Geskiedenis Podcasts

Stetson Kennedy

Stetson Kennedy

Stetson Kennedy is gebore in Jacksonville, Florida, in 1916. Nadat hy aan die Universiteit van Florida gegradueer het, het hy by die Federal Writers Project (1935-39) aangesluit. Terwyl hy aan die projek gewerk het, was Kennedy diep beïnvloed deur die boek, U het hul gesigte gesien (1937), 'n dokumentêre verslag van die arm lewensomstandighede in die Suide, wat deur die romanskrywer Erskine Caldwell en die fotograaf Margaret Bourke-White vervaardig is.

Kennedy het 'n koerantverslaggewer geword en ondersoekende artikels vir die New York Post. Sy eerste boek, Palmetto County, is in 1942 gepubliseer.

Kennedy, 'n lid van die NAACP, was 'n sterk teenstander van rassisme en het in 1950 'n beroep gedoen op die Amerikaanse senaat uit Florida as 'n onafhanklike 'kleurblinde' kandidaat op 'n platform wat 'n 'leef en laat leef' buitelandse beleid en totale gelykheid beywer. Tuis."

As ondersoekende joernalis het Kennedy by die Ku Klux Klan aangesluit. Artikels oor sy aktiwiteite verskyn in die New York Post. Hy het ook inligting oor die onwettige aktiwiteite daarvan aan die Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) en die House of Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) verskaf, maar albei organisasies het min belangstelling getoon in wat hy gevind het. Kennedy het ook verskeie boeke oor rassisme geskryf, soos Suidelike blootstelling (1946), Dwangarbeid in die Verenigde State (1953), I Rode With the Klan (1954), Jim Crow Guide to the U.S.A (1959) en The Klan Unmasked (1990).

Kennedy se laaste boek, Na Appomattox: hoe die suide die oorlog gewen het (1995), verduidelik hoe die Ou Suid militêre nederlaag in politieke en sosiale oorwinning omskep het. Kennedy verskyn ook in Mondigwording (1995) deur Studs Terkel. In 2001 ontvang Stetson Kennedy die Benjamin Spock Peacemaker of the Year -toekenning.

By die ondersoek na ou en nuwe vergrype wat deur die Klan gepleeg is, het ek gou 'n belangrike feit getref - byna al die dinge wat daaroor geskryf is, was hoofartikels, nie blootstellings nie. Die skrywers was in stryd met die Klan, maar hulle het baie min feite hieroor gehad. Hulle slae ontbreek gevolglik die dinamiet wat ek geweet het dit sou neem om 'n uitklophou teen die Klan te behaal.

Die behoefte was natuurlik nie net meer woorde nie, maar regsgetuienis oor die binnekant van die Klan - bewyse wat in die hof geneem kon word en waarmee die leiers van die Klan agter tralies kon sit waar hulle hoort. Om sulke bewyse te kry - net so duidelik - sou iemand onder 'n Klan -mantel moes gaan en die vuil linne van die kappie omkeer, sodat die hele wêreld dit kon sien.

Die Kloran van die Klan definieer 'n Klavalier as die soldaat van die Klan. Ons neem ons naam van die cavalier - 'n hoflike, beleefde, gekweekte en baie moedige en bekwame soldaat uit die sewentiende en agtiende eeu.

As die militêre departement van die onsigbare ryk dien ons Klavaliers ook as die geheime polisie van die KKK en word ons toevertrou met die uitvoering van alle "direkte" aktiwiteite. Ons is 'n militante weermag wat ons land in vredestyd bedien soos die Amerikaanse leër in oorlogstyd doen! Ons land is gestig deur 'n wit protestantse nasie, en ons is van plan om dit as sodanig te handhaaf! Enige poging om sy aangeleenthede te beïnvloed deur minderwaardige rasseminderhede of persone wat getrou is aan buitelandse prelate of potensate, sal nie geduld word nie!

Alle koppeltekengroepe-of dit nou neger-Amerikaners, Joods-Amerikaners, Katoliek-Amerikaners, Italiaans-Amerikaners is of wat ook al Amerikaans-Amerikaners moet word, of die land moet verlaat! Die Ku Klux Klan is 'n Amerikaans-Amerikaanse organisasie. As die Army of the Klan is ons Klavaliers toegewy daaraan om Amerika vir Amerikaners te red!

Die negerman kyk uit die hoek van sy oog. Maar die vrees wat hy moes voel toe hy ontdek dat hy in die hande van die Klan was, het nie in sy gesig verskyn nie.

Ons draai van die snelweg af en ry na 'n kleipad wat deur die dennehout gedwaal het. Toe ons by 'n klomp hardehoutbome by 'n tak kom, stop Randal die kajuit. Toe hy bykom en die deur oopmaak, gee hy 'n druk aan die neger wat hom eers 'n uitgestrekte gesig op die grond laat val. Byna voordat ek weet wat aan die gebeur was, het albei vragte Klavaliers om hom gewemel en na sy neergedrukte vorm geskop te midde van 'n vloek van vloektaal. Die neger kreun en verdubbel om sy lies te beskerm, maar hy pleit nie om genade nie.

Randal het intussen langs die kant gestaan ​​en rustig sy kleed aangetrek. Toe hy klaar was, stap hy op en die skop bedaar. "Dit is beter om te bid, ******!" hy het gesê. "Jou tyd het aangebreek."

Talmadge is verkies tot goewerneur van Georgië na 'n stormwindveldtog van Klan -terreur wat daarop gemik was om negers te keer om na die stembus te gaan. Aan die vooraand van die verkiesing het vurige kruise op die grasperke van regoor Georgië gevlam. Kennisgewings onderteken "KKK" is aan negerkerke aangebring, waarsku: "Die eerste ****** wat in Georgië stem, sal dood wees." Ander waarskuwings is deur middel van die Amerikaanse e -posse aan die negers gestuur, en ander is uit die vliegtuie oor die negerbuurte laat val.

Op die verkiesingsdag het duisende negers wakker geword om miniatuur kiste op hul drumpel te vind. My vakbondvriend Charlie Pike het sy inwoners, wit en neger, daartoe gelei om na die stembus te stem en as 'n liggaam te stem. En hoewel baie duisende negers die Klan uitgedaag het en vir die eerste keer gestem het, het die haatkragte uiteindelik die dag gedra, Talmadge is verkies, en die liberaal wat deur goewerneur Arnall gesteun is, is verslaan.

Terroriste het 'n bom onder die slaapkamer van meneer en mev Harry T. Moore, negerinwoners van Mims, 'n klein dorpie noord van Miami, geplant. Moore is op slag dood. Sy vrou is dood ná 'n week se lyding. Alhoewel mev Moore gesê het dat sy 'n 'goeie idee' gehad het wat die bom geplant het, het nie die plaaslike polisie of die spesiale ondersoeker Elliott, goewerneur Warren, of die F.B.I. het die moeite gedoen om enige verklaring van haar af te neem voordat sy gesterf het.

Moore was 'n tweevouige heilige vegter vir demokrasie, wat sy lewe lank voorop was in die stryd van sy mense om 'n groter mate van geregtigheid. ten tyde van sy dood was hy nie net staatsekretaris van die N.A.A.C.P. maar ook leier van die Progressive Voters League of Florida.

Dit was die rekord van Eisenhower as 'n handhawer van rasseskeiding in die Amerikaanse weermag, wat die moontlikheid oopgemaak het om die tradisioneel Demokratiese Suide in die Republikeinse kamp in te swaai. 'My beleid vir die hantering van gekleurde troepe is 'n absolute gelykwaardige behandeling, maar daar sal afsondering wees waar fasiliteite gebied word,' het Eisenhower in 1942 gesê - en die Klan het baie van hierdie feit gemaak.

Op 16 Julie van dieselfde jaar het 'n richtlijn met die handtekening van Eisenhower uitgegee aan die Rooi Kruis -klubs in Londen, met die opdrag dat: "Let op dat mans van twee rasse nie noodwendig in dieselfde slaapsaal of by dieselfde tafels vermeng word nie. in die eetsale. "

Uiteindelik, toe Eisenhower in die veldtog vir die presidentskap sy teenkanting teen burgerregtelike wetgewing deur die kongres aangekondig het, het die Klan die pak gekry en vir Ike gewerk. Op die verkiesingsdag het meer negers as ooit tevore in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis die Klan -terreur trotseer en na die stembus opgeruk - maar ten minste vyf miljoen is weerhou van stemme. Die haatpropaganda het sy werk gedoen, en Kludd Shuler se voorspelling dat vyf suidelike state vir Eisenhower sou gaan, het waar geword.

'N Ander teken vir die Ku Klux Klan -ideologie word verteenwoordig deur die McCarran Immigration Act. geborg deur die Republikeinse senator Pat McCarron - wat ook die outeur is van die konsentrasievlug van die V.S.A. - en die Republikeinse kongreslid Francis Walter, verbied die nuwe wet gekleurde rasse amper heeltemal, terwyl immigrasie deur Noord -Europeërs bevoordeel word. In plaas daarvan om te werk vir die herroeping van hierdie rassistiese wet, het Eisenhower spesiale kwotas gevra om migrante uit Oos -Europa in te laat, van wie die meeste hardnekkige Duitse Nazi's is.


Beluthahatchee Park

Beluthahatchee Park is geleë op die William Bartram Scenic Highway (SR 13) ongeveer een kilometer van die kilometer suid van Robertsweg en ongeveer 200 voet noord van Cricket Hollow Lane. Die Beluthahatchee Park is 'n vier (4) hektaar groot park wat geleë is op die 70 hektaar groot grond wat Kennedy in 1948 gekoop het nadat die Beluthahatchee -meer van 18 hektaar geskep is deur Mill Creek in 1945 op te neem. Hierdie meer kronkel deur 'n natuurlike bekken en word omring deur high bluffs, tans in besit van die Lake Dwellers Association, 'n nie-winsgewende korporasie in Florida wat deur die inwoners van die meer gevorm word. In 1949 is die stuk grond van 70 hektaar onderverdeel en platgemaak deur die eienaar/ontwikkelaar Stetson Kennedy, wat die beperkende verbonde opgeteken het om grond vir ewig as 'n wildreservaat opsy te sit, en te bepaal dat die bou van huise in ooreenstemming was met die doel van die ontwikkelaar "om as 'n werkende demonstrasie te dien" dat menslike en natuurlike habitat nie mekaar uitsluit nie, maar in harmonie kan saamleef. "

Aanwysings na Beluthahatchee Park

Die omtrek van die eiendom word omring deur 'n swaar, inheemse plantegroei met 'n oorverhaal wat bestaan ​​uit gemengde naaldbome en hardehout wat gedefinieer word deur lewende eikebome, eikehout, watereik, langblaarhout en koolpalms. Die inheemse plantegroei bestaan ​​uit saagpalmetto, suidelike magnolia, water en eikehout. Die inheemse plantegroei van die meer bestaan ​​uit pignut hickory, soetgom en kaal sipres, en die onderste verdieping bestaan ​​uit soetgom, suidelike magnolia en moerashouthout.

Alhoewel 'n groot deel van die inheemse plantegroei behoue ​​gebly het ondanks intensiewe ontwikkeling rondom sy grense, bied die Beluthahatchee-enklawe 'n habitat vir wildlewe en dien dit steeds as 'n rookplek en rusplek vir visarende, arende, sneeu-reiers, driekleurige reier, wit ibis, klein bloureier, hout ooievaars, swart kraai nagreiers, houthanse, anhingas, pers gallinules, brons grackles, rooivlerk swart voëls en vele ander spesies.


Beluthahatchee Park

Die voormalige opstal van aktivis, natuurbewaarder en skrywer Stetson Kennedy is 'n magiese plek wat nou 'n park in St.

Beluthahatchee Park, wat in die noordweste van St. Johns County aan die William Bartram Scenic Highway (SR 13) geleë is, was voorheen die woning van menseregte -aktivis en joernalis/skrywer Stetson Kennedy.

Die Beluthahatchee -meer is in 1945 geskep toe Mill Creek in beslag geneem is en 'n natuurlike bekken omring deur hoë blapse geskep het. Hierdie stuk van 70 hektaar is in 1948 deur Stetson Kennedy gekoop en daarna die volgende jaar deur hom onderverdeel en bewaar, terwyl hy die beperkende verbonde opgestel het om die grond opsy te sit as 'n toevlugsoord vir ewig.

Stetson Kennedy het hierdie toevlugsoord geskep onder die lewendige eike, magnolia, sipresse en palmetto, waar visarende, arende, driekleurreier en talle ander inheemse wildlewe kan floreer. 'Beluthahatchee' word deur die bekende skrywer Zora Neale Hurston gedefinieer as 'n mitiese 'Florida Shangri-La, waar alle onaangenaamheid vergewe en vergeet word', en Kennedy het die webwerf beslis so gesien. Hy het die 'gevoel van plek' bevorder om 'n enklawe te skep waar ander kunstenaars die natuur se skoonheid kan geniet en idees kan deel. Woody Guthrie was 'n gereelde huisgas en het baie van sy beste werk in Beluthahatchee saamgestel.

Die skrywer van Palmetto Country, Suidelike blootstelling, en Jim Crowe gids, Stetson Kennedy was waarskynlik die bekendste vir sy ondersoeke na die Ku Klux Klan, wat gelei het tot sy boek uit 1957, Die Klan ontmasker. Sy werk as skrywer, aktivis en natuurbewaarder het tot sy dood in Augustus 2011 voortgeduur.

Die Kennedy -opstal is in 2003 by die American Library Association se nasionale register van literêre terreine gevoeg, en Kennedy self is in 2005 opgeneem in die Florida Artists Hall of Fame. Beluthahatchee is nou 'n park in St. Johns County, met die hoofhuis as 'n museum, met baie van Kennedy se persoonlike items te sien, saam met opvoedkundige uitstallings oor Kennedy, Woody Guthrie en natuurbewaarder William Bartram,

Die fasiliteite in Beluthahatchee Park sal 'n piekniekpaviljoen en twee wildlewe -waarnemingsplatforms insluit. Daarbenewens is daar planne vir 'n natuurroete en 'n houthuis wat 'n kunstenaar in die koshuis sal huisves deur middel van die Florida Folklife-program.

Die park is tans slegs oop vir spesiale geleenthede. Bel (904) 209-0348 of stuur 'n e-pos hier vir meer inligting.


Die folkloris, skrywer en aktivis Stetson Kennedy is gebore op 5 Oktober 1916. As hy nie in 2011 gesterf het nie, sou Kennedy hierdie week 100 jaar oud gewees het.

Van 1937 tot 1942 reis Kennedy deur Florida deur die mondelinge geskiedenis, volksverhale en werksliedjies op te neem van die diverse bevolking van die staat. Hy het gepraat met Cracker cowmen, Seminole Indiane, Griekse sponsduikers, Latynse sigaarrollers, Afro -Amerikaanse terpentynwerkers en vele ander.

Hierdie werk het gelei tot Kennedy se boek "Palmetto Country", wat oorspronklik in 1942 gepubliseer is.

Die nuwe uitstalling "Stetson Kennedy's Multicultural Florida" word op 12 November in die Brevard Museum of History and Natural Science in Cocoa geopen, in samewerking met die Florida Frontiers Festival. Die uitstalling herdenk Kennedy se dokumentasie van die diverse kulturele erfenis van ons staat.

Die uitstalling bevat ook persoonlike items soos Kennedy se tikmasjien, hoede en die handgeskrewe lirieke van die Woody Guthrie -liedjie "Stetson Kennedy." 'N Onderhoud wat in 2008 met Kennedy verfilm is, sal deel uitmaak van 'n video -vertoning.

Kennedy het vir die Florida Writers Project van die Works Project Administration gewerk as hoof van die eenheid oor folklore, mondelinge geskiedenis en sosio-etniese studies.

'Nou ja, dit was die groot depressie, en ek het nie 'n werk gehad nie, tesame met miljoene ander Amerikaners,' het Kennedy in 2008 vir my gesê. 'Terselfdertyd het president [Franklin Delano] Roosevelt iets gereël wat die Federal Writers Project genoem word, en ek het gedink dit sou 'n geleentheid wees vir 'n een-en-twintigjarige om 'n skryfloopbaan te begin, en daarom het ek aangemeld vir die Florida Writers Project. "

Die jong Kennedy het toesighouer geword van die skrywer, folkloris en antropoloog Zora Neale Hurston, wat reeds haar bekendste roman, "They Eyes Were Watching God", gepubliseer het.

'Sy was nie maklik om die baas te wees nie, ek kan jou vertel,' het Kennedy gesê. 'Sy het gelukkig uit haar huis in Eatonville gewerk, en ek in Jacksonville, so dit was so. Maar alles wat sy ingestuur het, was 'n ware juweel. ”

Peggy Bulger is die skrywer van die boek "Stetson Kennedy: Applied Folklore and Cultural Advocacy", wat vroeg in November vrygestel word. Bulger het in 1976 na Florida gekom om die eerste Florida Folklife -koördineerder vir die Florida Department of State Division of Historical Resources te word.

'Ek het regtig begin ingaan op materiaal wat tydens die WPA gedoen is,' sê Bulger. 'Stetson Kennedy, Zora Neale Hurston, Alan Lomax, Herbert Halpert, almal was folkloriste wat in die 30's en 40's in Florida gewerk het. Ek was 25 jaar oud in 1976, en ek het gedink dat almal wat in die dertiger- en veertigerjare geleef het, dood was, want dit was antieke geskiedenis. ”

Bulger was geskok en bly om te ontdek dat Stetson Kennedy in Jacksonville leef en gesond is.

'Ek het Stetson gaan sien, en ek het 'n onderhoud met hom begin voer oor die WPA en die werk wat hy hier in Florida gedoen het,' sê Bulger. "In die loop van die jare het ons goeie vriende geword, van '76 tot hy dood is in 2011. Hy het die werk wat ek in Florida gedoen het, regtig ingelig."

Bulger was van 1999 tot 2011 direkteur van die American Folklife Center by die Library of Congress.

Behalwe dat hy folkloris en skrywer was, was Kennedy ook 'n sosiale aktivis. In die veertigerjare het hy sy lewe in gevaar gestel deur die Ku Klux Klan te infiltreer en hul geheime bloot te lê. Met die naam John Perkins kon Kennedy inligting versamel wat daartoe gelei het dat 'n aantal binnelandse terroriste opgesluit kon word. Hy skryf oor sy ervarings in die 1954 -boek "I Rode with the Klan", wat later herpubliseer is as "The Klan Unmasked".

'Toe ek 'n paar jaar later oorsee gaan, het ek gedink ek sou wegkom van my nagmerries,' weet ek, om gevang te word, 'het Kennedy gesê. 'Maar in Parys het dit gereeld gereën, en die verkeersbeamptes het wit rubberreënjasse met kappies en kappies gedra, en hul handseine was baie soos die Klan -seine, so ek het aanhoudend nagmerries gekry.

Kennedy het aanhou werk tot sy dood in 2011, op 94 -jarige ouderdom. Sy laaste boek, "The Florida Slave", is postuum gepubliseer.

Alhoewel hy nie sy 100ste verjaardag kon beleef nie, leef Kennedy se nalatenskap voort in sy boeke en die inspirasie wat hy bied aan diegene wat in sy voetspore volg.


Stetson Kennedy sterf op 94

Stetson Kennedy, 'n folkloris en sosiale kruisvaarder wat in die veertigerjare die Ku Klux Klan binnegedring het en 'n treffende uiteensetting van sy aktiwiteite geskryf het, "I Rode With the Ku Klux Klan," is Saterdag dood in St. Augustine, Fla. Hy was 94 jaar oud.

Mnr. Kennedy het sy gevoel van rasse -onreg vroeg ontwikkel. Hy was 'n boorling van Jacksonville, Florida, en het die swaarkry van swart Floridiane gesien toe hy by die deur aanklop om betalings vir sy pa se meubelwinkel te versamel. Sy sosiale bekommernisse het verder ontwikkel toe hy begin het met die insameling van folklore -data vir die Federal Writers 'Project in Key West, Tampa en kampe vir terpentynwerkers in Noord -Florida, waar die omstandighede naby slawerny was.

Nadat hy deur die weermag verwerp is weens 'n slegte rug, het hy hom blootgestel aan die ontmaskering van die Ku Klux Klan sowel as die Columbians, 'n neo-Nazi-groep in Georgië. Hy is deels geïnspireer deur 'n verhaal wat vertel is deur 'n onderhoudspersoon wie se vriend die slagoffer van 'n rassemoord in Key West was.

William Stetson Kennedy is gebore op 5 Oktober 1916 in Jacksonville, waar hy 'n belangstelling ontwikkel het in plaaslike frases en woorde wat hy 'folksays' genoem het, en dit in notaboeke neergeskryf het.

Terwyl hy aan die Universiteit van Florida was, waar hy 'n skryfkursus by Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings gevolg het, het hy op sy eie toegeslaan om veldwerk in Key West te doen. Daar trou hy met die eerste van sy sewe vroue, 'n Kubaan wat hom toegang gegee het tot die plaaslike emigrasie -gemeenskap vir sy folklore -werk. Terwyl hy materiaal vir die Federal Writers 'Project versamel het, reis hy saam met die skrywer Zora Neale Hurston deur Florida.

Sy Florida -navorsing het sy weg gevind na "Palmetto Country" (1942), 'n folkloriese opname van gebied van die suide van Alabama en Georgië tot in Key West, en die reeks American Folkways, onder redaksie van Erskine Caldwell. In 1994 keer hy terug na folklore in "South Florida Folklife", geskryf met Peggy Bulger en Tina Bucuvalas, en "Grits and Grunts: Folkloric Key West" (2008).


Stetson Kennedy se dekades lange strewe na waarheid en geregtigheid

Medeprofessor Paul Ortiz het sy Ph.D. van die Duke -universiteit in 2000 en sy B.A. van die Evergreen State College in 1990. Hy het in 2008 by die Departement Geskiedenis van die Universiteit van Florida aangesluit nadat hy aan die Universiteit van Kalifornië, Santa Cruz, onderwys gegee het. Hierdie artikel verskyn oorspronklik op die webwerf van die Institute for Southern Studies.

Stetson Kennedy is oorlede op 27 Augustus. Hy was vier en negentig jaar oud. Stetson sterf vreedsaam, in die teenwoordigheid van sy geliefde vrou Sandra Parks, in Baptist Medical Center South in St. Augustine, Florida.

Stetson Kennedy het die grootste deel van die twintigste eeu deurgebring in die stryd teen rassisme, klasonderdrukking, korporatiewe oorheersing en agteruitgang van die omgewing in die Amerikaanse Suide. Teen die middel van die eeu het Stetson ons land se hewigste tribune geword van harde waarhede wat deur die magtiges beledig is, en Stetson het nie die vermoë om van onreg weg te kyk nie. Sy geloof in die waardigheid van die gehawende deelnemers, trekarbeiders en terpentynwerkers in die Suide, het hom die sensitiefste en doeltreffendste folkloris van die streek gemaak.

Stetson was so meedoënloos, so vol lewe, dat sommige van ons gedink het dat hy die dood sou bedrieg soos wat hy die Ku Klux Klan eens mislei het om hul vaag geheime aan die luisteraars van die Die program Adventures of Superman in 1947. So onlangs as in April het Stetson honderde plaaswerkers en hul ondersteuners 'n vurige toespraak gelewer tydens 'n saamtrek ter ondersteuning van die koalisie van Immokalee -werkers in Tampa. Solidariteit met Latina/o en Haïtiaanse landbouwerkers bevestig Stetson se ysterkloof in die kruisings tussen arbeidsorganisering, rasse -geregtigheid en ekonomiese billikheid.

Stetson Kennedy is Florida se Homer genoem. Hy was 'n epiese bard van die Suide, en sy prosa was vurig en kompromisloos. In die nou onsterflik Suidelike blootstelling (1946) het hy oorlog gevoer teen die "haatmakers, rasers en terroriste wat gesweer het dat apartheid vir ewig moet voortduur." Lees Suidelike blootstelling vyf en sestig jaar na die eerste publikasie daarvan is 'n opwindende ervaring. Terwyl die sukkelende politici van die Suide die streek aan die noordelike kapitaliste voorgehou het as 'n plek om mense en hulpbronne te ontgin, het Stetson besef dat werklike ekonomiese ontwikkeling nie kan plaasvind voordat Jim Crow verpletter is nie. Suidelike blootstelling was 'n oorlogsverklaring teen blanke oppergesag en korporatiewe bewind in die Suide. Sandra Parks het tereg opgemerk dat "Stetson Kennedy 'n herinnering was aan die beginsel. Dat mense se basiese ordentlikheid swaarder weeg as die gebruike, wette, wanopvattings en geweld van rassisme. Hoewel miljoene blanke Suid -Afrikaners ongemaklik was oor segregasie, was Stetson een van die min mense wat die risiko's van direkte optrede daarteen. "

By die beoordeling van die omvang en omvang van Stetson Kennedy se lewe is dit duidelik dat hy een van die uitstaande persoonlikhede van die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State was. In die loop van sy roemryke loopbaan werk hy saam met baie van die reuse van die eeu, waaronder Simone de Beavoir, Jean Paul Sartre, Richard Wright, Lillian Smith, Woody Guthrie, Zora Neale Hurston, Myles Horton, Virginia Durr, Alan Lomax, Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, Erskine Caldwell (wat sy eerste boek geredigeer het), asook Florida se geliefde vryheidsvegters en martelare Harry T. en Harriette V. Moore.

Gedurende sy loopbaan as folkloris, skrywer en gemeenskapsorganiseerder het Stetson moeilike vrae aan die owerhede gestel wat selfs baie van sy vriende ongemaklik gemaak het. Hy het aangedring op 'n verantwoordingsvlak van verkose amptenare wat ongehoord was in die eenparty-suide, en hy het geregtigheid geëis vir die onderdruktes. Die legendariese mondhistorikus Studs Terkel het dit die beste gestel toe hy gesê het: 'Met 'n halfdosyn Stetson Kennedys kan ons ons samelewing verander in waarheid, genade en skoonheid ...'

Stetson Kennedy verpersoonlik wat Dr. suiwer energie. Dade wat nie deur opgevoede denke ingelig is nie, kan valse rigtings inslaan. As ons in aksie tree en ons teëstanders konfronteer, moet ons gewapen wees met kennis soos dit is. Ons beleid moet die sterkste van 'n diepgaande analise onder hulle hê om die slim gesofistikeerdheid van ons teenstanders. ” In die geskrifte van Stetson Kennedy word onderwys en sosiale aksie voortdurend verbind. Generasies voorstanders van menseregte het Stetson se ondersoekende verslagdoening en navorsing gebruik om die omstandighede van landbouwerkers, vroue, Latino's en vele ander te verbeter. Hierdie destydse Suidoos -redaksionele direkteur van die CIO se Politieke Aksiekomitee blaas die deksel van die ergste aspekte van die Amerikaanse lewe af, selfs al het hy die beste vergroot: die kulturele sterkpunte en solidariteit van die werkersklasse, ongeag ras, geloof of kleur.

Een van die konsekwente drade in Stetson se werk is die besondere aandag wat hy aan die verhouding tussen mense en die natuurlike omgewing gegee het. Sy omgewingsbewussyn was daarop gemik om die lot van terpentyn- en fosfaatarbeiders te verbind met die agteruitgang van die lande wat hulle vir lae lone en gevaarlike toestande gewerk het. Dit was 'n werkersklas omgewingsgesindheid, en dit is 'n filosofiese standpunt wat die organisasie van die organisasie teen die verwydering van die berg sowel as die omgewingsrassisme-beweging ondersteun.

Fabels van die heropbou

In 1942 publiseer Stetson die boek Palmetto Country, wat hoofsaaklik fokus op die geskiedenis van Florida. Hierdie boek bevat enkele van die merkwaardigste hoofstukke oor die geskiedenis van heropbou wat tussen W.E.B. Du Bois Swart rekonstruksiein 1935 en John Hope Franklin's Heropbou na die Burgeroorlog in 1961. Om te verstaan ​​hoe revolusionêr hierdie hoofstuk egter was, moet ons betyds vorentoe beweeg na 1964, die jaar toe die staat Florida die keuse van William Watson Davis Die burgeroorlog en heropbou in Florida as een van twaalf boeke ter viering van die staat se vierhonderdste bestaansjaar. Davis se boek was oorspronklik gepubliseer in 1913. Hy was 'n student van William Archibald Dunning, wat simpatiek teenoor slawe -eienaars was en gekant was teen stemreg vir Afro -Amerikaners.

Dr Du Bois beskryf Davis se boek as 'standaard, anti-neger'. 'N Resensent het opgemerk dat Davis' bevind dat die staat nege jaar lank deur politieke struwelinge, geweld en onderlinge agterdog beveg is. Die poging om 'n staatsregering op die stemme van 'n onwetende [N] ego -kieserskorps te stig, was 'n mislukking. Dit het die Solid South gemaak. ” Met ander woorde, dit was die standaardvertelling van venale matte baggers, rasverraaier scalawags en sub-menslike Afro-Amerikaners. Die deelstaat Florida het Davis se rassistiese ontleding van heropbou amptelik meer as vyftig jaar na die oorspronklike publikasie daarvan bevorder, en die gewaardeerde professor in die geskiedenis van die UNC-Chapel Hill, Fletcher Green, het 'n inleiding vir die nuwe uitgawe van die boek geskryf.

Stetson se siening van die burgeroorlog en heropbou in Palmetto Country was radikaal anders. Daarin is Afro -Amerikaners met waardigheid en respek behandel, en beoordeel deur hul optrede, nie volgens hul rasse -agtergrond nie. Sogenaamde verlossing word uitgebeeld as 'n gruwelike tragedie, nie as 'n progressiewe, onvermydelike feit nie. Klasverskille tussen blankes is noukeurig ondersoek. Die burgeroorlog was nie meer bedek met die selfvernietigende mite van die 'verlore saak' nie, maar het eerder ''n oorlog van 'n ryk man en 'n arm man se stryd' geword. Net so belangrik, het Stetson aandag geskenk aan die rol wat noordelike rowerbaronne gespeel het in die korrupte Florida -politiek in die vergulde tydperk, en sodoende die verwagting van C. Van Woodward Oorsprong van die Nuwe Suid (1951) oor etlike jare.

Stetson verdiep hierdie analise in Suidelike blootstellingen het opgemerk dat, "Voor die burgeroorlog was die verwoesters van die Suide die klein klas slawe-ry groot planters. Sedert die burgeroorlog is die parasiete wat hulself verryk het deur die verarming van die mense van die Suide oorwegend korporatiewe belange, waarvan die grootste deel buite die suide geleë is, met tentakels wat deur die suidelike 'verteenwoordigers' na die streek suig.

Nie verrassend nie, die staat se voorste historiese publikasie, die Florida Historical Quarterly, nie hersien nie Palmetto Country. Dit sou beteken het om die bestaande akademiese interpretasie van heropbou in die Verenigde State in twyfel te trek. Stetson onthou dat, "My eerste boek, Palmetto Country, verskyn aan die begin van die oorlog. Deur iemand aangekla om dit in stukke te pluk, het die akademie in Florida ongelukkig tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat dit geen fout kon vind nie. ”

Antisipeer op 'n belangrike argument van hom Na Appamatox: Hoe die suide die burgeroorlog gewen het (1995), het Stetson die skuld van die akademici bewys in die voortbestaan ​​van rassisme en die versterking van interpretasies van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis wat gehelp het om die rasse- en klassestatus quo in stand te hou.

Suidelike blootstelling

In die onmiddellike nasleep van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het Stetson Kennedy 'n kritieke rol in die arbeids- en burgerregtebewegings gespeel deur onregte aan die kaak te stel wat die meeste Amerikaners as vanselfsprekend aanvaar het. Sy werk met die CIO in Atlanta het tydens die oorlog begin, en hy het dadelik gepoog om werkers op te voed oor die euwels van die meningspeilingsbelasting en die belangrikheid van die bou van interrasiale industriële vakbond in die Suide. Dit is te maklik om die tipes risiko's wat Stetson se generasie geneem het in die uitdaging van Amerikaanse apartheid te vergeet. In 'n brief aan Suidelike veranderinge wat in die 1990's gepubliseer is, herinner Stetson: 'Destyds kon geen sweem van onenigheid, hoe gering ook al, agter die liberale skild skuil nie, maar is onmiddellik bestempel as aartsradikaal en positief subversief. Die Klan het gesê dat die Bybel gesê het dat Jim Crow God se wil is en daarom ewig is, en almal, wit of swart, wat dit nie wou waag nie, het hulself daardeur 'n waarskynlike kandidaat gemaak vir sosiale, ekonomiese en selfs tou -lynch. "

Suidelike blootstelling word beskou as 'n mylpaal van die vroeë moderne burgerregtebeweging. In hierdie boek het Stetson getoon dat 'vooroordeel gemaak word, nie gebore nie', en hy het Afro -Amerikaanse stemme en ervarings gebruik om te bewys dat segregasie apart is en ongelyk. Rassisme was immoreel, en dit het alle Amerikaners kultureel beskadig en die suidelike ekonomiese ontwikkeling ondermyn. Hy het ook die verband tussen rasse -ongelykheid en ekonomiese onreg versigtig geterg.

Net so belangrik, het Stetson die magdom maniere getoon waarop die noordelike hoofstad voordeel trek uit suidelike armoede en rassisme. Die navorsing wat die boek onderlê, is ontsagwekkend. Stetson het 'n spesiale vaardigheid ontwikkel om honderde bladsye statistieke te ontgin, obskure regeringsverslae en ander rekords om sy punte te illustreer. 'N Paar dekades later onthou hy dat: "Hoe jy ook al daarna kyk, die sensus van 1930 was 'n revolusionêre dokument. Nie net die statistieke nie, maar ook die bowlegs van pellagra het getuig dat die Amerikaanse Suide een van die grootste hongergebiede ter wêreld was ... Die eerlike waarnemer het geen ander keuse gehad as om die Suide te beskryf as 'n feodalistiese, koloniale, onontwikkelde, grootliks ongeletterde, siekte-geteisterde Jim Crow-apartheidsgenootskap wat deur 'n rassistiese eenparty blanke oligargie beheer word nie. (En so het ek ook gedoen.) ”

Suidelike blootstelling was gewortel in 'n radikale tradisie van suidelike waarheidsvertelling wat T. Thomas Fortune insluit Swart en wit: grond, arbeid en politiek in die suide (1884), Joseph C. Manning's Opkoms en bewind van die Bourbon -oligargie(1904), en William H. Skaggs's Die Suidelike Oligargie(1924). Met die publikasie van Suidelike blootstelling, Stetson het gehelp om 'n reeks 'streeks' -probleme (rassisme, armoede, ekonomiese onderontwikkeling) wat as 'n reeks' plaaslike 'probleme beskou is, te omskep in 'n nasionale kruistog om die Amerikaanse droom te red. 'N Resensent in die Boston Chronicle opgemerk: “Soos Oom Tom se kajuit het een van die grootste enkele kragte geword in die uiteindelike omverwerping van slawerny, so kan Suidelike blootstelling speel 'n belangrike rol om die land van segregasie te bevry. ”

The Jim Crow Guide: A Landmark in American Literature

Stetson Kennedy het duur betaal vir sy ondersoekende joernalistiek: sy huis is met vuur gebom en sy lewe word herhaaldelik bedreig. Kragtige kragte wat strek van die senator van die Mississippi, Theodore Bilbo (skrywer van die boek Maak u keuse: skeiding of ontkoppeling) aan Forbes Tydskrif het Stetson verag vanweë sy standpunt teen korporatiewe belange. Daar word gerugte dat die bo-rassistiese Bilbo se laaste woorde in 1947 'n klaaglied behels dat Stetson Kennedy en Lillian Smith die blanke Suide ondermyn.

It is easy to forget that when Stetson first infiltrated the Ku Klux Klan it occupied a storied place in the white American imagination. Hollywood films from Birth of a Nation aan Weg met die wind promoted reverence for the “Hooded Americans.” Stetson revealed an organization that was in fact based on racist and anti-labor violence as well as municipal corruption. Noted journalist Drew Pearson called Stetson “our Nation’s No. 1 Klan-buster.” Historian Gary Mormino notes, "Stetson Kennedy is lucky to be alive… He was one of the most hated men in America.” After feeding the Klan’s secret codes to the 4.5 million listeners of Radio’s Avonture van Superman in 1947, one of the KKK’s leaders famously stated, “Kennedy’s ass is worth $1,000 a pound!” Stetson did as much as any writer or activist in history to thoroughly discredit the Klan and to demonstrate to the public that this was an organization dedicated more to the principles of Nazism than Americanism.

Stetson Kennedy had the intelligence and the wherewithal to become a successful businessman, a respectable journalist, or a writer living a comfortable and safe middle-class life. Instead, he cast his lot with the impoverished, the people Herman Melville called “the meanest mariners, renegades, and castaways” of American society. His writing on behalf of oppressed minorities cost him dearly and Stetson had to flee the United States in the 1950s due to threats of physical violence and the increasing pall of McCarthyism. This was not a man who ever quietly went into the night, however. In France, Kennedy earned an audience with the philosopher and Nobel Laureate Jean-Paul Sartre, who in turn helped Stetson publish The Jim Crow Guide. Simon de Beauvoir was the book’s editor.

The Jim Crow Guide was published in 1956. This guidebook, based in large part on oral history field work in Florida, was an uncompromising polemic against white supremacy and for universal human rights. Sartre enthused that this was “A history of the United States that is ‘almost incredible’—sensibly different from that put forth by official manuals.” A European critic added, “Books such as this oblige us to look and think…. It is impossible to remain indifferent after reading [it].”

In The Jim Crow Guide Stetson demonstrates that white supremacy was aimed at Latinos as much as it was aimed at African Americans. In fact, I would count Stetson, along with Ernesto Galarza as one of the pioneering scholars of Juan Crow as well as Jim Crow. Certainly, Die Jim Crow Guide deserves to be treated as one of the key texts in U.S. history. Stetson seamlessly connects race, class, and national origin discrimination together into chapters on forced labor, marriage laws, and voting, etc. Stetson understood racism as a national problem, not a distinctively Southern issue. As he told noted historian John Egerton years later, “Well, I'm sure you're as much aware as I am that we're not really talking South, we're talking about the nation, and that segregation had permeated the nation. Even legalized and compulsory segregation was not confined to the South.”

Anticipating Leon Litwack’s Noord van Slawerny(1965), Die Jim Crow Guide challenges the idea of America as a “melting pot” and states to the contrary, “that the ingredients which have gone into the pot have been carefully screened for whiteness.” He thus set the stage for generations of later scholarship on whiteness by Alexander Saxton, David Roediger, and Cheryl Harris. In her 1993 essay, “Whiteness as Property,” Harris states that “in ways so embedded that it is rarely apparent, the set of assumptions, privileges, and benefits that accompany the status of being white have become a valuable asset that whites sought to protect and that those who passed sought to attain—by fraud if necessary. Whites have come to expect and rely on these benefits, and over time these expectations have been affirmed, legitimated, and protected by the law.” This is an analysis confirmed repeatedly four decades earlier in Stetson’s Jim Crow Guide. I believe that that this book should be studied alongside Howard Thurman’s Luminous Darkness: A Personal Interpretation of the Anatomy of Segregation and the Ground of Hope, W.E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction, and Oliver Cromwell Cox’s Caste, Class, and Raceas lodestones for the understanding of the creation and recreation of white supremacy into our own time.

Unveiling Modern-Day Slavery

In the midst of the Cold War, the U.S. State Department claimed that, “the United States Constitution and laws contain effective safeguards against the existence of forced labor.” In this conception, modern-day slavery was a problem in other countries and continents, but surely not in the United States. Stetson knew better. He spent hundreds of hours on the road with a recorder talking with agricultural workers who lived in slavery conditions throughout Florida and the Southeast. He talked with workers who lived under the constant threat of physical violence and murder if they dared to leave their employer’s orchards. He also combed the U.S. government’s own studies on migrant labor to find and document cases of peonage involving Mexican, Filipino, and Japanese migrant laborers in California and the Southwest.

When Stetson appeared before the United Nations Commission on Forced Labor in Geneva in 1952 he presented stacks of oral recordings, government reports, and state-based studies that demonstrated that brutal exploitation was a chronic experience in American agriculture. "Peonage or debt slavery has by no means disappeared from our land,” Stetson testified. “There are more white people involved in this diabolical practice than there were slaveholders . the method is the only thing which has changed." He continued, “Forced laborers in the U.S.A. are not prisoners of war or persons convicted of some crime against the state, but rather are ‘guilty’ only of belonging to some vulnerable racial, economic, national, or occupational group … Moreover, their labor is not dedicated to the public welfare, but is exploited purely for private profit.” In many ways, this research was even more explosive than his better-known work in exposing the Ku Klux Klan.

Verily I say unto you. No prophet is accepted in his own country.”
—Luke 4:24

Stetson told John Egerton that “[i]t’s true that I’ve always felt like an alien in the land of my birth, so to speak, but this was in cultural terms, as well as racial or political or any of those things.” As Edward W. Said noted, this sense of marginality has driven the best writing of the past century. It has animated the works of writers as diverse as James Baldwin, Luis Rodriguez, and Edwidge Danticat, and it is present in all of Stetson’s work. He recalled a particularly painful conversation early on at his family table where one of his sisters said “I do believe you’d rather be with niggers than with us.” To which Stetson replied: “As a matter of fact, I would.”

Stetson brought this sense of marginality to the University of Florida in the 1930s. He took a writing class with famed novelist Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings, but not much else about university life in conservative Gainesville interested him. In an interview with Diane Roberts, Stetson remembered being exasperated by the "’politically illiterate’ university, blissfully unengaged with the struggles against fascism in Europe and the forced labor that had replaced official slavery in the South. “I guess I invented independent studies,” said Kennedy. “I dropped out.”

In 1937, the unemployed writer got a job working with the Federal Writer’s Project of the Works Progress Administration. It was here, that Stetson became a friend and collaborator of novelist and anthropologist Zora Neale Hurston. Together, Kennedy and Hurston gathered, preserved, and promoted unbelievably rich veins of labor lore, folk songs, African proverbs and tall tales in Florida. Hurston and Kennedy were brilliant folklorists because they were more interested in luister to people than in studeer hulle. All the while, they understood the grim realities behind the labor conditions that their informants toiled under. Kennedy told Diane Roberts that "Zora and I were at a turpentine camp near Cross City where we met this octogenarian who'd been born ‘on the turp'mntine.’ I asked why he didn't just leave, and he said ‘the onliest way out is to die out and you have to die ‘cause if you tries to leave they'll kill you.’”

Stetson’s political campaigns in Florida for the U.S. Senate and for governor are the stuff of legend. Needless to say, he did not win. However, these campaigns exposed the base level of corruption in Florida politics. To put it rather mildly, political pluralism is not a well-established tradition in the Sunshine State. Lost ballot boxes, gerrymandering, and intimidation at the polls are. When Stetson ran for Senate in 1950, his campaign platform slogans included: “Right Supremacy, Not White Supremacy,” “Total Equality,” and other very un-Florida sentiments. What kind of Florida would we be living in today if Stetson Kennedy had been elected senator or governor? Woody Guthrie’s campaign song for Stetson gives us a clue:

“I aint’ the world’s best writer nor the worlds best speller
But when I believe in something I’m the loudest yeller
If we fix it so’s you can’t make money on war
We’ll all forget what we’re killing folks for
We’ll find us a peace job equal and free
Dump Smathers-Dupont in a salty sea
Well, this makes Stetson Kennedy the man for me.”

—Woody Guthrie,
“Stetson Kennedy”

An Enduring Influence

When the incredibly vibrant social movements of the 1960s did not bring the Revolution, Stetson was neither surprised nor anguished he simply kept unleashing journalistic barrages against the corrupt system of economics and governance in the United States. Stetson’s meticulous study of American institutions inoculated him against burnout. Years of research taught him that the idea of American exceptionalism—the notion of the US as a uniquely democratic state with some minor problems that could be fixed by wise leaders or well-meaning college students—was nonsense. The nation was born with severe defects which included the dispossession of Native Americans, racial slavery, white nationalism, and an increasingly suffocating corporate control. Stetson Kennedy believed in the belofte of democracy and equality (these were one in the same for him) but he also knew that these ideals had never been achieved in the United States—even among and between white people.

His essays for Southern Changes in the 1980s were especially effective in revealing the more subtle forms of racism that flourished during the Reagan era. “Except for the black ghetto, Jim Crow has been dumped upon the ash heap of history,” Stetson wrote in 1989. “And yet, I submit, where once we had segregated racism, we now have desegregated racism.” This was classic Stetson. While others celebrated “progress” Stetson pointed out the enduring flaws of the republic.

Stetson did not expect accolades for pointing out what was wrong in American life. This is another key to his longevity, and in his refusal to quit or to become cynical. He practiced the radical tradition of Ida B. Wells, Ruben Salazar, and Upton Sinclair, a tradition that believes that it is naïve to expect thanks for exposing the deepest flaws of the nation. Instead, the writer or community organizer finds satisfaction in the heat of the moment. In the words of Chicano intellectual Carlos Muñoz, Jr., "Life is struggle and struggle is life, but be mindful that Victory is in the Struggle."

Werke soos The Jim Crow Guide, Palmetto County, en The Klan Unmasked, gave light, and generations of civil rights activists and Southern community organizers followed. When I joined the board of the Institute for Southern Studies in the 1990s, I came across the following statement by Bob Hall: “At the birth of our magazine in 1973…Southern Exposure emerged as the obvious choice [for a name]…to carry on the tradition of Stetson Kennedy’s original Southern Exposure…a tradition that links analysis to action, that tells the truth and makes clear the imperative for change. We chose the right person to follow. He is a freedom fighter, patriot and rebel, investigator and truth-teller, a foot solider and leader in the larger movement for a human planet.”

Like most people, I discovered Stetson Kennedy relatively late in life, well outside of the college classroom. His works are still anathema in most Southern history seminars. Like all great prophets, he is a stranger in his own country. Most academic liberals are terrified of the fact that Stetson’s relentless pursuit of truth clashes with their shameful retreat into “nuance” as if oppression can be softened somehow by labeling it “complexity.” Stetson Kennedy is not someone we are going to find in a mainstream history book, but he’s someone we find when we are ready to strike against injustice and inequality.

"I didn't even know Stetson's name until I was in my mid-30s, and I consider that a travesty." Jimmy Schmidt, a staff member of Gainesville’s activist Civic Media Center recalled the day of Stetson’s passing. "I'm Florida-born and raised, and I feel like I should have known Stetson's name and been taught about him as an example from when I was in elementary school."

Schmidt worked indefatigably over the past several years to help catalog Stetson’s vast book collection, which Stetson donated to the Civic Media Center, so that organizers and members of the community will be able to study and read about progressive traditions for generations to come. We cannot depend on our schools to teach our children how to dream, and organize collaboratively for social change. Therefore, we’ll have to do this work ourselves.

Recently, I traveled to St. Augustine to conduct an oral history with Stetson in my capacity as director of the Samuel Proctor Oral History Program at the University of Florida. We talked that day about the ways that Stetson approached writing and research in the 1930s, as well as his disagreements with Lillian Smith and Gunnar Myrdal’s American Dilemmaamong other incredible topics. It was a great day for storytelling. I could taste and feel Caldwell’s Tobacco Roadunfolding in Stetson’s memory. The 94-year-old elder became a young man again when he recalled the mentoring role that Caldwell played in editing Palmetto Country.

I also learned that day that Stetson still mourned for his friends Harry T. Moore and his wife Harriette, who were assassinated by the Ku Klux Klan in Florida in 1951 because of their leadership of voter registration campaigns. Stetson took the assassination of the Moore’s as a personal blow and an affront to human dignity six decades later.

Stetson and Sandra Parks stayed in contact with the Moore’s daughter, Evangeline, over the years. Sandra offered to give Evangeline her ticket to the inauguration of President Barack Obama in 2009 but she was unable to make the trip to Washington, D.C. due to her rheumatism. “It has been more than half a century since my parents were assassinated, but it has taken the election of Obama to make me feel that they did not die in vain,” Evangeline Moore observed. In spite of the freezing weather, and against his doctor’s advice, Stetson traveled to Washington, D.C. for the inauguration. “I really did need to be there,” he explained. “I’ve been campaigning for President Obama since 1932.”

Stetson never gave up, he never stopped running. This is one of my favorite Stetson zingers. In 2004, he told journalist Diane Roberts, "If the Bush brothers really think that women and minorities are getting preferential treatment, they should get themselves a sex change, paint themselves black, and check it out." One of Stetson’s intellectual strengths is that he understood that racism, sexism, and class oppression were not artifacts of the past. His perception of human social relations remained sharp to the very end. He urged people to continue organizing unions and movements for democracy.

I am overwhelmed with grief at Stetson’s passing. I will revere him as a mentor, a friend, and a role model for the rest of my life. I am heartened that there are so many people today who work in the spirit of solidarity that always animated Stetson’s writing. Stetson Kennedy’s pursuit of honesty, social equality, and freedom was unparalleled. He told the stories of America’s forgotten people. It is our turn now to pick up his torch and to tell his stories for as long as we are able to breath.


Stetson Kennedy oral history interview, 1988 Nov. 11.

Zora Neale Hurston was an American author, anthropologist, and filmmaker. She portrayed racial struggles in the early-1900s American South and published research on hoodoo. The most popular of her four novels is Their Eyes Were Watching God, published in 1937. She also wrote more than 50 short stories, plays, and essays. Hurston was born in Notasulga, Alabama, and moved with her family to Eatonville, Florida, in 1894. She later used Eatonville as the setting for many of her stories. It is n.

Federal writer's project

Hinton was a former slave who was living in North Carolina at the time of the interview. From the guide to the Martha Adeline Hinton interview, 1937, (L. Tom Perry Special Collections) One of the first actions by President Franklin D. Roosevelt during the Great Depression of the 1930s was to extend federal work relief to the unemployed. One such relief program was the Works Progress Administration, which FDR established in 1933. By 1941 the WPA had provided empl.

Wallace, Henry A. (Henry Agard), 1888-1965

Henry Agard Wallace (October 7, 1888 – November 18, 1965) was an American politician, journalist, and farmer who served as the 11th U.S. Secretary of Agriculture, the 33rd vice president of the United States, and the 10th U.S. Secretary of Commerce. He was also the presidential nominee of the left-wing Progressive Party in the 1948 election. The oldest son of Henry C. Wallace, who served as the U.S. Secretary of Agriculture from 1921 to 1924, Henry A. Wallace was born in Adair County, Iowa in.

Dylan, Bob, 1941-

Bob Dylan was born on May 24, 1941 in Duluth, Minnesota. He grew up in the city of Hibbing. As a teenager, he played in various bands and with time his interest in music deepened, with a particular passion for American folk music and blues. One of his idols was the folk singer Woody Guthrie. He was also influenced by the early authors of the Beat Generation, as well as by modernist poets. Dylan moved to New York City in 1961 and began to perform in clubs and cafés in Greenwich Village. He met.

Guthrie, Woody

American folk singer. From the description of Signature, dated : [n.p, n.d.], [n.d.]. (Onbekend). WorldCat record id: 270926356 Biographical History and Administrative History Woody Guthrie, born in Okemah, Oklahoma in 1912 and raised in Texas, moved to California during the Depression, where he met actor and activist Will Geer and toured migrant labor camps documenting conditions and injustices in the camps for The Light .

Bilbo, Theodore Gilmore, 1877-1947

Controversial Mississippi state senator, 1908-1912 Lieutenant Governor, 1912-1916 Governor, 1916-1920 and 1928-1932 U.S. senator, 1934-1947. From the description of Papers, 1905-1947. (University of Southern Mississippi, Regional Campus). WorldCat record id: 45071691 .

Congress of Industrial Organizations (U.S.)

The Committee for Industrial Organization was formed by the presidents of eight international unions in 1935. The presidents of these unions were dissatisfied with the American Federation of Labor's unwillingness to commit itself to a program of organizing industrial unions. In 1936, the A.F. of L. suspended the ten unions which proceeded to organize an independent federation, the Congress of Industrial Organizations. The CIO subsequently became the A.F. of L.'s chief rival for the leadership of.

Talmadge, Eugene, 1884-1946

Born in Forsyth, Georgia educated at the University of Georgia practicing lawyer in Atlanta, Montgomery County, and Telfair County, Georgia Georgia Commissioner of Agriculture, 1927-1933 served three terms as Governor of Georgia died as governor-elect in 1946. From the description of Pamphlets, 1942. (University of Southern Mississippi, Regional Campus). WorldCat record id: 17429974 .

Kennedy, Stetson

Author, journalist, and civil rights activist b. 1916. From the description of Stetson Kennedy collection, 1916-1950 [microform]. (Harvard University). WorldCat record id: 122550492 From the description of Stetson Kennedy collection microform. (Onbekend). WorldCat record id: 238022799 From the description of Stetson Kennedy collection microform. (Onbekend). WorldCat record id: 238022716 Civil rights advocate, writer. From the description of Stets.


Little Known Black History Fact: Stetson Kennedy

Stetson Kennedy, a white author and folklorist, became an infamous figure of the 20 th Century after he made the daring move to infiltrate and expose the Ku Klux Klan. Kennedy also collaborated with the famed author Zora Neale Hurston and went on to become a notable activist.

Kennedy was born October 5, 1916 in Jacksonville, Fla. As a young student at the University of Florida, Kennedy left school and joined the Works Progress Administration writer’s program in Florida. During that time, he was assigned to record and report on slave folklore and oral history. This would lead to an eventual connection with Hurston, whom Kennedy supervised.

It was a tense working relationship due to the Jim Crow laws of the time. The pair couldn’t even enter certain facilities together despite the nature of their work. This early partnership would inform some of Kennedy’s political views later down the line.

Kennedy’s infamous exposure of the Klan began in 1946. After some years working as a journalist covering racial discrimination, Kennedy wrote several exposés of the Klan and Jim Crow’s effects on the nation.

In the most infamous of his exposés, Kennedy posed as an encyclopedia salesman to gain entry to the inner workings of the Klan, including their failing financial holdings. After observing the Klan for a period of time, Kennedy went public with his findings by providing insider information to the producers of the popular ‘Superman’ radio program of the 󈧬’s.

Writers of the ‘Superman’ program made a mockery of the hate group. Some historians note that around this time, membership in the group began to dwindle as a result. In 1954, Kennedy released a book titled I Rode With The Ku Klux Klan, which detailed his investigation in full. The book was re-released in 1990 under the title The Klan Unmasked.

Although initially praised for the books, critics and the Klan itself tried to discredit Kennedy’s research. However, it was proven to be a mostly accurate account after records show that in 1947 Kennedy’s findings helped shut down the national corporate chapter of the Klan in Georgia.

Kennedy went on to write several books focused on civil rights, activism and folklore. The author and activist died at the age of 94 in 2011.


Southern Labor Archives: Stetson Kennedy: A guide to his papers: Subject: Operation Dixie

& ldquo. the post-war campaign by the Congress of Industrial Organizations to unionize industry in the Southern United States, particularly the textile industry. The campaign ran from 1946 to 1953 in 12 Southern states and was undertaken in order to consolidate gains made by the trade union movement in the Northern United States during the war and block the status of the South as a "non-union" low-wage haven to which businesses could relocate.&rdquo (from Wikipedia)

Operation Dixie coincided with Stetson Kennedy&rsquos work against the Ku Klux Klan. The operation also coincided with the publication of Kennedy&rsquos book, Southern Exposure

The collection on Operation Dixie includes statements from Montgomery Ward, General Motors, and John L. Lewis, the president of the CIO at the time. Also included are joint statements from Newton County, Griffin, and Coweta County (GA) businesses published in the local newspapers urging textile workers against unionizing, and some clippings by Atlanta Constitution author Ralph McGill favoring organization. Some of Kennedy&rsquos own notes are also present in these sources.

The context of many of the earlier, wartime clippings in these folders relates to President Roosevelt&rsquos desire to prevent work stoppages, through the efforts of the National War Labor Board. Much of the cotton for the war effort was dependent on the textile industry in Georgia. Many of the petitions and statements urge younger workers to stay out of unions. Some clippings report violent crimes such as beatings, lynchings, kidnappings, and shootings committed against CIO strikers and organizers.


Looking Backward: On Memory and the Challenges of Oral History

In memory of Stetson Kennedy

My mother and her only sibling, my aunt, are losing their memories. Though their short-term memory has all but disappeared, their shared memories of childhood still remain vivid. One of their neurologists described the brain’s storage of memory and the onset of dementia as a file cabinet, with the most recently filed folders disappearing first, and the ones stored long ago as the last to go.

As a historian interested in public and private memories of slavery and the Civil War, this image has helped me reflect on the memories of elderly ex-slaves, whose memories and the story of collecting them through oral history interviews are at the heart of my book, Long Past Slavery. By the 1930s, most of the former slaves interviewed by employees of the WPA’s Federal Writers’ Project were in their nineties some were over one hundred years old. This last generation to bear witness to the experience of enslavement would have been slaves for twelve to fifteen years at most, and many were freed at the age of seven or eight. Their memories of childhood were memories of slavery, and their experience of slavery was that of children.

A childhood game my mother and aunt still recall with pleasure was one they invented called “People Riddles.” In the dark, lying across from each other in their twin beds in their shared bedroom, after my grandmother had turned out the lights and forbidden further talking, they would whisper clues about the friends and acquaintances they both knew, telling signs that would identify the person to her equally observant sister: “This person rocks back in his chair in school,” my aunt would state “Billy Hawking,” my mom would answer with glee. Doing oral history is a bit like playing “People Riddles,” but backwards.You know the person’s identity, but you look for tell-tale signs and clues to help you understand and evaluate the stories they tell you, and if you’re wise, you also observe how your subject is seen through eyes other than yours, refracted through the perceptions of those who know your subject better and closer and more fiercely than you ever will.

During my research, in the hopes of gaining further insight into the Florida Writers’ Project of the WPA, the relationship between white and black employees on this New Deal project, and a former project employee, the writer Zora Neale Hurston, I sought an oral history interview with Hurston’s former colleague, the folklorist, author, and activist Stetson Kennedy, with encouragement from the Director of the Center for Florida History at Florida Southern College, Mike Denham. I wrote Mr. Kennedy a formal letter, and received his invitation to visit him at his home, Beluthahatchee, in St. Johns County, Florida. On my arrival in St. Augustine, the eighty-nine year old Mr. Kennedy declined to meet with me until I had been screened by his fiancée, sixty-five-year-old Sandra Parks (they would wed in 2006). Of course, both he and she were too polite and too kind to put it that way rather, I was encouraged to speak with her and then we’d see about arranging the interview. (This vetting may have been the result of the generous Mr. Kennedy’s encounter with the unscrupulous authors of Freakonomics, although Kennedy maintained his customary sense of wry humor about the affair.) What seemed like an impediment to my objective was a mitzvah instead.

Ms. Parks proved to be an invaluable local informant who not only put me up in her guest room, but arranged my interview with Mr. Kennedy, along with individual meetings with local experts on Hurston and African American history in St. Augustine. Ms. Parks proved that the advice given in the 1930s to Federal Writers’ Project employees for interviewing local informants is still relevant to the practice of conducting oral history research today. Without her extensive and impressive connections, along with her advice on how to approach various informants (don’t arrive empty-handed, and be prepared to socialize over lengthy meals while they make up their minds about your trustworthiness), and the gifts she provided me with to smooth the way, I don’t think I would have been granted the rare opportunity to spend several days with Stetson Kennedy, and the privilege of using his personal archival collection at Beluthahatchee.

Ms. Parks, a former city commissioner, human rights activist, and the owner of Anastasia Books, took me on a tour of St. Augustine that included the house Zora Neale Hurston rented while she taught temporarily at Florida State Normal and Industrial Institute, and the former site of the college grounds. Ms. Parks had her own fascinating stories to tell of growing up in segregated St. Augustine, and of the time Hurston came into her father’s record store to purchase a Billie Holiday recording.

For me to prove my mettle to Ms. Parks, she insisted that I dress up in her eighteenth-century British women’s costume and march in St. Augustine’s parade with the other historical re-enactors in the annual “Night of Illumination” that commemorates the British occupation of St. Augustine from 1763-1784. During this parade, I met a woman from south Florida who travels around the South in order to participate as a Confederate widow in Civil War re-enactments. As we marched, I smiled and waved to the tourists, and watched as her scowl intensified (proving Tony Horwitz’s point in Konfederate op die solder that farbs—“far be it from authentic”—like me are anathema to those who consider themselves hardcore “living historians”).

The following day I drove to Stetson Kennedy’s house (on the outskirts of Jacksonville), which has been designated as a historic site Beluthahatchee is the name Kennedy gave his lakeside home in honor of Hurston’s definition that refers to a Shangri-La, a mythical place of forgiveness “where all unpleasant doings and sayings are forgotten” (Hurston, Go Gator and Muddy the Water, edited by Pamela Bordelon). Here Kennedy conducted his political campaign as a write-in candidate for the U.S. Senate in 1950 on the platform of “total equality.” Woody Guthrie also stayed at Beluthahatchee as a guest of Kennedy’s, writing songs and working on his autobiographical novel, Seeds of Man.

I took Mr. Kennedy out to breakfast, where I dined on grits for the first time. Afterwards, back at Beluthahatchee, I began videotaping my interview with Mr. Kennedy. When he became tired, he handed over boxes of his own archival materials on Hurston and the Florida Project for me to peruse while he napped. I also got to browse through the collection of unpublished songs Guthrie had composed during his stay at Belutahatchee. In addition to the oral history Mr. Kennedy provided, he generously allowed me to go through the archival papers he had not yet deposited in any library collection. (After his death in 2011 they became part of the collection at the University of Florida’s P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History.) He even insisted that I use his Walgreens senior citizen copy card so that I could xerox relevant documents for only four cents a page. On a day when he could not meet with me as planned, Kennedy told me he would leave the door to Beluthahatchee open, so I could spend more time digging into his files. When I arrived, the front door had been left literally wide open, welcoming me in, despite Kennedy’s absence.

Mr. Kennedy also arranged for us to have a private tour of the Clara White Mission and Museum located in downtown Jacksonville. The Mission is still in operation today, providing meals and advice for 400-500 people daily. During the Great Depression, the Mission, while operating as a soup kitchen and social service center, was where the employees of Florida’s segregated Negro Writers’ Unit (N.W.U.) worked during the tenure of the FWP. As we drove into Jacksonville, Kennedy showed me the office building where he and the rest of the Florida Project’s white employees worked, about a mile from the location of the Mission. As he recalled more memories from those days, he told me that Hurston was the only black employee who ever set foot in their building, aside from the African American man who came to pick up the salary checks for the N.W.U.

The tour of the Clara White Museum provided a fascinating glimpse into other aspects of African American history in Florida. The museum began operating informally during the 1880s as a soup kitchen under the direction of Clara White, and was legally incorporated as a Mission house in 1904. Her daughter, Dr. Eartha White, bought the current building in 1932 and named it in honor of her mother. The Mission provided housing for a number of former slaves, as well as material, spiritual, and cultural sustenance to the black community of Jacksonville. Music lessons were offered to local children free of charge, and a member of Duke Ellington’s band donated his walnut pump organ for this purpose. Eartha White had sung and toured with the first black opera company in the 1890s, called the Oriental America Opera Company, directed by John Rosamond Johnson. White also managed a Negro baseball team during World War II. The Mission’s Museum also had on display a number of photographs taken by E. L. Weems, one of the first professional African American photographers in Jacksonville, whose work (over 10,000 negatives) is archived in Atlanta.

“Pull over!” Kennedy shouted, as we drove away from the Mission, pointing ahead at a historic Elks Lodge. “That’s where I gave my losing campaign speech!”

I saw Stetson Kennedy through the multiple lenses of various important people in his life—including his fiancée and future wife Ms. Parks, his long-standing, long-suffering housekeeper Marina, and Jilly-fish, the woman he considered to be an adopted daughter—along with my direct experience of him. And I learned that without love—not hero-worship or adulation, but love—of one’s subject in all his or her complexities, there can be no true understanding. Steadfast attention and close observation are a form of love that provide the key to “People Riddles,” just as they offer the best method for ameliorating the increasingly difficult puzzle of dementia. As Toni Morrison writes, “Facts can exist without human intelligence, but truth cannot.”

Catherine A. Stewart is professor of history at Cornell College. Haar boek Long Past Slavery: Representing Race in the Federal Writers’ Project is now available.