gobernantes d esta capital extieron su hegemonía desde el somontano de la Sierra Madre Die oosterse oostelike planistiese kostes vir die golf, en die werklike ontwikkeling van Puebla y Veracruz.

In 1785 het Diego Ruiz 'n eerste besoek aan die oorspronklike beskrywing van die werklike werke en die inspeksie van die bus van die kampus van die tabelle. [5] XIX el sitio fue visitado por Guillermo Dupaix, Alexander von Humboldt y Carl Nebel, quienes publicaron sus notas sobre el lugar.

Los primeros arqueólogos que llegaron al lugar en el siglo XX incluyeron Teobert Maler, Eduard Georg Seler, Francisco del Paso y Troncoso y Herbert Spinden y Ellen. Met die beskrywing van die petróleo en die son kan die bou van 'n deel van die 1920de jaar 'n dekade van 1940 hê. In 1935-1938 is die fus asignado en Agustín García Vega la limpieza en la exploración de la zona. Die oorspronklike vorm van die totale lewering van die vegetasie van die self kan vir die Pirámide de los Nichos geskied. La primera excavación arqueológica de investigación fue hecha por José García Payón de 1943 a 1963. El Instituto Mexicano de Antropología e Historia (INAH) hizo una restauración del sitio de 1989 to 1992.

'N Eerstelike voorbladkombinasie van die Patrimonio de la Humanidad, vanweë 'n buitengewone getuienis van die groot kultuur van die kulture van Mexiko en 'n unieke konstruksie. El 14 de dicembre de 1992 el sitio prehispánico de El Tajín, ubicado en la región norte del estado de Veracruz, fue inscrito como Bien Cultural en la Lista de Patrimonio Mundial de la Unesco. [6]

El urbanismo en El Tajín het 'n ander versterking van die spesiale, tomando líneas de estudio de la identidad, arqueología del paisaje y teorías de expertos en el theme, tal es el caso del antropólogo López Austin, quien en su libro Los mitos del Tlacuache, establece que: “… se erigirían las pirámides, montículos artificiales en cuya cúspide habitarían los dioses… ”[7]

La traza de El Tajín, refiere que esta urbe prehispánica fue konstruksie en oriëntasie van die astronomie en die relasie met die paaie. La hipótesis fue generada al notar la importancia de una montaña ubicada al este de la zona arqueológica, la cual se llama "el cerro de los mantenimientos". Cuando amanece, el sol comienza a salir sobre el cerro de los mantenimientos, iluminando poco a poco la pirámide de los nichos, desde la cima hasta tocar tierra durante un lapso of 7 minutes, 1 por cada cuerpo. Este hecho ocurre porque la pirámide se encuentra perfectamente alineada con la montaña, por eso se cree que para los habitantes prehispánicos, la pirámide de los nichos fue un marcador astronómico unido al calendario agrícola así como el descenso del dios Quetzaló de la siembra, por lo que las personas de esta ciudad prehispánica, colocaron altares en la parte media y alta del cerro de los mantenimientos, para veneración del dios. [8] [9]


Die herontdekking van die verlore stad El Tajín

El Tajín is in 'n semi-tropiese hoogland en dit word gou deur bome toegegroei. Dit was weggesteek in die digte oerwoud en is eers in 1785 ontbloot deur 'n regeringsamptenaar wat op soek was na onwettige tabakplantasies.

Skaalmodel van El Tajín (Dodd, G / Public Domain)

Die nuus oor die ontdekking van die verlore stad het 'n sensasie veroorsaak, maar dit was eers in die 20ste eeu dat die stad opgegrawe is. Die ontdekking van olie maak die gebied oop vir argeoloë wat saam met ander die oerwoud uit die verlore stad verwyder het. Tot op hede is slegs 50% van die ligging ondersoek en dit is tot 'n nasionale argeologiese park verklaar om die vele ruïnes daarvan te beskerm.


El Tajín — Veracruz — Mexiko - Geskiedenis

El Taj n is 'n pre-Columbiaanse argeologiese terrein en een van die grootste en belangrikste stede van die klassieke era van Meso-Amerika. El Taj n, wat deel uitmaak van die klassieke Veracruz -kultuur, het van 600 tot 1200 G.J. gedy en gedurende hierdie tyd is talle tempels, paleise, balbane en piramides gebou. [1] Sedert die stad val, in 1230, tot 1785, lyk dit asof geen Europeaan van sy bestaan ​​geweet het nie, totdat 'n regeringsinspekteur die Piramide van die Nisse in die gesig gestaar het. [2]

Vanweë sy kulturele belang en sy argitektuur word El Taj n in 1992 as 'n wêrelderfenisgebied aangewys. [3] Hierdie argitektuur bevat die gebruik van dekoratiewe nisse en sement in vorms wat onbekend is in die res van Meso -Amerika. [4] Die bekendste monument is die piramide van die nisse, maar ander belangrike monumente sluit in die Arroyo-groep, die noordelike en suidelike balbane en die paleise van Taj n Chico. [5] In totaal is daar 20 balbane op hierdie webwerf ontdek (die laaste 3 is in Maart 2013 ontdek). [6] Sedert die sewentigerjare was El Tajin die belangrikste argeologiese terrein in Veracruz vir toeriste, wat meer as 650 000 besoekers per jaar lok. [7]

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Teotihuacan, Estado de Mexiko, Mexiko

Teotihuac n [1] [teotiwa'kan] was 'n stad in die voor-Columbiaanse Amerika. Destyds was dit die grootste bevolking, en dit was die grootste stad wat daar bekend was. Dit was van ongeveer die 1ste eeu tot ongeveer die 5de eeu.

Die beskawing en kultuur rondom hierdie stad word ook Teotihuacn genoem. Die belangrike posisie daarvan kan gesien word op verskillende plekke in Veracruz, en in die gebied wat deur die Maya -beskawing beheer word.
Die stad is ongeveer 40 km van Mexico City in die staat Mexiko af. Dit het 'n oppervlakte van ongeveer 83 km. Dit is in 1987 op die Unesco -wêrelderfenisgebied gemaak.

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Neolitiese Orkney
Vyfduisend jaar gelede, in die verre noorde van Skotland, het die prehistoriese mense van die Orkney -eilande 'n paar buitengewone monumente uit klip begin bou. The Heart of Neolithic Orkney is 'n reeks belangrike huishoudelike en rituele monumente. Hulle lê in 'n wyer argeologiese landskap wat ryk is aan oorblyfsels uit die Neolitiese en baie later periodes van die Orkadiese geskiedenis.


El Tajin, van Veracruz en terug

Die ruïnes van El Tajin is skouspelagtig, die besoek werd en al die lof wat op hierdie webwerf versamel is. Ek en my dame het 'n langnaweek in Veracruz gebly en hierdie daguitstappie as volg laat gebeur:

Die sentrale busstasie van Veracruz (la central de autobuses) is geleë op die belangrikste tarief Salvador Diaz Miron, oorkant die Auditorio Benito Juarez, tussen dwarsstrate Marcelino Tuero Molina en Orizaba. Kaartjie toonbank vir die eerste klas afrigterlyn ADO (Autobuses de Oriente) op die Miron Blvd-kant, saam met ander lyne. Die agterkant van die stasie langs La Fragua -straat het kaartjiebanke vir tweede klas (plaaslike) lyne.

ADO ry om 7:00 en om 10:00 (uur) van Veracruz na Papantla (die naaste dorp aan El Tajin). Terug vertrek vanaf die Papantla ADO -terminale is om 15:25, 17:10 en 17:25 (15:25, 17:10 en 17:25). U kan vooraf kaartjies of die reisdag koop. Die rit van 270 km duur vier uur, insluitend twee of drie haltes onderweg. Die bus het ongeveer 100 sitplekke (en 'n badkamer) en toegewese sitplekke. Met die baie vriendelike toonbankpersoneel kan u die reisplan en sitplekkeuses op die rekenaarskerm kies. Ek het 'n tarief van 200 pesos per persoon elke rigting betaal, en 800 pesos vir twee persone heen en weer.

Ons gryp 'n koppie koffie en 'n sak koekies in die wagkamer van die terminale en klim op die skoon en moderne bus om betyds te vertrek. Gerieflike sitplekke, video- en musiekvermaak, individuele volume, lig- en lugkontroles. Die rit neem u ongeveer drie uur langs die kus en dan 'n uur in die land. Die busbestuurder was baie veilig en ingelig oor die roete. Elke top is versigtig benader en vragmotors op 'n veilige en vinnige manier. Ek was beïndruk met die bestuurder (ons sit in die eerste ry).
Toe ons om 11 by Papantla aankom, het 'n "gewone" rooi en wit kajuit ons van die terminale deur die bruisende stad gery, deurmekaar strate en landpaaie na die El Tajin -terrein. Die tarief was 50 pesos vir die 15 minute se ry. Maak die tarief duidelik voordat u die taxi binnegaan!

El Tajin groet u met die Volardores van Papantla. As u na hul skouspelagtige vlug kyk, sal hulle seker maak dat u u 30 pesos 'skenk'. Ons het die magdom verkopers en stalletjies by die ingang geïgnoreer. Hulle verkoop almal dieselfde goed en dit is nie besonder uniek of artistiek nie. Die toegang tot die El Tajin -terrein is 57 pesos p.p. en kontantreëls.
Ons het ongeveer vier uur op die terrein gestap. Weereens, die piramides, tempels en balbane is nogal fassinerend. Die terrein is goed onderhou en word omring deur oerwoudbos. Geen lastige verkopers nie! Die grootsheid van El Tajin is gelyk aan ander groot meso-Amerikaanse terreine. Die geassosieerde museum het min uitstallings vir 'n besoek van 15 minute. Goeie badkamergeriewe en 'n restaurant is deel van die kompleks. Buite sal 'n dosyn of wat Palapa -restaurante om u smaak smag.

As daar geen taxi by die ingang wag nie, stap 'n kwart myl af na die hoofweg, waar 'n taxistaanplek skuins oorkant die straat geleë is. Die retoerprys na die Papantla ADO -terminale word skielik teen 100 pesos aangehaal, maar ons het vinnig onderhandel. Maak seker dat u 'ADO -busterminal' spesifiseer, aangesien daar blykbaar 'n ander busterminal in die stad is - vir die plaaslike lyne. Weer 'n betyds vertrek vir die 17:10 bus. Jou gereserveerde sitplek wag vir jou, terwyl jy in die slaapmodus gaan slaap terwyl jy die sonsondergang op pad is, na 'n ander film kyk, na die 200 foto's wat jy geneem het, of sluimer.

Ons het omstreeks 21:00 (21:00) teruggekom in Veracruz, honger. Verskeie gat-in-die-muur cocinas Economicas is langs Orizaba-straat geleë. Die aanloklike reuk van gebraaide vleis lok ons ​​in een van hulle (met die heldergroen plastiekstoele) en ons smul aan tacos al pastor, gebraaide plantains en spoel dit af met 'n paar biere. Dit was rustiek - en goed. Die 110 pesos was die beste maaltydwaarde tydens ons reis.

Goed gevoed, is ons terug na ons hotel in Delfines (sien aparte resensie). Ja, dit was donker, laat en ons het deur gewone woonbuurte gestap - buite die geteisterde toeristepaadjies, goed beligte boulevards of polisie-/militêre patrollies. Ons het veilig gevoel. Die gevaarlikste is die ongelyke oppervlak van die sypaadjies!

PS: die gemak van reis en totale uitgawes wat vir hierdie busdaguitstappies betaal word, kan baie goed vergelyk word met die tariewe van die georganiseerde toeroperateurs en klop beslis die opwinding om u eie motor te huur (met volledige versekering) en die afstand in die oggend te ry en weer in die aand (donker !!).


  • Die Rosarito-Ensenada fietstoer twee keer per jaar in April en Oktober, is 'n prettige rit 80 km (50 myl) langs die kus en 'n paar kilometer die binneland in. Tot 10 000 ruiters neem deel aan die rit, wat eindig met cervezas (bier) in Ensenada.
  • California Motorsport Adventours Off-road avontuur toere vir mense van alle ry vermoëns. Almal welkom: gesinne, paartjies, vriende, enkelryers, bachelor- en korporatiewe groepe. Volle daguitstappies of langer toere ook beskikbaar. Ry in die duine en geniet 'n begeleide avontuur op die omliggende bergpaadjies. Kontak die kantoor vir besprekings.

As u na Rosarito gaan om te eet, moet u Puerto Nuevo stop, net 8 minute suid van Rosarito. Hierdie klein dorpie bied meer as 35 restaurante wat kreef bedien. Hierdie kreeftstyl kan gevind word in Baja genaamd “ Puerto Nuevo Style ”

La Flor de Michoacan, aan die noordekant van die stad op Benito Juarez, het 'n welverdiende reputasie by sowel toeriste as plaaslike inwoners. Hierdie restaurant is bekend vir sy carnitas (gesmoorde en gebraaide varkvleis) etes wat gesinsstyl bedien word met rys, bone, pico de gallo, vars guacamole en stomende, vars tortillas toegedraai in 'n mandjie. Die restaurant het ook 'n vol kroeg en bedien margaritas gemaak met regte aarbeie. Carnitas -borde word op twee verskillende maniere bedien. Gemengde varkvleis bevat porselein en ander stukke wat baie nie lekker vind nie. As dit u is, moet u die ekstra paar dollar opdok en die soliede varkvleis kry. Dit sal moeilik wees om meer as $ 10 per persoon te spandeer, selfs met 'n kruik of twee margaritas. Die gebou is moeilik om te mis, 'n indrukwekkende baksteenstruktuur op 'n hoek met 'n stopteken. Soek boaan die woord “CARNITAS ”.

  • Cha Cha kafee , Km.31 Blvd. Popotla, La Barca, Rosarito -strand. (2 myl suid van die Rosarito Beach Hotel.). 7 tot 16 uur. Rosarito se plek om kos, koffie, nageregte, mense en musiek te geniet. Afhaal en aflewering beskikbaar. Maandag -Sondag.

Vars seekos direk van die boot af, ry suidwaarts op die ou pad, by die Fox -ateljees, daar is 'n vissersdorpie aan die suidekant van die kompleks, ongeveer twintig restaurante, baie inwoners en verkeer op Sondae! Parkeer op die hoofweg en stap binne. Die kos is baie goed, maar as u verwag dat Amerikaanse restaurantstandaarde bewus moet wees, is u in Mexiko. Loop rond, moenie in die eerste een gaan nie, baie Engelssprekende gedeporteerde Mexikane probeer u by hul restaurant inbring.

  • Die Mongoolse Grill , Carretera Libre Tij-Ens Km.30 (2 myl suid van Rosarito Beach Hotel). 11:30-20:30. Mongoolse braai (kies vleis, vars groente en geurmiddels). Weeklikse aanbiedinge soos Koreaanse taco's en Thaise klapperkerrie met hoender, garnale en bamboes. US $ 6,75 + belasting.
  • Nonnies Italiaanse restaurant , Km. 31.5 Blvd. Popotla, La Barca, Popotla (4 km suid van Rosarito Beach Hotel). 11 uur en#8211 20:00. Heerlik, redelik geprys! Spaghetti en gehaktballetjies, fettucine, pizza, slaaie en 'n wonderlike uitsig! Bel vooraf om 'n bestelling te doen, en u voedsel sal gereed wees as u aankom. Oop Dinsdag tot Sondag. Oop vir “Spring Breek vinnig ” Vry, Sater, Son om 7:00 ekonomies.

Die geskiedenis van Puerto Nuevo In die 1950's en vroeë 1960's was dit 'n vissersdorpie waar Amerikaners plaaslike gidse by die advertensiebord van die pad af sou ontmoet. Die advertensiebord was vir Newport Cigaretts – Puerto Nuevo is Newport in Spaans. Dit is die waarskynlike afleiding van die naam. Op 'n dag het die vrou van 'n visserman die vis begin kook wat haar man en sy kliënte gevang het, en die restaurantonderneming is gebore. Die oorspronklike restaurant staan ​​bekend as nommer 2 (dit het te doen met die nommerstelsel) #1 was die tweede restaurant in die stad. Daar is ook 8 restaurante in die stad met die naam Ortegas. Hulle is verwant en die kompetisie is nie so vriendelik nie. Puerto Nuevo is 'n aangename stop – die kreef is goed en jy het baie keuses vir kos, inkopies en kykers!


Weerliggode en geveerde slange

Deel hierdie boek

Die eerste uitgebreide behandeling in meer as dertig jaar van die ikonografie wat op openbare monumente in 'n belangrike Meso -Amerikaanse stad in Veracruz, Mexiko, vertoon word.

El Tajín, 'n antieke Meso -Amerikaanse hoofstad in Veracruz, Mexiko, word al lank bewonder vir sy pragtige piramides en balbane wat versier is met uitgebreide beeldhouprogramme. Die besondersheid van die stad as die enigste sentrum in die streek met so 'n magdom beeldhouwerke en fyn argitektuur, het pogings om dit stewiger in die konteks van die Meso -Amerikaanse geskiedenis te plaas, belemmer. In Lightning Gods and Feathered Serpents onderneem Rex Koontz die eerste uitgebreide behandeling van die ikonografie van El Tajín in meer as dertig jaar, waardeur ons die beeld in die breër Meso -Amerikaanse konteks van stygende hoofstede en nuwe elite tydens 'n tydperk van fundamentele historiese transformasies kan sien.

Koontz fokus op drie groot argitektoniese kenmerke - die Pyramid of the Niches/Central Plaza -ensemble, die South Ballcourt en die Heuwel van die Boukolom -kompleks - en ondersoek die betekenis van hul beeldhouwerk en hoe hierdie betekenisse deur spesifieke gehore ondervind sou word. Koontz vind uit dat die ikonografie van El Tajín baie onthul oor hoe motiewe en elite-rites wat uit die klassieke tydperk ontstaan ​​het, na latere Meso-Amerikaanse volke oorgedra is toe die kulture op Teotihuacan en die Maya die magdom stadstate van die vroeë postklassiese tydperk was.

Deur weer die ikonografie van beeldhouwerke wat lank in die rekord is, te ondersoek, asook belangrike nuwe monumente en kontekste in te stel, toon Lightning Gods en Feathered Serpents duidelik die talle ikonografiese verbindings van El Tajín met ander gebiede van Meso -Amerika, terwyl dit ook sy wortels ondersoek in 'n inheemse Golf van die Laeveldkultuur waarvan die buitelyne nou eers verskyn. Terselfdertyd begin dit 'n grootliks geïgnoreerde plaaslike artistieke kultuur blootstel, waarvan Tajín die kroon is.

  • Erkennings
  • 1. Benader El Tajín
  • 2. Die piramide van die nisse
  • 3. Die Divine Ballcourt
  • 4. Die Tajín -hof: die heuwel van die boukolomme
  • 5. Gehore en gode by El Tajín
  • Notas
  • Bibliografie
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Rex Koontz is medeprofessor in kunsgeskiedenis aan die Universiteit van Houston. Hy het twee vorige boeke gepubliseer, Landscape and Power in Ancient Mesoamerica (met Kathryn Reese-Taylor en Annabeth Headrick) en Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs (vyfde uitgawe met Michael D. Coe).

El Tajín was in die laaste helfte van die eerste millennium nC 'n ou hoofstad van 'n uitgebreide Meso -Amerikaanse ryk in die laagland. Die webwerf is miskien veral bekend vir sy elegante nis -argitektuur, wat baie voorkom in die piramides en ander strukture wat die stad se monumentale kern gevorm het. Die eerste onder hierdie ander strukture was messelbaanbane vir die speel van die Meso -Amerikaanse rubberbalspel, en geleerdes het lank die ryk ikonografie van hierdie howe ondersoek vir leidrade oor die betekenis en funksie van hierdie geritualiseerde sport. Ondanks belangstelling in fundamentele aspekte van die stad, is El Tajín se plek in die Meso -Amerikaanse geskiedenis nie goed omskryf nie.

Die eienaardigheid van die webwerf het pogings om dit stewiger in die konteks van die Meso -Amerikaanse geskiedenis te plaas, belemmer. El Tajín was tydens sy hoogtepunt die grootste stad in die streek (Wilkerson 1999: 113-116), sowel as die enigste sentrum met so 'n magdom beeldhouwerke en fyn argitektuur. Anders as die talle groot stede wat die hedendaagse Maya-gebied in die suide gevorm het, was El Tajín 'n stad apart, met bande met die suidelike gebiede van die Golf-laaglande, maar geen eweknieë in die streek nie (Kampen 1972 Pascual Soto 1990 vergelyk Proskouriakoff 1954: 84- 87). Kleiner terreine in die hele gebied het die Tajín-argitektuur op klein skaal nageboots (Palacios 1926 Jiménez Lara 1991 Pascual Soto 1998: 25-28), maar nie een hiervan het selfs 'n beduidende deel van die openbare kuns wat in die hoofstad vervaardig is, gehad nie. Belangrike onlangse studies (Ringle 2004 López Austin en López Luján 2000 Smith en Berdan 2003) het begin om lig te werp op die interstreekse webwerwe van kuns, handel en politiek wat gedurende die periode werk, maar hierdie studies moet nog nie stelselmatig in studies opgeneem word nie van die webwerf self. Uiteindelik, met enkele uitsonderings (byvoorbeeld Taube 1988), was studies van Tajín -beelde buite die balbane minder suksesvol as die studies van balbaanbeelde wat hierbo aangehaal is. Die taak van hierdie bundel is om ikonografiese studies bymekaar te bring wat dui op die plek van El Tajín in 'n groter Meso -Amerikaanse wêreld, alhoewel dit slegs gedoen kan word as die openbare beelding in sy geheel beter gefokus word, binne en buite die balbaan. Dit is 'n dubbele beweging, dan - intern, na 'n meer genuanseerde lees van die groot openbare beelde as 'n samehangende stel verklarings, en ekstern, na 'n beter begrip van die openbare beelde van ander elites waarmee El Tajín in wisselwerking was - wat gee hierdie volume sy besondere logika.

Die antieke stad El Tajín sit in die golwende heuwels van die noord-sentrale Golf-laaglande, slegs 40 kilometer van die Golf van Mexiko in die ooste en 'n bietjie groter afstand van die voetheuwels van die Sierra Madre in die weste (Fig. 1.1) . Die terrein lê binne die grense van Meso-Amerika, die gebied van komplekse pre-Columbiaanse beskawings wat strek vanaf die suidelike helfte van Mexiko deur Guatemala en Belize tot by die westelike gedeeltes van Honduras en El Salvador. Onder die elemente wat hierdie kultuurgebied kenmerk, is piramides en monumentale beeldhouwerk in die middel van die stede. El Tajín bevat net so 'n komplekse monumentale kerngebied, met groot hoeveelhede indrukwekkende gesnyde klipargitektuur, tesame met die komplekse beeldhouwerk en skilderye wat dui op 'n Meso -Amerikaanse stad.

Elf balbane is in die kern gevind, met ses ander in die nabye omgewing. Baie, indien nie almal, was tydens Tajín se apogee (ongeveer 650-1000 nC) in gebruik. Teen hierdie tyd het Meso-Amerikaners al minstens twee millennia lank 'n vorm van die bal gespeel (Hill en Clark 2001 Ortíz C. et al. 1997), sodat balspel nie El Tajín onderskei nie. Die konsentrasie van howe in 'n enkele stedelike sentrum is egter ongewoon en plaas die terrein langs 'n handjievol ander Meso -Amerikaanse stede. Gegewe die hoeveelheid energie wat bestee word aan die bou en versiering van messelbane, is daar min twyfel dat die balspel en omringende rituele sentraal was in die stad se elite.

Verskeie Tajín -balbane is versier, en die sentrale hof bevat een van die rykste versamelings van balbaanbeelde in die hele Meso -Amerika. Die ikonografie van hierdie sentrale hofpanele was van kardinale belang vir geleerdes wat die balspel in hierdie streek en in die hele Meso -Amerika bestudeer het, en het basiese inligting verskaf oor die belangrikste voorwerpe wat met die spel verband hou (Ekholm 1949) sowel as opofferings rondom die spel (Tozzer 1957 Knauth 1961 ). Alhoewel geïsoleerde besonderhede van hierdie panele goed gedien het as vergelykende materiaal vir groter Meso -Amerikaanse ikonografiese patrone, is die lees van die ensemble van panele as 'n samehangende verhaalreeks steeds in geskil, 'n probleem wat volledig in hoofstuk 3 opgeneem sal word.

Vanaf die sewende eeu tot die elfde was El Tajín 'n belangrike Meso -Amerikaanse hoofstad in 'n gebied wat voorheen marginaal was vir die stedelike tradisie van die streek (Brüggemann 1993 Wilkerson 2001a Daneels 2002: 659). Gedurende dieselfde tydperk het voorheen perifere gebiede in die hele westelike Meso -Amerika groot sentrums van handel en politieke mag geword. Hierdie nuutgevonde krag is aangekondig in die vorm van monumentale argitektuur en kuns. Hierin is die openbare beeld van El Tajín tipies en moet dit gesien word in die groter konteks van veranderinge aan die Meso -Amerikaanse politieke en sosiale landskap wat gedurende hierdie tydperk plaasgevind het.

Die periode van El Tajín se apogee stem ooreen met die agteruitgang van Teotihuacan, die belangrikste stedelike sentrum van die eerste helfte van die eerste millennium nC. Die agteruitgang van die mag van Teotihuacan het golwe van politieke, sosiale en ekonomiese herskikking in Meso-Amerika in die periode 650-900/1000 n.C. veroorsaak, hier die Epiclassic genoem (Pasztory 1978: 15-21 Millon 1988 Diehl en Berlo 1989 Coggins 2002: 43-45 Braswell 2003). Baie geleerdes het gewys op die belangrikheid van El Tajín gedurende die Epiklassieke periode (Jiménez Moreno 1959 Webb 1978 Diehl en Berlo 1989 Smith en Berdan 2003), toe dit een van verskeie streeksentrums was wat 'n toename in aktiwiteit ondervind het toe die mag van Teotihuacan afneem. Die herkonstitusie van 'n Meso -Amerikaanse wêreld na die agteruitgang van Teotihuacan bly een van die belangrikste vrae in die Meso -Amerikaanse geskiedenis, maar die belangrike rol van El Tajín in die proses betwyfel nie.

Onlangse studie oor die Meso -Amerikaanse Epiklassiek beklemtoon die bou van elite -netwerke wat die ou Teotihuacan -orde vervang het (Ringle et al. 1998 Ringle 2004 López Austin en López Luján 1999, 2000 Smith en Berdan 2003: 25). Die aard van hierdie netwerke is nog steeds 'n kwessie van debat, maar dit is duidelik dat een belangrike aspek die aanbieding van komplekse openbare verklarings in die stedelike sentrum behels wat hierdie nuwe elites en die stelsels wat dit gelegitimeer het, verkondig (Nagao 1989). Dit is van groot belang dat 'n beduidende deel van die simboliek onder baie van hierdie elite gedeel word, terwyl terselfdertyd 'n sekere streeksidentiteit op die kuns en argitektuur afgedwing word. Dit geld vir El Tajín, net soos vir verskeie ander hoofstede destyds in Meso -Amerika (Diehl en Berlo 1989 Ringle 2004).

Die versiering van hierdie middestede is vergelyk met politieke advertensieborde, maar dit is 'n statiese karakterisering van wat 'n dinamiese gebied was, met talle rituele wat hierdie ruimtes verlewendig en interaksie het met die permanente gesnede boodskappe op die geboue (Fox 1996 Kowalski 1999: 11) . Hierdie gebeeldhouwde verhale handel veral oor die aanbieding van verskillende rituele wat in dieselfde ruimtes uitgevoer is. El Tajín is veral ryk aan narratiewe beeldhouwerk wat direk spreek tot die aanbieding van hierdie rites. In hierdie opsig is die stad se openbare beeldhouwerk soortgelyk aan die hedendaagse openbare kuns en skryfwerk van die Maya's (Schele en Miller 1986 Reents-Budet 1989 Stuart 1998). Dit gesê, die aanbieding van ritueel op die openbare monumente van El Tajín moet nie slegs beskou word as 'n weerspieëling van rituele praktyk nie. Recent scholarship on Mesoamerican ritual imagery reminds us that many choices were made as to which rituals were to be depicted and how (Quiñones Keber 2002 Herring 2005:42-45), decisions that should be kept in mind as we examine El Tajín's imagery of ritual throughout this book (see especially Chapter 5).

If we are to see El Tajín in the context of the Epiclassic period in Mesoamerica, then it may be helpful to explore how we came to think of the Epiclassic as a period and what are perceived as its major characteristics. Many Mesoamerican scholars, and virtually all those working in the Maya area, use the terms "Late Classic" and "Terminal Classic" to refer to the period under discussion. This works well in the Maya area, where there is a much stronger continuity between the first and second half of the millennium, with only the "Terminal Classic" (ca. AD 800-1000) seen as the sort of disruptive period normally associated with the Epiclassic to the west. Radical changes in settlement, trade, and style patterns happened earlier in western Mesoamerica, however, with major shifts beginning by the sixth to seventh centuries AD. The rise of El Tajín as a key center was one of these shifts, and the Epiclassic may be best characterized as the period in which these transformations came into being and matured throughout much of western Mesoamerica.

Initially the Epiclassic was seen as a transitional period between the peaceful, theocratic Classic (to ca. AD 650) and the more militaristic Postclassic (after ca. AD 900 Jiménez Moreno 1959). Later scholarship, however, has shown conclusively that the Classic period was not without militarism and conflict, suggesting that if the Epiclassic was transitional, the transition was not between periods of peace and conflict. Thus while it was clear that settlement, stylistic, and other patterns shifted during this period, there was no longer a grand historical narrative to make sense of these changes. More recently, Webb (1978) proposed that trade, not conflict, was at the heart of the Epiclassic transformation: Classic societies traded items central to religious practice in a relatively peaceful setting, whereas Epiclassic capitals such as El Tajín were involved in more-militaristic trading ventures focusing more on secular or luxury trade items. The emphasis on Epiclassic trade among these emerging capitals, and its relation to militarism and other aspects of the period, continues to be a topic of debate (Ringle et al. 1998 Ringle 2004:213: Sugiura Yamamoto 2001).

Despite the importance of the Epiclassic context for the rise of El Tajín, the city did not exist only in the rather rarefied air of these rising Epiclassic capitals. It was the hub of a region that had long been inhabited but had remained largely peripheral to Mesoamerican history. While we know too little of this regional culture and its workings, strong evidence suggests that El Tajín built directly on the earlier regional culture (Wilkerson 1972 Pascual Soto 1998). In addition, we now have evidence for a regional sculptural tradition that is directly ancestral to the Epiclassic Tajín flowering. The regional context is an important consideration when examining the problem of style in El Tajín and its relation to other Epiclassic centers. Much has been written on the "eclectic" nature of Epiclassic art, with its ability to borrow both graphic practices and symbolism from throughout Mesoamerica (Kubler 1980 McVicker 1985 Nagao 1989). Although El Tajín may have appropriated a number of symbols circulating during the Epiclassic, the style employed, when viewed from the perspective of the earlier regional tradition, is largely an indigenous development and shows little if any of the conscious stylistic appropriations often cited for other Epiclassic capitals such as Cacaxtla and Xochicalco. This history of regional sculpture is presented in Chapter 3, while below we describe the center of the city as it was during Tajín's Epiclassic apogee.

Introduction to the Urban Core

The center of El Tajín (Fig. 1.2), which contains all the major architectural and sculptural programs, is located among the rolling hills that are typical of this part of the Veracruz lowlands. There is a steady decline in elevation from north to south, going from 200 to 140 m above sea level. The architects of the site artificially modified the upper portions of the monumental center to contain the Mound of the Building Columns and the Tajín Chico areas (García Payón 1954). The rest of the center, referred to as the lower monumental center, sits in the valley floor, which opens only to the south.

A wealth of sculpture adorned the buildings of the monumental center. This book focuses on the meanings of that sculpture and how those meanings would have been experienced by specific audiences. This is not to say that the book is a catalog of the literally hundreds of panels, stelae, and architectural friezes at the site. Two fine, complete catalogs have already been produced (Kampen 1972 Castillo Peña 1995), and there is little reason to go over yet again every sculpture in this fashion. Instead, this book treats at length the three richest, most important sculptural programs adorning what are widely regarded as the most important public spaces in the monumental center: the Pyramid of the Niches/Central Plaza ensemble, the South Ballcourt, and the Mound of the Building Columns complex (Fig. 1.2). In this respect the book is a sustained examination of a restricted set of ancient monuments. The majority of the book looks at what can be gleaned from the iconography of the sculptural programs in a reading of motifs, relations, and finally narratives.

A pre-Columbian person approaching El Tajín at its pinnacle would have seen a city of 15,000-30,000 people (Brüggemann 1991:104 Brüggemann et al. 1992:62) spread over 1,000 hectares or almost 4 square miles (Ortíz C. and Rodríguez 1999:103). At its center was a monumental ensemble of pyramids, ballcourts, and palaces that covered more than 10 percent of the city (Brüggemann 1991:81 Fig. 1.2) and was delimited by two small streams flowing from north to south, beginning on either side of the upper portion of the center. House mounds dating to Tajín's florescence ring the center, continuing into the hills that encircle the site (Krotser and Krotser 1973:181).

Much of the lower monumental center is organized into plazas formed by pyramids surrounding a central space. Just off these plazas, the builders of El Tajín placed one or more ballcourts. Eleven courts have now been documented for the monumental center, giving El Tajín one of the highest concentrations of ballcourts in Mesoamerica. All of these are found in the lower center in Tajín Chico, in the upper center, the buildings take on an administrative/ceremonial character (Sarro 2001). Many of these public buildings in both areas were decorated with full-figure sculptures, relief panels, and elaborate mural paintings. The corpus of art at the site is still growing, for the study of El Tajín is ongoing, and we are still discovering major sculptural pieces and even entire mural programs.

Only recently, in the last quarter century, have we been able to piece together a vision of the city. Early European and Mexican explorers did not consider El Tajín a city, but a single, isolated pyramid (Ruíz 1785). The Pyramid of the Niches, as it has come to be called, is indeed one of the most beautiful, elaborate, and important buildings at the site. Its architectural complexity entranced the world for more than a century after its discovery, with several famous European explorers producing renderings of the building (Fig. 1.3). The combination of niches constructed of numerous separate blocks of stone surmounted by an emphatically projecting cornice (the "flying cornice"), seen to greatest effect in this building, was to become the sine qua non of Tajín architectural style. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Pyramid of the Niches served as the sole major example of that style, while the culture from which the pyramid sprang, like the city that surrounded it, remained almost completely unknown. Given the paucity of archaeological information coming from the region and the lack of any other documentation apart from the growing number of decontextualized portable stone objects, this is hardly surprising. Even when archaeological investigations began in earnest in the first half of the twentieth century, the lack of a regional context for understanding El Tajín continued to be a major problem.

It is now clear that at the time of its apogee El Tajín would have been the largest and most populous urban center in the north-central Gulf lowlands (Wilkerson 1999 Brüggemann 2001a:377). As Tajín's power grew towards the beginning of the Epiclassic, other, smaller centers within 30 km of the site adopted the Tajín practice of building in stone, as well as its architectural style (Jiménez Lara 1991 Wilkerson 2001b:652), as did cities as much as 80 or 100 km to the west, such as Yohualichan on the flanks of the Sierra Madre (Fig. 1.1 Pascual Soto 1998:28-30). Kubler (1973) has posited that the niche and flying cornice, elements diagnostic for Tajín architecture, were marks of Tajín identity wherever they were found.

Throughout this region of Tajín architectural style, the ceramics used during this period are much like those found at El Tajín (García Payón 1971:532 Daneels 2004), suggesting that the architectural style signaled a deeper affiliation. The palma, an especially complex, portable carved stone object with decoration strongly reminiscent of Tajín art, also marks this region and joins it to the highland traditions just to the south, around Xalapa, Veracruz. Daneels (2004:421) has defined a ceramic sphere that encompasses this larger region but suggests that these ties were more general than those seen in the heartland of Tajín's architectural style. The art and material culture of these peripheral sites indicate close Tajín ties in some elements (e.g., painting styles and rites depicted), but they also exhibit important differences (different ceramic figurines and a lack of flying cornices in the architecture) that suggest less intimate political and social relationships (Headrick and Koontz 2006:195). This book will examine some of these relations as they reveal themselves in the iconography, but for the moment one can safely envisage the smaller corridor of Tajín-related architecture as the Tajín polity or realm, with the ancient city at its center as the capital (Fig. 1.1).

Although the Tajín realm may be relatively well defined on the basis of architecture and material culture, little is known about the people who inhabited that realm. Ceramics were the principal means used in the past to identify the Tajín people and have also been the chief evidence for dating the site and exploring its relationships with other Mesoamerican centers. All this is quite a bit for the ceramic evidence to bear, as we shall see, and it suggests that a close examination of the ceramics will be repaid with a better understanding of how El Tajín has been constituted as a culture.

Ceramics: The Dating and Ethnicity of Tajín

Wilfredo Du Solier (1939, 1945) published the first systematic studies of Tajín ceramics. His stratigraphy came from several test pits in the west part of the site (Du Solier 1945:148), especially from one midden found in the extreme west of the monumental center, near the arroyo (Du Solier 1939:25). All other observations seem to be based on surface finds and earlier collections. The fact that he was unable to systematically compare his test pit stratigraphy to the fill in buildings, leaving the latter to be dated on style and a priori assumptions about urban development, was a situation that plagued Tajín archaeology until the Proyecto Tajín's systematic study of the ceramic fill in six of the ballcourts in the late 1980s (Raesfeld 1990, 1992), and one that continues to plague buildings outside the ballcourt study.

Du Solier created type categories for both the sherds (1939:27-29) and the figurine heads (1939:36), which he was able to associate with specific areas of Tajín. These correlations have not been discussed since and may still prove to be interesting. For example, Du Solier associated Polished Black Relief ware with the Mound of the Building Columns, where he found "hundreds" of these relief vessels carved with the "13 Rabbit" glyph, which he interpreted as a date (1945:155-156). He associated "captive taking" vessels with Tajín Chico, as well as a certain type of Fine Orange ware with pre- and post-fire grooving that he found in the top portions of his trenches in the site's western extremities. It is largely on this evidence that Tajín Chico is placed late in the architectural sequence (1939:31).

To date the site, Du Solier created three rough stages of Tajín ceramics and concentrated on the outside relationships of the Polished Black ware to other sites in Mesoamerica. He saw a relationship between what he defined as early Polished Black with Teotihuacan II or early III ware. This connection was one of the main pieces of evidence used to date Tajín as a Classic period site, although as Brüggemann (2004) later pointed out, it ignored the larger context of the Tajín ceramics in favor of a simple correlation. Put another way, Du Solier had no proof that the Tajín ceramics were found in stratigraphic situations comparable to the Teotihuacan pieces. This problem would crop up each time a ceramic relationship with Teotihuacan was attempted. In a later essay, Du Solier (1945:190) posited that there was no direct Teotihuacan influence at Tajín, and that any characteristics of the former site were "passed through the sieve of Huastec culture" before arriving at Tajín.

Paula Krotser (in Krotser and Krotser 1973) extended Du Solier's typology, did more trenching to establish a ceramic sequence, and also performed an intensive surface collection. Again the attempt was made to link Teotihuacan and Tajín through the Polished Black ceramic type, called here Terrazas Lustroso. This study suffered from the same lack of context as Du Solier's (Brüggemann 1992a:29, 2004), namely that the Tajín ceramics were not found in contexts that showed other firm Teotihuacan relationships. Not only were they found in different stratigraphic contexts, but at Teotihuacan, these ceramics were a luxury ware, whereas at Tajín they were a domestic ware (Yarborough n.d. [1992]:244-245). More generally, Krotser was able to tie the ceramics of Tajín to both the Huastec and Totonac ceramic spheres, and she noted that close relationships existed between Tajín and the nearby lowland site of Las Higueras as well as the highland Puebla site of Xiuhtetelco (see also García Payón 1971:528). The former contains murals in a style that can now be seen as related to Tajín (Sánchez Bonilla 1992 Morante López 2005).

Krotser's ceramic work was done about 2 km south of the central monumental zone, in groups of house mounds that the author designated as somewhere between those of the common farmer and those of the city's highest elite. Through these important early investigations of the periphery of Tajín, done in conjunction with Ramón Krotser, the authors were able to demonstrate that El Tajín was truly urban and not a largely vacant ceremonial center. That said, the work did little to clarify the architectural sequence at the heart of the site.

At approximately the same time that the Krotsers were working south of the center, S. Jeffrey K. Wilkerson was exploring the nearby site of Santa Luisa, where he was able to construct the first complete ceramic sequence for the region and anchor it at least partially to radiocarbon dates (Wilkerson 1972, 1979, 1980, 1987a, 1990, 2001b). This regional chronology, in which the apogee of El Tajín is dated to the La Isla A (600-900) and La Isla B (900-1100) phases, has been critical to all later work in the region. Because Wilkerson could not correlate this information systematically with a large majority of the buildings at Tajín for lack of comparable material in good archaeological context, its usefulness remained marginal to constructing a chronology for the site proper.

Although the large amount of data on ceramics gathered in the 1960s and 1970s could not be applied to a chronology of monumental buildings at the site core, it was often used to defend or demolish hypotheses on the identity of the Tajín people. The great majority of scholarship on the city's inhabitants argued for one of two principal candidates: the Totonac (García Payón 1963) or the Huastec (Du Solier 1945 Wilkerson 1972, 1979). While north-central Veracruz sported a multiethnic population when the Spanish arrived, the Totonac were the dominant group in the area and thus the first candidates for building the much earlier city however, ceramics associated with the Totonac are distinctive polychromes that do not appear at Tajín until late in the sequence, thus disqualifying the Totonac as we know them archaeologically from founding the city. Despite the ceramic evidence indicating that the Totonac arrived late in the sequence, García Payón (1963) saw the proof of Totonac identity for Tajín in colonial accounts of the historical movements of the Totonacs into this area that claimed a much earlier arrival, in the middle of the Classic period (ca. AD 300-400). This is possible only if one posits the different ceramic assemblage at that time to also be Totonac, which is what García Payón did (1963:245). In short, the Totonac identity hypothesis has a very weak basis in the material evidence, and the colonial records on which it is based provide a shaky foundation (Ramírez Castilla 1995).

Using ceramic evidence instead of colonial records, Wilkerson constructed an important argument for El Tajín as a Huastec site. He noted, as did Du Solier before him, that several very early (ca. 1000-300 BC) ceramic styles and figurine types are shared between the Tajín region and the area immediately to the north (Wilkerson 1979:40-41). This northern Gulf region has long been associated with the Huastec Maya, and it was hypothesized that these northern ties indicated a deep stratum of Huastec culture in the Tajín region. Recent archaeological finds in the Nautla River valley just to the south of Tajín have significantly changed this view of early Tajín affiliations. It is now clear that by ca. 300 BC a culture separate from that to the north had developed in the Tajín region and Nautla Valley (Wilkerson 1994, 2001a). By Tajín's Epiclassic apogee, the Huastec area to the north was a distinct ceramic sphere (Daneels 2004:421). Thus neither the Huastec nor the Totonac have definitive claims to the culture of Tajín.

Although it is difficult to assign a specific language or ethnic identity to El Tajín, the archaeological and artistic evidence is more easily related to other regions and spheres. As noted above, regional architectural styles and ceramic assemblages indicate a close-knit north-central Gulf lowland sphere during the period of Tajín's apogee. Fundamental traits of the Tajín art style indicate even wider Gulf relations. The widest sphere that has been clearly related to El Tajín is that of the Classic Veracruz style, which Proskouriakoff (1954) defined through the use two motifs: the scroll and the raised double outline. The sphere's definition in terms of stylistic practices, as opposed to reconstituted ethnicities, means that Classic Veracruz continues to be a productive, although debated, category. Refinements to Proskouriakoff's initial definition of the sphere show that the particular scroll style used at Tajín is indicative of later developments in the style of the northern half of the central Gulf lowlands (Stark 1998). It is especially close to the work seen on palmas, an elite sculptural form that is also specifically associated with the northern portion of the Classic Veracruz style sphere.

With a stalemate on the question of ethnicity, and rather impressionistic methods of dating the monumental center, the next phase of research into Tajín ceramics, chronology, and ethnicity began in 1983 with the launching of the Proyecto Tajín. During this massive project, the largest by far to date, little interest was shown in the ethnicity of the city's residents, but the question of dating consumed a significant portion of the project's resources. Several researchers came to the conclusion that any settlement before the Epiclassic period (ca. AD 650-1000) had been rather small, and that the apogee of Tajín may have been as short as three centuries (Brüggemann 1993).

To explore the question of chronology further, Raesfeld (1990, 1992) excavated test pits in six of the ballcourts, obtaining a comparative sample of more than 3,500 sherds. All six ballcourts proved to have the same fill, and surface collections at others suggest that all were constructed in a very short time. Furthermore, ceramic types that had been used to distinguish a Late Classic and an Early Postclassic phase were mixed in all the ballcourts, suggesting that these types may not be chronologically diagnostic, a problem that Wilkerson had already touched upon in his work at Santa Luisa. At the same time, Brüggemann (1993) telescoped the history of the site to the time span between AD 850 and 1150, finding no basis either in the architecture or the ceramics for any building that García Payón attempted to date as earlier. Lira López, in her published dissertation on Tajín ceramics (1990), notes little chronological development at all in the ceramics, following the results of Brüggemann and Raesfeld. Both Brüggemann and Lira López place what appears to be the compressed apogee period in the ninth to twelfth centuries on the basis of a radiocarbon date.

Despite the problems with chronological control at the beginning and end of the sequence, the important work of the Proyecto Tajín on Tajín chronology focused researchers on the rather short period of Tajín's apogee and the Epiclassic connections during that time. In arguing these points, and especially the initial date of AD 850, the Proyecto workers chose to ignore the earlier regional work of Wilkerson (1972), which showed that apogee-period ceramics found outside the center could be dated to the period between 600-1100, with these dates anchored to a more substantial series of radiocarbon dates than that used by Brüggemann and Lira López in the center.

While the above information is crucial to situating the city of Tajín in space and time, the focus of this book is not the city as a whole, but the three programs of public sculpture erected at its center. Since all three of these programs have been known and studied for some time, any study of the iconography of Tajín comes with a certain set of interests and assumptions. As we will see, these assumptions, and the debates they have generated, often have a direct effect on how scholars view Tajín's place in the greater Mesoamerican world.

The Study of the Imagery

Ellen Spinden (1933) was the first scholar to write at length on the imagery of El Tajín, and to help make sense of its figures and symbols, she turned to current understandings of Aztec imagery. This was a natural strategy. Not only did the Aztecs leave a voluminous body of art that had already been studied seriously for more than half a century, but they were also the subject of the finest ethnohistorical materials in Mesoamerica in the body of work by Sahagún and others. In addition, the greatest iconographer of the nineteenth century, Eduard Seler, used these Aztec materials almost exclusively to construct the first wide-ranging and coherent view of Mesoamerican iconography. Thus by the late 1920s, when Spinden began her work at Tajín, there was a venerable tradition supporting the use of Aztec analogies in examining other Mesoamerican symbol systems.

Although she analyzed a wealth of Tajín sculpture using Aztec analogies, Spinden did not have access to a single complete sculptural program however, she did have access to four of the six monumental panels of the South Ballcourt. From these images, Spinden posited that the ballcourt sculptures depicted the initiation rites of a young warrior into a military cult with solar symbolism. Significant to all later scholarship were Spinden's (1933:256) identification of ballcourt sacrifice in the northeast panel (Fig. 3.8) and the association of this iconography with the Great Ballcourt of Chichén Itzá.

José García Payón, who followed Spinden and who for over three decades was the head archaeologist at El Tajín, was especially intrigued by the iconography of the South Ballcourt panels. On one level, García Payón largely accepted Spinden's hypothesis that the panels represent the initiation of a warrior. He introduced another layer of symbolism by identifying the South Ballcourt as a citlaltlachtli, or constellation ballcourt, and the actors as sky deities or impersonators. On both interpretive levels, he continued to use Central Mexican analogies initiated by Spinden. When he wrote his first major essay on the subject (García Payón 1959), an important part of the program remained unknown. Soon after that essay was published, García Payón found the two central panels of the South Ballcourt. He interpreted the panels as depicting a pulque rite due to the presence in both scenes of the maguey plant, from which the intoxicating beverage is made (García Payón 1963). He eventually expanded this hypothesis into a large part of his last major publication on the site (García Payón 1973b:31-57).

H. David Tuggle (1968) was the first to publish and interpret as a whole the extensive imagery found in the Mound of the Building Columns program. In this important article he identified the scenes as a series of rituals, most of which involved human sacrifice. He linked several of the key scenes with imagery found in the lower monumental center, thus being the first to note the iconographic coherence of the site as a whole. Following Caso (1953), he showed that the glyphs inserted into the carved scenes named the figures. Tuggle suggested that the most important individual, named "13 Rabbit," was a historical ruler at the site.

Michael Kampen (1972) was the first person to publish a systematic study of the site's iconography as a whole. His book, The Sculptures of El Tajín, Veracruz, Mexico , was by far the most important publication on the imagery up to that time. In it he illustrated the entire known corpus of sculpture with careful line drawings that have proved invaluable to all later researchers. His iconographic analyses were placed in a synthetic chapter on the subject and in the descriptions that accompanied the catalog of the sculptures. In both places he dropped the interpretations of Spinden and García Payón, by then embedded in the literature, and instead carefully noted the basic vocabulary and syntax of Tajín iconography. He then linked these patterns to basic themes such as ballcourt sacrifice. Kampen was especially wary of direct analogies with later Aztec imagery given the significant differences in the organization, location, and historical position of the two cultures. He found the wide-ranging comparative method introduced by Spinden to be too impressionistic and too reliant on simple correspondences between Mesoamerican systems. This critique, together with superior documentation of the site's sculptural corpus, made Kampen's book indispensable to Tajín studies.

The work of the Proyecto Tajín has continued Kampen's documentary work and has also proven invaluable for iconographers. The recent catalog of sculpture by Patricia Castillo Peña (1995) and the monograph on works in all media by Sara Ladrón de Guevara (1999) contain extensive collections of new material as well as more-detailed reconstructions of old sculptures and murals that formerly had been known only as disconnected fragments. The latter work also contains a considered analysis of the global worldview evident in Tajín iconography.

Arturo Pascual Soto (1990) further systematized many of Kampen's observations. Throughout his book on the site's imagery he treats the elements of Tajín iconography as if they were Maya hieroglyphs, and he goes so far as to borrow the notational system that Thompson (1962) used to describe the glyphs. Pascual Soto's main objective was to generate a chronology for the sculptures by noting the historical transformations in particular iconographic elements in order to date the monuments and identify workshops. This goal may be opposed to the narrative reading that drove the earlier analyses. Pascual Soto's close attention to iconographic detail and archaeological context allowed him to establish for the first time several important groups of sculpture, including a much clearer idea of the public sculpture in and around the Central Plaza (Pascual Soto 1990:173).

At the same time, Wilkerson (1980, 1984, 1991) was involved in exploration of the narrative content of the South Ballcourt program, initiated by Spinden and García Payón. Synthesizing the work of the two earlier researchers, he linked Spinden's hypothesis on the meaning of the corner panels as warrior initiation rites with García Payón's interpretation of the pulque ritual of the center panels. In Wilkerson's analysis, the corner panels show the rituals leading to ballcourt sacrifice, which then produces the "response of the gods" in the form of pulque. He also expands on García Payón's astral symbolism, which he links specifically with Venus. Taking up Tuggle's thesis on the position of 13 Rabbit in the Mound of the Building Columns, he argues that one of the more important scenes (Fig. 4.4B) records the affirmation of this ruler's power.

Karl Taube (1986, 1988) has reinterpreted several important Tajín images by placing them in their larger Mesoamerican context. He is the first to apply such a wide-ranging comparative method to the imagery of Tajín since Spinden's initial article. Most importantly, he identifies the central panels of the South Ballcourt as an example of the cosmogonic imagery found throughout Mesoamerica (Taube 1986:56-57), and a main scene in the Mound of the Building Columns as scaffold sacrifice (Taube 1988).

The most sustained attempt to place Tajín iconography in its Epiclassic Mesoamerican context is that of William Ringle (Ringle et al. 1998 Ringle 2004). His focus is not on El Tajín per se, but on the shared Feathered Serpent symbolism used by Epiclassic elite networks throughout Mesoamerica. Ringle is particularly interested in the link between Tajín imagery and that of Chichén Itzá in the Yucatan, a relation first remarked in Spinden's original Tajín article.

Although they do not specifically treat Tajín imagery, López Austin and López Luján (2000) provide an important complementary model for shared Epiclassic symbolism, derived from a close reading of later ethnohistoric sources as well as analogies with later political systems. They base their model on an exegesis of the language of Zuyuá, an arcane elite language used in Contact period Yucatan, but which these authors argue has deep and broad roots in Mesoamerica. Especially important for this study is the recognition that elites would associate themselves both with the local patron deity as well as the more universal Feathered Serpent, the latter usually conceived as a combination of a quetzal (Pharomachrus mocinno) and a rattlesnake (Crotalus of Sistrurus sp.). Like the Ringle model noted above, the Zuyuan model places Feathered Serpent imagery at the center of shared Epiclassic symbolism across the region, a theme we will explore as it pertains to Tajín. Both models attempt to explain the shared symbolism and the wide-ranging contacts of Epiclassic elites, two of the most pertinent and heretofore little understood aspects of Epiclassic elite art.

Both Epiclassic models play against a recent tradition of studying Tajín iconography that has steered away from analogies. To place Tajín in a Mesoamerican context, however, requires the judicious and frequent use of analogy. If the imagery of El Tajín is to be brought fully into the Mesoamerican fold, then the use of analogies with other Mesoamerican iconographic systems is the single most important issue in the study of Tajín's imagery. A major problem for any analogical argument is the lack of textual documentation on Tajín thought and religion. The major documents for the study of Tajín culture turn out to be the art and architecture themselves. This is the lot of the prehistorian, to be always searching for relevant documents but never finding anything so immediate as the art and other aspects of material culture that the people themselves produced. Everything else—including documents produced by later cultures, as is the case with later ethnohistoric writings from the area, as well as the contemporary Maya writing and the iconographic statements of related Epiclassic capitals—is at some remove from the matter at hand. How to connect these documents with the iconography of Tajín has been and continues to be a major problem in Classic Veracruz studies, and one we will explore in its specifics as we examine the imagery.

In sum, the best treatments of Tajín iconography have always involved close, intrinsic readings of the imagery combined with analogies from well-documented Mesoamerican iconographic traditions. In the scholarship on Tajín before 1960, these analogies were drawn almost exclusively from the Late Postclassic Aztec tradition. Later authors have criticized the use of iconographic analogies from a culture that was organized differently, lived in a significantly different ecosystem, and followed the apogee of Tajín culture by 500 years. This revision of the use of analogy in Tajín iconography follows a wider trend in which the appropriateness of the Late Postclassic Aztec analogy was questioned throughout Mesoamerican studies (Kubler 1967). The Late Postclassic analogy had its defenders (Nicholson 1971), but even these admitted that indiscriminate use of Aztec materials seen earlier was no longer tenable. Instead, recent analyses have focused on finding analogies that are more specifically suited to the Tajín context for structural and/or historical reasons. Particularly important to this study are approaches that focus on the Epiclassic context of the imagery.

“I find this book to be a superior piece of scholarship in every way.”
John Pohl, Peter Jay Sharp Curator and Lecturer in the Art of the Ancient Americas, Princeton University Art Museum


The Cumbre Tajín event

The Cumbre Tajin is an annual artistic and cultural festival which is held at the site in March. The Cumbre Tajin is considered to be an identity festival of the Totonacs, who are considered to be the guardians of El Tajín. Events include those traditional to the Totonac culture as well as modern arts and events from cultures from as far as Tibet. Some of the events include musical concerts, experiencing a temascal, theatrical events and visiting El Tajin at night, with a total over 5,000 activities. [8] Many of the cultural, craft and gastronomic events occur at the adjacent Parque Takilhsukut which just located just outside the archeological site. [57] In 2008, 160,000 attended the event which featured Fito Páez, Ximena Sariñana and Los Tigres del Norte. Thirty percent of the revenue the event generates goes toward scholarships for Totonaca youth. [8]

In 2009, the event added the Encuentro Internacional de Voladores (International Encounter of Voladores). For five days, voladores from various places perform at the poles erected at the site. The objective is not only to see the different costumes and styles of the groups but to share experiences about the fertility ritual. Voladores come from as far as San Luis Potosi and Guatemala. [8]

The Cumbre Tajín has been criticized for its emphasis on modern shows rather than on cultural events. One criticism is the illumination of pyramids at night without any kind of cultural historical instruction. The criticism is that it disrespects the site and the Totonac people. There are also fears that large numbers of visitors to the site for events such as concerts by names such as Alejandra Guzmán damage the site. [57] However, the Centro de Artes Indígenas de Veracruz states that it works very hard to preserve and promote Totonac culture through the event, sponsoring events such as traditional cooking, painting and the ritual of the Voladores. [58]


Veracruz A Mexican Gem.

Veracruz Mexico is a Historical place, where many indigenous groups built their empires. Te totonaco indigenous built El Tajin which is a Temple where represents the solar calendar, where sacrifices were made according to their culture now it is just ruins, where history is kept, an archaeological site, Many tourist go and see some history. In this both videos have explanations of cultural tourism, Art, beliefs, culture, archaeology, geography, traditions of indigenous and elements that shape their way of life. By about this specific indigenous group the totonacs, I am thrilled to say I plan to go and visit my self, going to a place that some how it has not lost their history its amazing specially if it has to do with ones roots, in this case my roots. Now it makes me wonder how many places in the world are actually hiding some archaeological history.

Vacation in Veracruz, Mexico Adventure and Cultural Tours.

http://www.DiscoverVeracruzTours.com This video was put together by the Mexican Tourism Board promoting the state of Veracruz.

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El Tajin, Veracruz, Mexico Visita la piramides De los nichos.

El tajin many archaelogical totonaca site, with nice people, and what is amazing that some of those people still speak their totonaca language.

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Most Amazing Aztec Pyramids near Mexico City & Cancun, Mexico

Once home to some of the largest and most powerful ancient civilizations, Mexiko has a plethora of captivating pyramids, each provide visitors a distinct glimpse into this regions rich past. While every ancient site site offers its own appeal, we’ve narrowed down a list of eight pyramids every traveler should try to see.

    Zona Arqueológica de Tulum: Tulum Beach Ruins

Where: Tulum, Quitana Roo, Mexico

The Tulum Archaeological Site features Mayan ruins perched on the edge of a sea cliff. The Zona Arqueológica de Tulum offers close access to the Cancun pyramids. After exploring these world re-owned ruins, you can visit Xplor, the newest eco theme park in the Mayan Riviera and zipline directly into a cenote (underground water cavern). After, cruise over to the beaches of Tulum, aptly named the best beaches in the Yucatan Peninsula. Tulum’s stretch of coastline consists of fancy resorts, vegan restaurants, health spas, yoga studios. Outdoor opportunities include scuba diving, snorkeling, kite surfing, mangrove tours, and swimming in cenotes.

Where: San Juan Teotihuacán, State of Mexico, Mexico

Ciudad Prehispánica de Teotihuacán is home to the most famous Mexico City pyramids. Discover the awe-inspiring Aztec pyramids at Teotihuacan, located 30 miles outside of Mexico City. Teotihuacán has two famous pyramids known as the Temple of the Sun and the Temple of the Moon. The two gigantic pyramids dominate the landscape. Check out the most known Aztec site in Mexico. A trip to Mexico would not be complete without visiting world-renowned Teotihuacán and climbing the Pyramid of the Sun.

Where: Tinum, Yucatan, Mexico

By far the most well known ancient Mayan ruins and Mexico pyramids, Chichen Itza is a popular day trip for travelers staying in Cancun and a well preserved ancient city. The main highlight of Chichén Itzá is the famous El Castillo pyramid, one of the New Seven Wonders of the World. The well preserved ancient city has other jaw-dropping structures such as the El Caracol observatory and the Temple of the Warriors. Historically, a major urban center of lowland Maya culture, Chitzen Itza houses numerous monuments of world importance and fame. As a center of historical significance since 1000 AD, Chichen Itza is home to the well-known monuments like the Great Ball Court, the Temple de Los Guerreros, and the Ossario pyramid. It is also the site of a unique natural sinkhole called the Sacred Cenote, which was used as a human sacrifice site. A large quantity of priceless archeological artifacts and human remains have been unearthed at Chichén Itzá. The stone-stepped pyramid of El Castillo lives up to its world fame. The grand structure of El Castillo was dedicated as a place of worship to the Maya feathered serpent god Kukulkan.

Where: Adolfo López Mateos, Chiapas, Mexico

The Temple of Inscriptions is the largest stepped-pyramid at Palenque and resting place of Lord Pakal. This Mexico pyramid has built as a funerary monument of an important Mayan leader. The Temple of Inscriptions records approximately 180 years of the ancient city's history. This famed archaeological site is located a nine hour drive from Cancun and a great day trip to add to your Mexico Tour.

Where: San Andrés Cholula, Puebla, Mexico

The Great Pyramid of Cholula, also known as Tlachihualtepetl, is part of a huge network of pyramids near Mexico City. The Zona Arqueológica de Cholula is around two hours away from Mexico City. Located in Cholula, Puebla, Mexico, The Great Pyramid of Cholula is the largest archaeological site of a pyramid in Central America and the largest pyramid known to exist in the world today.

Where: El Tajin, Veracruz, Mexico

El Tajin was one of the most important ancient cities of Mesoamerica. The ancient city flourished from 600 – 1200 AD, inhabited by people from diverse parts of Mexiko. The impressive Aztec pyramids and monuments of El Tajin include the Pyramid of the Niches, Building 5 (also a pyramid) and other pyramid-shaped temples. El Tajin is around four hours away from Mexico City, located near the beach town and adventure hub of Veracruz.

Where: Campeche, Mexico

Calakmul was one of the largest and most powerful ancient cities uncovered in the Mayan lowlands. Calakmul was a major Mayan power hub within the Yucatán Peninsula of southern Mexico. Structure II is a district landmark of the famous Calakmul pyramids in Mexiko. This colossal ruin stands at more than 148 ft in height, making it one of the tallest of the Mayan pyramids in Mexico.

Where: Monte Carmelo, Quintana Roo, Mexico

The ancient Mayan city of Coba built around two lagoons is driving distance from Cancun. The adventurous and hidden Coba ruins encompass gorgeous jungle scenery and climbable temples. Bikes are available for rent so visitors can explore the large ancient city with ease. The renowned Coba ruins are the site of the largest network of stone causeways and roads in the ancient Mayan world. The Coba structures show influences from ancient Teotihuacan architecture, evidence that inhabitants had contact with Central Mexico. Steep steps lead up to the top of the Nohoch Mul pyramid, which reaches over one hundred and thirty feet tall. The Nohoch Mul Pyramid is the tallest Mayan pyramid on the Yucatan Peninsula. Coba’s Ancient Nohoch Mul Pyramid is open to the public if visitors wish to climb the one hundred and thirty steps. The pyramid in Mexico is a popular tourist destination, but the site is not overrun with tourists, so visitors experience the untouched feel of the ancient Mayan world.

Where: Ek Balam, Yucatan, Mexico

Ek Balam bestaan ​​uit verskeie tempels, twee paleise en die groot El Torre -piramide wat in die middel van die ou plek geleë is. Hierdie klimbare strukture is geleë in die oerwoude van die staat Yucatan, ongeveer twee uur wes van Cancun. Die Ek Balam -terrein het verskeie groot strukture, waaronder die hoë hoofpiramide van El Torre, versier met pragtig bewaarde gravures. Hierdie piramides in Cancun is 'n uitstekende manier om die antieke Maya -kultuur sonder die skare te ervaar.

Waar: Campeche, Mexiko

Die styl en kenmerke van Edzná maak dit 'n ou stad wat toeriste binnekort sal wens dat hulle besoek het voordat dit wêreldberoemd word. Hierdie majestueuse Maya -ruïnes is ongeveer vyf uur se ryafstand van Cancun af. Edzna is veral bekend vir sy Groot Piramide van Edzna, die vyfvlakstruktuur wat 'n piramide met 'n paleis duidelik kombineer. Die Great Plaza en die balbaan bevat belangrike en fotogeniese plekke in die ruïnes. As gevolg van die eensaamheid van hierdie verborge juweel, voel die verkenning van die Edzna -ruïnes vergelykbaar met Hiram Bingman wat op soek is na die verlore Inca -piramides van Machu Picchu in Suid -Amerika.

Dit is duidelik dat Mexiko het 'n oorvloed historiese en kultureel heersende piramides om te besoek. Elke webwerf het sy eie unieke aanbod vir besoekers, wat oorweldigend kan voel en oorweldigend kan voel as u probeer vasstel watter 'u moet sien' tydens u volgende avontuur. Gelukkig is ons hier om te help. Hier by Global Basecamps spesialiseer ons in die skep van pasgemaakte reise wat aan al u reisdoelwitte voldoen. Kontak ons, en ons begin vandag u toer deur Mexiko beplan!

Vir onafhanklike reisigers wat outentieke ervarings soek, is Global Basecamps 'n gespesialiseerde toeroperateur wat unieke toegang bied tot bestemmings wêreldwyd.


Kyk die video: de Poza Rica a El Tajín, Papantla en Veracruz, México (Oktober 2021).