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Amerikaners in Antebellum Pre Civil War America - History

Amerikaners in Antebellum Pre Civil War America - History


Amerikaners in Antebellum Pre Civil War America - History

Amerikaners voor die burgeroorlog beskou Suid-Afrikaners as 'n aparte volk wat hul eie waardes en lewenswyses besit. Daar word egter verkeerdelik geglo dat die noorde en suide oorspronklik deur twee verskillende groepe immigrante gevestig is, elk met hul eie etos. Daar word gesê dat Noordelikes die afstammelinge van die Engelse Puriteine ​​uit die 17de eeu was, terwyl die Suidlanders die afstammelinge van die Engelse landgenote was.

In die oë van baie Amerikaners voor die burgeroorlog het dit bygedra tot die ontwikkeling van twee verskillende soorte Amerikaners: die aggressiewe, individualistiese, geldverwoestende Yankee en die suidelike kavalier. Volgens die gewilde stereotipe was die kavalier, anders as die Yankee, gewelddadig sensitief vir belediging, ongeërg vir geld en besig met eer.

Gedurende die drie dekades voor die burgeroorlog het gewilde skrywers 'n stereotipe, nou bekend as die plantasielegende, geskep wat die Suide beskryf het as 'n land van aristokratiese planters, pragtige suidelike belles, arm wit asblik, getroue huishoudelike slawe en bygelowige veldhande. Hierdie beeld van die Suide as ''n katoenland waar die ou tyd nie vergeet word nie', het in 1859 sy gewildste uitdrukking gekry in 'n liedjie genaamd 'Dixie', geskryf deur 'n Noordelikes met die naam Dan D. Emmett vir lewendige vertonings van 'n groep swartgesiggies op die New York-verhoog.

In die oë van baie Noordelinge, ongemaklik met hul toenemend stedelike, individualistiese, kommersiële samelewing, lyk dit asof die kultuur van die Suide baie dinge in die noorde afwesig het-'n rustige lewenstempo, 'n duidelike sosiale hiërargie en ongeërgdheid teenoor geld .

Ondanks die sterkte van die stereotipe van die plantasie, was die Suide in werklikheid 'n diverse en komplekse streek. Alhoewel Amerikaners vandag die ou Suide dikwels met katoenplantasies assosieer, was groot dele van die Suide nie geskik vir plantelewe nie. In die bergagtige streke van Oos -Tennessee en Wes -Virginia was min plantasies of slawe te vinde. Ook suidelike plase en plantasies het hulle pogings uitsluitlik toegewy aan die verbouing van katoen of ander kontantgewasse, soos rys en tabak. Anders as die slaweverenigings van die Karibiese Eilande, wat uitsluitlik gewasse vir uitvoer geproduseer het, het die Suide baie van sy energie bestee aan voedsel- en veeteelt.

Die voor-burgeroorlog Suid het 'n wye verskeidenheid streke omvat wat geografies, ekonomies en polities verskil het. Sulke streke sluit die Piemonte-, Tidewater-, kusvlakte, dennebome, Delta, Appalachiese berge, die land en 'n vrugbare swart gordel in-streke wat herhaaldelik bots oor politieke kwessies soos skuldverligting, belasting, verdeling van verteenwoordiging en interne verbeterings.

Die sosiale struktuur van die blanke Suide was baie meer ingewikkeld as die gewilde stereotipe van trotse aristokrate wat minagtend is vir eerlike werk en onkundige, bose, uitgebuitde armblankes. Die ingewikkelde sosiale struktuur van die ou Suide het baie klein slawe -eienaars en relatief min grotes ingesluit.

Groot slawehouers was uiters skaars. In 1860 het slegs 11 000 Suid-Afrikaners, driekwart van een persent van die blanke bevolking meer as 50 slawe besit, en slegs 2 358 het tot 100 slawe besit. Alhoewel groot slawehouers min was, het hulle die meeste van die suide se slawe besit. Meer as die helfte van alle slawe woon op plantasies met 20 of meer slawe en 'n kwart op plantasies met meer as 50 slawe.

Slawe -eienaarskap was relatief wydverspreid. In die eerste helfte van die 19de eeu het 'n derde van alle suidelike blanke gesinne slawe besit, en 'n meerderheid wit suidelike gesinne het slawe, het hulle besit, of verwag om hulle te besit. Hierdie slawe -eienaars was 'n uiteenlopende lot. 'N Paar was Afro-Amerikaners, mulate of inheemse Amerikaners, een tiende was vroue en meer as een uit elke tien het as ambagsmanne, sakelui of handelaars gewerk eerder as as boere of planters. Min het lewens van ontspanning of verfyning gelei.

Die gemiddelde slawe -eienaar het in 'n houthuis eerder as 'n herehuis gewoon en was eerder 'n boer as 'n planter. Die gemiddelde besit wissel tussen vier en ses slawe, en die meeste slawehouers het nie meer as vyf besit nie.

Wit vroue in die Suide, ondanks die beeld van die hoepelrok, ​​het swaarder laste as hul noordelike eweknieë gehad. Hulle het vroeër getrou, meer kinders gebaar en was meer geneig om jonk te sterf. Hulle leef in groter isolasie, het minder toegang tot die geselskap van ander vroue en het nie die bevrediging van vrywillige verenigings en hervormingsbewegings nie. Hulle opvoeding was korter en het baie minder kans op onafhanklike loopbane.

Die plantasie -legende was in nog ander opsigte misleidend. Slawerny was nie sterwend of nutteloos nie. In 1860 was die Suide ryker as enige ander land in Europa, behalwe Engeland, en dit het 'n vlak van rykdom behaal wat ongeëwenaard was deur Italië of Spanje tot die vooraand van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

Die suidelike ekonomie het enorme rykdom gegenereer en was van kritieke belang vir die ekonomiese groei van die hele Verenigde State. Meer as die helfte van die rykste 1 persent van die Amerikaners in 1860 het in die Suide gewoon. Nog belangriker, die suidelike landbou het gehelp om die Amerikaanse ekonomiese groei van die vroeë 19de eeu te finansier. Voor die burgeroorlog het die Suide 60 persent van die wêreld se katoen verbou, meer as die helfte van alle Amerikaanse uitvoerinkomste besorg en 70 persent van die katoen wat deur die Britse tekstielbedryf verbruik word, voorsien. Katoenuitvoer betaal vir 'n aansienlike deel van die kapitaal en tegnologie wat die grondslag gelê het vir die Amerikaanse industriële revolusie.

Boonop, juis omdat die Suide gespesialiseer het in landbouproduksie, het die Noorde 'n verskeidenheid besighede ontwikkel wat dienste aan die suidelike state gelewer het, waaronder tekstiel- en vleisverwerkingsbedrywe en finansiële en kommersiële fasiliteite.


Emansipasie-/heropbou-era (1865-1887)

1846-1855
Die rekords wat in hierdie uitstalling verskyn, bewys die vroeë stryd van die Skotte om hul vryheid te verkry deur litigasie en is die enigste rekords van hierdie belangrike saak soos dit in die St. Louis Circuit Court aangehoor is. Die oorspronklike Dred Scott -saakdossier is in die kantoor van die St. Louis Circuit Clerk geleë.

Hierdie versameling is 'n uitgebreide en bygewerkte weergawe van die oorspronklike Dred Scott Case Collection. Die versameling is uitgebrei van vyf en tagtig tot honderd en elf dokumente, meer as 400 bladsye teks. Boonop is die versameling nou 'n volledige teks, soekbare bron wat die volledige saakgeskiedenis van die Dred Scott-saak verteenwoordig.


Slawe -strawwe in die Antebellum American South

Die slawerny wat voor die Burgeroorlog in die Verenigde State beoefen is, was die wettige vestiging van slawerny onder mense, hoofsaaklik, maar nie uitsluitlik nie, van Afrikaners en hul afstammelinge. Chattel -slawerny word so genoem omdat slawe die persoonlike eiendom van die eienaars is en as 'n handelsmerk gekoop en verkoop word, en die slawe se status is van geboorte af op die slawe opgelê. Hierdie vorm van slawerny is in teenstelling met ander vorme soos dwangarbeid, waarin 'n persoon hom of haar teen 'n lening verpand het.

In slawerny -slawerny is die grense van slawe -strawwe slegs deur die meesters gestel, aangesien hulle die wetlike reg het om te doen wat hulle wil. Daarom het slawe in die Amerikaanse Suide verskriklike vlakke van brutaliteit beleef.

'N Slaaf sou gestraf word vir:

  • Weerstaan ​​slawerny
  • Werk nie hard genoeg nie
  • Te veel praat of hul moedertaal gebruik
  • Gesteel van sy meester
  • Moord op 'n wit man
  • Probeer weghardloop

Lady Antebellum en die verheerliking van die Suid-Pre-Burgeroorlog

'N Paar maande gelede was & ldquoNeed You Now & rdquo deur die landgroep Lady Antebellum een ​​van iTunes se gratis aflaai. Ek het 'n nuuskierige musiekliefhebber met 'n eklektiese smaak gekry, en ek het die liedjie vir my iPod gegryp. Dit was aansteeklik en lekker in die onaanstootlike en pop-y manier van crossover country & ndashthink Carrie Underwood nie die growwer alt-country van Lucinda Williams nie. Ek behou die liedjie, wat goed sal pas in 'n toekomstige snitlys. Maar die band maak my gek. Dit is nie die musiek nie, dit is die naam. Lady Antebellum & rdquo lyk vir my 'n voorbeeld van die manier waarop ons nog steeds amper 150 jaar na die einde van die burgeroorlog, byna 50 jaar na die Civil Rights Ac en in 'n vermeende post-rassige land onder leiding van 'n biracial president, 'n kultuur gegrond het wat gebaseer was op die gewelddadige onderdrukking van kleurlinge.

Volgens 'n artikel in die Augusta Chronicle, het die idee vir die naam & ldquoLady Antebellum & rdquo gekom ná 'n fotosessie waar bandlede geklee was in klere uit die burgeroorlog. Dit lyk onskadelik en dit is net 'n knik vir die band en rsquos se wortels suid van die Mason-Dixon Line, 'n erkenning van die Ou Suid.

Wikipedia definieer die antebellum periode so:

In die openbare bewussyn word 'n deel van hierdie verhaal vertaal in Weg met die wind-styl mitologie oor groot herehuise op uitgestrekte plantasies, mooi, delikate, bleek velde meisies in fris rokke, dapper en aantreklike mans in grys en soliede, tradisionele Amerikaanse waardes. Hierdie rooskleurige uitsig op die suidelike antebellum hou net vas as u nie te diep krap nie. Maar dit is onwaarskynlik dat ons dit sal doen en die patriotiese weergawe van die geskiedenis sal steur. Ons hou beter van mite.

Daarom het ten minste twee vroue oor die jare na my gestroom: & ldquoI would just liefde om terug te keer na daardie tyd! & rdquo One, 'n wit vrou wat onlangs die Margaret Mitchell -roman gelees het wat die klassieke fliek geword het, het nie daaraan gedink dat ek vir haar 'n donkerkop moet wees wat in die veld werk nie. My gesin sou in slawerny moes leef as 'n losskakel en ons lewens is afhanklik van die grille van ons meesters. Die lewenswyse wat sy met die antebellumperiode verbind het, en die ekonomie wat dit ondersteun het, was afhanklik van gratis arbeid en die ontmensliking van kleurlinge (om nie eens van klassisme en seksisme te praat nie). As 'n Afro -Amerikaanse afstammeling van slawe kan ek nie die bitter werklikheid miskyk nie. My kennis lees Weg met die wind en wonder hoe wonderlik dit sou wees om Scarlett O & rsquoHara te wees. Ek het gewonder hoe aaklig dit moes gewees het om Mammy te wees.

As 'n amateurfamiliehistorikus het ek testamente en verkoopbriewe van suidelike landgenote gesoek op soek na die name van my groot-grootouers onder die fyn porselein en perde. As u dit eers gedoen het, is dit moeilik om die mitologisering van die suidelike kultuur van die antebellum as goedaardig te beskou.

Ek het verlede week aan hierdie feit gedink toe ek klaar gelees het Soektog, deur James Swanson. Die boek was 'n interessante verslag van die 12 dae lange soektog na die moordenaar van Abraham Lincoln en rsquos, die Konfederale simpatiseerder John Wilkes Booth. Soektog is 'n historiese verslag wat lees soos 'n James Patterson -roman. Ek kon dit nie neersit nie, alhoewel ek geweet het hoe die storie eindig. Die boek bevat opwindende persoonlike vertellings van 'n bepalende gebeurtenis in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Deur die indrukke van die familie Lincoln en rsquos, die lede van sy kabinet, die lojaliste van die vakbond en rebelle te hoor, het die geskiedenis lewendig geword.

Na bereik SoektogEk het gedink dat dit beslis 'n boek sou word wat ek met entoesiasme aan ander lesers sou aanbeveel. Maar ek het gevind dat terwyl John Wilkes Booth & rsquos -sage aangaan, dit lyk asof Swanson die sluipmoordenaar besig was om leeus te kry, wat ek ontstellend en nie 'n bietjie aanstootlik gevind het nie. Die hok is in pers prosa geteken. Die skrywer gaan voort oor die akteur en rsquos se ligte wit vel, sy dik swart hare, sy sjarme en elegante klere. Ons leer meer oor Booth & rsquos se passievolle oortuiging, sy oortuiging dat sy saak edel was en die ongerief van die lewe op die vlug. Booth word 'n held, terwyl sy agtervolgers opgetree word as klein bumblers, wat gretig is om die roem en geld wat verband hou met die inbring van die president en rsquos -moordenaar in te haal. Swanson vergelyk selfs Booth twee keer met Jesus.

Laat in die boek skryf Swanson oor hoe Booth jare na Lincoln se moord 'n heldhaftige roem gevind het wat Lee Harvey Oswald of James Earl Ray nooit sal vind nie. Daar is geen beter voorbeeld hiervan as Soektog self, wat blykbaar die Booth en die sjarmante verhoogster vergeet, hoewel hy nog belangriker was, 'n moordenaar, 'n verraaier, 'n rassis en 'n megalomaan.

Dit is nog 'n voorbeeld van die sagte en fuzzy manier waarop ons terugkyk op die Konfederale saak, die antebellum Suid- en slawe -kultuur. Ek kan my nie 'n boek voorstel wat in Duitsland was tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog wat die sjarme en voorkoms van verdedigers van die Derde Ryk sou ontken of sou noem hoe lede van die Nazi -party hul saak as edel beskou het nie. Ons sou hierdie teenstanders nie anders as skurke stel vir die kwaad wat hulle teen die mensdom gepleeg het nie. Noem tog die antebellum Suid of die Konfederasie, en sommige Amerikaners word sterre-oë. Niemand dink aan die meer as 10 miljoen verslaafde Afrikane wat in die Middelgang of op een plantasie of klein plaas gesterf het nie. Niemand dink aan die mense wat hul vryheid en menswees ontneem is sodat die suidelike ekonomie kan opstaan ​​nie, en dat al die Rhetts en Scarletts in hul pragtige huise kan sit en pronk met hul spoggerige klere en maniere. Dat Amerika my voorgeslagte vergeet, terwyl dit smag na die dae wat hulle slawerny moontlik gemaak het, is aanstootlik.

Ek hou nie daarvan waarvoor die Konfederale vlag staan ​​nie en haat dit om te sien wapper. Ek dink 'n eeu is nie lank genoeg om 'n moordenaar in 'n held te verander nie. En 'n middel-op-die-pad country-band met 'n naam wat terugdink na dae voor die burgeroorlog, voel vir my nie goed nie. U mag sê dat ek te hard dink. Ek sê dat die samelewing soms nie hard genoeg dink oor die elemente van die geskiedenis wat ons koester nie.


Afskaffing en Antebellum Hervorming

Toe die Boston -afskaffer Thomas Wentworth Higginson terugkyk op die jare voor die burgeroorlog, het hy geskryf, "het daar toe 'n frase 'die susterskap van hervormings' geheers." Hy het ''n verskeidenheid sosiale en sielkundige teorieë in gedagte waarvan een Daar word verwag dat almal dit sal aanvaar, indien enige. ” Van daardie susterskap staan ​​anti-slawerny op as die goed onthoude en mees heftige debat, al was dit nie die grootste wat lidmaatskap betref nie, of die duurste. (Die eer gaan aan die matigheidsbeweging.) Abolitionisme fassineer steeds vanweë sy plek in die afdelingskonflik wat tot die burgeroorlog lei, die aanslag op geslag en rasse-ongelykheid en die vooruitskouing daarvan op die twintigste-eeuse burgerregtebeweging.

Soms is dit egter nuttig om afskaffing te oorweeg met betrekking tot Higginson's Sisterhood of Reforms. Die jare tussen 1815 - die jaar wat die einde van die oorlog van 1812 - en 1861 was - het inderdaad 'n merkwaardige opbloei van bewegings opgelewer wat daarop gemik was om die samelewing, sedes en individue te verbeter. Sommige lyk dom uit die huidige perspektief (sou goedkoop posgeld werklik internasionale eenheid en begrip bevorder?), Maar baie tydgenote neem dit nietemin ernstig op. En hoewel Higginson die verband tussen bewegings oordryf, was dit relatief algemeen dat mense wat in hervorming teen slawerny geglo het, ook in godsdienshervormings, vroueregte, matigheid en gesondheidshervorming glo. (Laasgenoemde was gebaseer op die idee dat 'n behoorlike dieet - 'n baie vegetariese dieet - siekte kan uitskakel en morele mense kan veroorsaak.)

Deur anti-slawerny binne die susterskap te plaas, help ons om te sien wat daar wel was en wat nie kenmerkend was nie, asook om die groter vraag te beantwoord waarom sekere tydperke in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis veral vrugbare grond bied vir hervormingsbewegings. Die antwoord op laasgenoemde vraag is nie altyd eenvoudig nie. Dronkenskap het nie omstreeks 1819 begin nie, toe 'n matigheidsbeweging slawerny begin aanneem het, het in 1831 nie skielik verander nie, die jaar toe 'n nuwe, meer radikale anti-slawernybeweging ontstaan ​​het en die onderdrukking van vroue nie omstreeks 1848 begin het nie, die jaar van die baanbreker -vroueregtekonvensie in Seneca Falls, New York. Wat die saak betref, het segregasie en rassediskriminasie begin voor die twintigste-eeuse burgerregtebeweging. Om die vraag oor tydsberekening nog moeiliker te beantwoord, is die feit dat periodes van intense hervormingsaktiwiteite soms saamval met ekonomiese krisisse, soos veral die geval was tydens die Groot Depressie van die 1930's, terwyl dit op ander tye soos die Progressiewe Era ( 1890–1919) en die sestigerjare, is hervormingsperiodes ook periodes van algemene welvaart. Maar ongeag of hervormingsbewegings in goeie of slegte ekonomiese tye plaasvind, die punt is dat hervormingsbewegings gewoonlik meer is as net eenvoudige, direkte reaksies op 'n waargenome probleem.

Na die oorlog van 1812 het verskeie veranderings bymekaargekom om die Sisterhood of Reformes te produseer. Verbeterings in vervoer - veral stoombote, kanale en spoorweë - het dit makliker gemaak om dosente en publikasies - insluitend abolitioniste, ander hervormers en hul geskrifte - ver en wyd te stuur. En nuwe druktegnologieë in die 1830's het die koste van publikasies verlaag, insluitend publikasies van abolitioniste.

Terselfdertyd het 'n dinamiese Amerikaanse ekonomie 'n nuwe klas mans en vroue geskep met die vrye tyd en finansiële hulpbronne om aan hervormingsbewegings te bestee. 'N Vergelyking met hervormers uit die agtiende eeu is onthullend. Hulle was minder in getal, en met enkele noemenswaardige uitsonderings (meestal kwakers), was dit deeltyds, soos Benjamin Franklin, wat óf afgetree was óf ander werk gehad het. Daarteenoor was die hervormers van die antebellum albei meer, en het in gevalle soos die van die afskaffingsredakteur William Lloyd Garrison geen ander loopbaan gehad nie.

Sosiale en ekonomiese verandering bied ook 'n sielkundige konteks vir hervorming. Na 1820 het die vinnige groei van stede en die uitbreiding van handel en vervaardiging 'n glorieryke toekoms ingelui en om die deur oop te maak vir versoekings en onheil. Hoe om te verseker dat God, en nie Satan en Mammon nie, sou wen?

Agter die vraag lê twee kragtige tradisies wat hervormers genoop het om die Amerikaanse en Amerikaners te kontrasteer met wat hulle behoort te wees. Een daarvan was die erfenis van die Amerikaanse Revolusie. Selfs wanneer die kritici hul regering baie kritiek op hulle gehad het, het hervormers dit ontlok. Die eerste vroueregtekonvensie was 'n voorbeeld van die verklaring na die onafhanklikheidsverklaring. Net so het William Lloyd Garrison, nadat hy 'n afskrif van die Grondwet op 4 Julie 1854 in die openbaar en berug verbrand het, gevra: "Wat is 'n afskaffer, maar 'n opregte gelowige in die verklaring van '76?" Hy verwerp 'n regering wat slawerny ondersteun, nie die beginsels van die rewolusie nie.

Die ander tradisie was evangeliese protestantisme. 'N Uitstorting van godsdienstige ywer in die vroeë negentiende eeu - soms die Tweede Groot Ontwaking genoem - het van wes na oos gevee en die harte van miljoene Amerikaners aangevuur. Dit het baie aangemoedig om te glo dat hulle 'n morele noodsaaklikheid het om te doen wat hulle kon om die Koninkryk van God op aarde te bewerkstellig. Alhoewel nie alle evangeliste hervormers was nie, en nie alle hervormers evangeliste was nie, het die Ontwaking die mag van godsdiens agter 'n oortuiging gelê dat individuele mans en vroue die wêreld kon verander, eerder as om onvermydelik te aanvaar wat ook al die lot was, soos hul voorouers dikwels gedoen het.

Waarom moet hulle tot die gevolgtrekking kom dat hierdie taak hulle toekom eerder as hul leiers? Die bekendste buitelandse waarnemer van die jong republiek, Alexis de Tocqueville, is getref deur die eienaardige neiging van Amerikaners om plaaslike "vrywillige verenigings" te stig om 'n wye reeks doelwitte te bereik, insluitend hervormings. In 'n groot mate was dit 'n redelike benadering in 'n land met min effektiewe institusionele bronne van morele gesag, en een met relatief swak politieke instellings, geen nasionale kerk en 'n kultuur wat nie vertroue in die regering het nie. Die gebruik van vrywillige verenigings weerspieël ook die gevoel onder sommige - veral die mees radikale afskaffers - dat verkose amptenare deel was van die probleem, nie die oplossing nie. Hervormers van Antebellum het geglo in morele absoluut politici glo in die kuns van die transaksie, selfs as die resultaat kompromie is met 'n euwel soos slawerny. Onder die omstandighede het dit beter gelyk as om deur die politieke stelsel te gaan as deur dit (hervormers van houding en 'n paar afskaffers het in die 1840's begin heroorweeg).

As daar na die oorlog van 1812 veelvuldige veranderings bymekaar gekom het om die Sisterhood of Reformes te produseer, het dit nie bepaal nie hoe hervormers van die antebellum het probeer om die wêreld te verander of wat hulle as die belangrikste fout beskou het. Selfs binne 'n beweging soos afskaffing, was daar wydverspreide meningsverskil oor taktiek en doelwitte.

Deur baie hervormings was egter algemene temas en aannames, een van die belangrikste daarvan was 'n passievolle oortuiging dat individue as vrye morele agente moet kan optree, in staat wees om reg van verkeerd te kies en nie teëgehou word deur die ' arbitrêre mag ”van iemand anders (soos 'n slawehouer of onsedelike eggenoot) of iets anders (soos alkohol, slegte dieet of geestesongesteldheid). In hierdie opsig was afskaffing die uiteindelike uitdrukking van die impuls van die hervorming van antebellum: Slawe was vir abolitioniste die spieëlbeeld van vryheid, simbole van wat dit nie was nie - die mees ekstreme voorbeeld van onvryheid. Hierdie logika help om die noue verband tussen abolitioniste en hervormings soos die vroueregtebeweging te verduidelik, asook waarom abolitioniste 'n verwantskap met Europese rewolusionêres en pogings om diensbaarheid in Rusland te beëindig het. Al hierdie gevalle was volgens hulle 'n deel van 'n groter internasionale drama oor die vordering van vryheid. Met hierdie kragtige retoriese tradisie wat deur die 1840's gevestig is, is dit geen toeval dat die term "slaaf" die hele negentiende eeu in hervormingsretoriek voortduur nie, lank nadat die instelling self in 1865 gesterf het - dronkaards as "slawe" vir die bottel, vroue as " slawe ”vir mans en fabriekswerkers as“ loonslawe ”.

Abolitioniste was self vaag oor wat vryheid in die praktyk kan beteken na die dood van slawerny, en was onbesorg dat ander nie saamstem met hul definisies nie. Tog beklemtoon hulle klem op individuele morele agentskap en hul gebruik van die antitese tussen slawerny en vryheid om die afwesigheid en teenwoordigheid van vryheid te definieer, binne die susterskap van Higginson. Maar in drie belangrike opsigte - in hul siening oor hul regering, geslag en ras - het afskaffingslede gesels met ander hervormings van die susterskap. 'N Paar hervormingsbewegings voor 1861 het die fundamentele aanvalle op die Amerikaanse politieke stelsel veroorsaak wat afskaffers onderneem het om die onderhandeling van sy duiwel met slawerny aan die kaak te stel. En alhoewel alle groot hervormings op die antebellum sterk van vroue afgehang het, het slegs 'n handjievol utopiese gemeenskappe vir hulle 'n net so prominente stem gegee as abolitionisme in sy mees radikale vorm.

Die kenmerkendste was egter hoe afskaffingskundiges die verhouding tussen anti-slawerny en ras omskep het, deur idees en konsepte te gebruik wat baie verder gegaan het as die beweging se aanval op slawerny en wat uiteindelik tuis gekom het in die vorm van aanvalle op diskriminerende wette en praktyke in die Noorde. Boonop was die afskaffingsbeweging buitengewoon interras. Die roem van 'n paar swart afskaffers-veral Frederick Douglass, Sojourner Truth en Harriet Tubman-verduister die hoë mate waarin minder bekende Afro-Amerikaanse afskaffers ook die saak op alle moontlike maniere ondersteun het, insluitend met hul eie organisasies, penne, toesprake , en dollars. As rassisme nooit heeltemal verdwyn het onder blanke abolitioniste nie, en as die verhouding tussen hulle en swart kollegas soms gespanne was, is dit nietemin waar dat geen ander beweging van die dag naby afskaffing in interras -samewerking, mobilisering van swart gemeenskappe en uitdaging aan rassisme was nie. in beide teorie en praktyk. Oor hierdie kwessies was afskaffing beide deel van 'n groep susterhervormings en 'n beweging wat hulle te bowe gaan.

Ronald Walters, Professor in geskiedenis aan die John Hopkins Universiteit, is die skrywer van Die appèl teen slawerny: Amerikaanse afskaffing na 1830 (1984) en redakteur van Primers for Prudery: Seksuele advies aan Victoriaanse Amerika (1973) en A Black Woman's Odyssey through Russia and Jamaica: The Narrative of Nancy Prince (1989).


'Die slawe is bang vir nuwejaarsdag: die grimmige geskiedenis van 1 Januarie

'N Merikaan sal waarskynlik dink aan Oujaarsaand en Oujaarsdag as 'n tyd om die nuwe begin wat 'n nuwe jaar verteenwoordig, te vier, maar daar is ook 'n kommerwekkende kant van die geskiedenis van die vakansie. In die jare voor die burgeroorlog was die eerste dag van die nuwe jaar dikwels 'n hartverskeurende dag vir slawe in die Verenigde State.

In die Afro-Amerikaanse gemeenskap was Nuwejaarsdag vroeër algemeen bekend as “Hiring Day ” & mdash of “Heartbreak Day, ” soos die Afro-Amerikaanse afskaffingsjoernalis William Cooper Nell dit beskryf het as 'n slaaf van mense Oujaarsaand deurgebring en gewonder of hul eienaars dit aan iemand anders gaan verhuur en sodoende hul gesinne moontlik verdeel. Die verhuring van slawe -arbeid was 'n relatief algemene praktyk in die antebellum -suide, en 'n winsgewende praktyk vir blanke slawe -eienaars en -huurders.

“ ‘Hiring Day ’ was deel van die groter ekonomiese siklus waarin die meeste skuld ingesamel en vereffen is op Oujaarsdag, ”, sê Alexis McCrossen, 'n kenner van die geskiedenis van Oujaarsaand en Oujaarsaand Year's Day en 'n professor in geskiedenis aan die Southern Methodist University, wat in haar komende boek oor Hiring Day skryf Time & rsquos Touchstone: The New Year in American Life.

Sommige slawe is die dag op 'n veiling aangebied, of gehou onder kontrakte wat in Januarie begin het. (Hierdie transaksies het ook die hele jaar plaasgevind en kontrakte kan vir verskillende tye aangegaan word.) Hierdie transaksies is privaat onder gesinne, vriende en sakekontakte aangegaan, en slawe is op stadsplein, op trappe van die hof en soms bloot op die kant van die pad, volgens Verdeelde bemeestering: Slaweverhuring in die Amerikaanse suide deur Jonathan D. Martin.

Die wreedheid van Hiring Day is afkomstig van rekords wat gelaat is deur diegene wat hul vryheid verseker het, wat beskryf het dat hulle die dag voor 1 Januarie deurgebring het in die hoop en bid dat hul huurders menslik sal wees en dat hul gesinne saam kan bly.

Van alle dae van die jaar, vrees die slawe Nuwejaarsdag die ergste ooit, 'n slaaf met die naam Lewis Clarke in 'n rekening van 1842.

Op Nuwejaarsdag het ons na die afslaersblok gegaan om vir een jaar by die hoogste bieër gehuur te word, en Israel Campbell het geskryf in 'n memoires wat in 1861 in Philadelphia gepubliseer is, waarin hy beskryf hoe hy gehuur is drie keer uit.

Dit is waar die woord vandaan kom wat u op Nuwejaarsdag doen, die res van die jaar sal u doen, ''n voormalige slaaf, bekend as suster Harrison, in 'n onderhoud gesê in 1937.

Harriet Jacobs het 'n besonder gedetailleerde verslag geskryf in “The Slaves ’ Nuwejaarsdag ’s Dag ” hoofstuk van haar 1861 outobiografie Ekinsidente in die lewe van 'n slavin. “ Huurdag in die suide vind op 1 Januarie plaas. Op die 2de moet die slawe na hul nuwe meesters gaan, en sy het geskryf. Sy het waargeneem dat slawe -eienaars en boere hul menslike losgoed verhuur vir ekstra inkomste gedurende die tydperk tussen die katoen- en mielie -oeste en die volgende plantseisoen. Van Kersfees tot Oujaarsaand sou baie gesinne angstig wag om uit te vind of hulle verhuur sou word, en aan wie. Op Nuwejaarsdag “ Op die vasgestelde uur wemel die terrein van mans, vroue en kinders en wag, soos misdadigers, om hul ondergang te hoor uitspreek, ” skryf Jacobs.

Op een van hierdie noodlottige dae het Jacobs gesien hoe sy ma sewe kinders na die veilingblok lei. Sy het geweet dat sommige van hulle van haar weggeneem sou word, maar hulle het alles geneem. ” Jacobs het gesê sy sal nooit vergeet hoe die ma skreeu nie, “Gone! Heetemal weg! Hoekom moenie#8217t God maak my dood? ”

Slawe van slawe wat probeer het om te weerstaan ​​om na hul nuwe meesters te gaan, is geslaan en in die tronk gegooi totdat hulle hul toevertrou het en belowe het om nie weg te hardloop tydens die nuwe reëling nie. Ouer slawe was ook besonder kwesbaar, aangesien Jacobs beskryf hoe een eienaar 'n swak 70-jarige vrou probeer huur het omdat hy weg was.

Maar die geskiedenis van Nuwejaarsdag en Amerikaanse slawerny is nie gruwel nie. Die vakansie hou ook verband met vryheid.

Die federale verbod op die trans-Atlantiese slawehandel het op Nuwejaarsdag in 1808 in werking getree, en Afro-Amerikaanse gemeenskappe het wel feesgevier, maar die feeste was van korte duur.

Verskillende herdenkings vir afskaffing van slawehandel het tussen 1808 en 1831 plaasgevind, maar hulle het gesterf omdat die huishoudelike slawehandel so sterk was, sê McCrossen. Die risiko van geweld was ook te groot. Byvoorbeeld, op Oujaarsaand in 1827, in New York, het 'n blanke skare Afro-Amerikaanse gemeentes aangeval en hul kerk gevandaliseer.

Die vakansie het meer verband gehou met vryheid as slawerny toe Abraham Lincoln die Emancipation Proclamation onderteken het, wat slawe in die Konfederale state op Nuwejaarsdag in 1863 bevry het. Slawe het op 31 Desember 1862 kerk toe gegaan om te bid en te sing, en dit ’s waarom daar nog landwyd nog Nuwejaar-gebedsdienste by Afro-Amerikaanse kerke is. By sulke “Watch Night ” -dienste bly gemeentes meer as 150 jaar later steeds bid vir meer wydverspreide rasse -gelykheid.

Die oorspronklike weergawe van hierdie verhaal het 'n verkeerde aanduiding van die jaar van 'n aanval op 'n Afro-Amerikaanse kerk op Oujaarsaand in New York. Dit was 1827, nie 1927 nie.


12.2 Afro -Amerikaners in die Antebellum Verenigde State

Benewens katoen, was die groot handelsware van die antebellum -suide menslike losgoed. Slawerny was die hoeksteen van die suidelike ekonomie. Teen 1850 het ongeveer 3,2 miljoen slawe in die Verenigde State gewerk, waarvan 1,8 miljoen in die katoenlande gewerk het. Hulle het arbitrêre magsmisbruik van blankes ondervind wat hulle die hoof gebied het deur familie- en gemeenskapsnetwerke te skep. Verhale, sang en Christendom het ook troos gebied en het slawe toegelaat om hul eie interpretasies van hul toestand te ontwikkel.

LEWE AS 'N SLAF

Suid -blankes het gereeld staatgemaak op die idee van paternalisme - die veronderstelling dat blanke slawehouers opgetree het in die beste belang van diegene wat hulle tot slawe gemaak het en verantwoordelikheid geneem het vir hul sorg, voeding, dissipline en selfs hul Christelike sedelikheid - om die bestaan ​​van slawerny te regverdig. Dit het die werklikheid van slawerny wanvoorgestel, wat in elk geval 'n ontmenslikende, traumatiserende en gruwelike menslike ramp en misdaad teen die mensdom was. Nevertheless, the enslaved were hardly passive victims of their conditions they sought and found myriad ways to resist their shackles and develop their own communities and cultures.

Enslaved people often used the notion of paternalism to their advantage, finding opportunities within this system to engage in acts of resistance and win a degree of freedom and autonomy. For example, some played into their masters’ racism by hiding their intelligence and feigning childishness and ignorance. The enslaved could then slow down the workday and sabotage the system in small ways by “accidentally” breaking tools, for example the slaveholder, seeing the enslaved as unsophisticated and childlike, would believe these incidents were accidents rather than rebellions. Some enslaved individuals engaged in more dramatic forms of resistance, such as poisoning their captors slowly. Other enslaved people reported their fellow captives to their slaveholders, hoping to gain preferential treatment. Those who informed their holders about planned slave rebellions could often expect the slaveholder’s gratitude and, perhaps, more lenient treatment. Such expectations were always tempered by the individual personality and caprice of the slaveholder.

Slaveholders used both psychological coercion and physical violence to prevent enslaved people from disobeying their wishes. Often, the most efficient way to discipline people was to threaten to sell them. The lash, while the most common form of punishment, was effective but not efficient whippings sometimes left the victimes incapacitated or even dead. Slaveholders and overseers also used punishment gear like neck braces, balls and chains, leg irons, and paddles with holes to produce blood blisters. The enslaved lived in constant terror of both physical violence and separation from family and friends (Figure 12.6).

Under southern law, enslaved people could not marry. Nonetheless, some slaveholders allowed marriages to promote the birth of children and to foster harmony on plantations. Some slaveholders even forced certain individuals to form unions, anticipating the birth of more children (and consequently greater profits) from them. Slaveholders sometimes allowed enslaved people to choose their own partners, but they could also veto a match. Enslaved couples always faced the prospect of being sold away from each other, and, once they had children, the horrifying reality that their children could be sold and sent away at any time.

Klik en verken

Browse a collection of first-hand narratives of enslaved and former enslaved people at the National Humanities Center to learn more about the experience of slavery.

Enslaved parents had to show their children the best way to survive under slavery. This meant teaching them to be discreet, submissive, and guarded around White people. Parents also taught their children through the stories they told. Popular stories among the enslaved included tales of tricksters, sly captives, or animals like Brer Rabbit, who outwitted their antagonists (Figure 12.7). Such stories provided comfort in humor and conveyed the sense of the wrongs of slavery. Enslaved people’s work songs commented on the harshness of their life and often had double meanings—a literal meaning that White people would not find offensive and a deeper meaning for the enslaved.

African beliefs, including ideas about the spiritual world and the importance of African healers, survived in the South as well. White people who became aware of non-Christian rituals among the enslaved labeled such practices as witchcraft. Among Africans, however, the rituals and use of various plants by respected enslaved healers created connections between the African past and the American South while also providing a sense of community and identity for enslaved individuals. Other African customs, including traditional naming patterns, the making of baskets, and the cultivation of certain native African plants that had been brought to the New World, also endured.

Americana

African Americans and Christian Spirituals

Many of the enslaved embraced Christianity. Their holders emphasized a scriptural message of obedience to White people and a better day awaiting them in heaven, but enslaved people focused on the uplifting message of being freed from bondage.

The styles of worship in the Methodist and Baptist churches, which emphasized emotional responses to scripture, attracted the enslaved to those traditions and inspired some to become preachers. Spiritual songs that referenced the Exodus (the biblical account of the Hebrews’ escape from slavery in Egypt), such as “Roll, Jordan, Roll,” allowed enslaved individuals to freely express messages of hope, struggle, and overcoming adversity (Figure 12.8).

What imagery might the Jordan River suggest to enslaved people working in the Deep South? What lyrics in this song suggest redemption and a better world ahead?

Klik en verken

Listen to a rendition of “Roll, Jordan, Roll” from the movie based on Solomon Northup’s memoir and life.

THE FREE BLACK POPULATION

Complicating the picture of the antebellum South was the existence of a large free Black population. In fact, more free Black people lived in the South than in the North roughly 261,000 lived in slave states, while 226,000 lived in northern states without slavery. Most free Black people did not live in the Lower, or Deep South: the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas. Instead, the largest number lived in the upper southern states of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and later Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, and the District of Columbia.

Part of the reason for the large number of free Black people living in slave states were the many instances of manumission—the formal granting of freedom to enslaved people—that occurred as a result of the Revolution, when many slaveholders put into action the ideal that “all men are created equal” and released the people they enslaved. The transition in the Upper South to the staple crop of wheat, which did not require large numbers of enslaved laborers to produce, also spurred manumissions. Another large group of free Black people in the South had been free residents of Louisiana before the 1803 Louisiana Purchase, while still other free Black people came from Cuba and Haiti.

Most free Black people in the South lived in cities, and a majority of free Black people were lighter-skinned women, a reflection of the interracial unions that formed between White men and Black women. Everywhere in the United States Blackness had come to be associated with slavery, the station at the bottom of the social ladder. Both Whites and those with African ancestry tended to delineate varying degrees of lightness in skin color in a social hierarchy. In the slaveholding South, different names described one’s distance from Blackness or Whiteness: mulattos (those with one Black and one White parent), quadroons (those with one Black grandparent), and octoroons (those with one Black great-grandparent) (Figure 12.9). Lighter-skinned Black people often looked down on their darker counterparts, an indication of the ways in which both White and Black people internalized the racism of the age.

Some free Black people in the South owned enslaved people themselves. Andrew Durnford, for example, was born in New Orleans in 1800, three years before the Louisiana Purchase. His father was White, and his mother was a free Black. Durnford became an American citizen after the Louisiana Purchase, rising to prominence as a Louisiana sugar planter and slaveholder. William Ellison, another free Black person who amassed great wealth and power in the South, was born with a slave status in 1790 in South Carolina. After buying his freedom and that of his wife and daughter, he proceeded to purchase his own enslaved people, whom he then put to work manufacturing cotton gins. By the eve of the Civil War, Ellison had become one of the richest and largest slaveholders in the entire state.

The phenomenon of free Black people amassing large fortunes within a slave society predicated on racial difference, however, was exceedingly rare. Most free Black people in the South lived under the specter of slavery and faced many obstacles. Beginning in the early nineteenth century, southern states increasingly made manumission illegal. They also devised laws that divested free Blacks of their rights, such as the right to testify against Whites in court or the right to seek employment where they pleased. Interestingly, it was in the upper southern states that such laws were the harshest. In Virginia, for example, legislators made efforts to require free Black people to leave the state. In parts of the Deep South, free Black people were able to maintain their rights more easily. The difference in treatment between free Black people in the Deep South and those in the Upper South, historians have surmised, came down to economics. In the Deep South, slavery as an institution was strong and profitable. In the Upper South, the opposite was true. The anxiety of this economic uncertainty manifested in the form of harsh laws that targeted free Black people.

SLAVE REVOLTS

Captives resisted their enslavement in small ways every day, but this resistance did not usually translate into mass uprisings. The enslaved understood that the chances of ending slavery through rebellion were slim and would likely result in massive retaliation many also feared the risk that participating in such actions would pose to themselves and their families. White slaveholders, however, constantly feared uprisings and took drastic steps, including torture and mutilation, whenever they believed that rebellions might be simmering. Gripped by the fear of insurrection, Whites often imagined revolts to be in the works even when no uprising actually happened.

At least two major slave uprisings did occur in the antebellum South. In 1811, a major rebellion broke out in the sugar parishes of the booming territory of Louisiana. Inspired by the successful overthrow of the White planter class in Haiti, a group of people enslaved in Louisiana took up arms against slaveholders. Perhaps as many five hundred joined the rebellion, led by Charles Deslondes, a mixed-race slave driver on a sugar plantation owned by Manuel Andry.

The revolt began in January 1811 on Andry’s plantation. Deslondes and others attacked the Andry household, where they killed the slaveholder’s son (although Andry himself escaped). The rebels then began traveling toward New Orleans, armed with weapons gathered at Andry’s plantation. Whites mobilized to stop the rebellion, but not before Deslondes and the other enslaved people set fire to three plantations and killed numerous White people. A small White force led by Andry ultimately captured Deslondes, whose body was mutilated and burned following his execution. Other rebels were beheaded, and their heads placed on pikes along the Mississippi River.

The second rebellion, led by the enslaved Nat Turner, occurred in 1831 in Southampton County, Virginia. Turner had suffered not only from personal enslavement, but also from the additional trauma of having his wife sold away from him. Bolstered by Christianity, Turner became convinced that like Christ, he should lay down his life to end slavery. Mustering his relatives and friends, he began the rebellion August 22, killing scores of White people in the county. Whites mobilized quickly and within forty-eight hours had brought the rebellion to an end. Shocked by Nat Turner’s Rebellion, Virginia’s state legislature considered ending slavery in the state in order to provide greater security. In the end, legislators decided slavery would remain and that their state would continue to play a key role in the domestic slave trade.

SLAVE MARKETS

As discussed above, after centuries of slave trade with West Africa, Congress banned the further importation of enslaved Africans beginning in 1808. The domestic slave trade then expanded rapidly. As the cotton trade grew in size and importance, so did the domestic slave trade the cultivation of cotton gave new life and importance to slavery, increasing the value of enslaved individuals. To meet the South’s fierce demand for labor, American smugglers illegally transferred captives through Florida and later through Texas. Many more enslaved Africans arrived illegally from Cuba indeed, Cubans relied on the smuggling of enslaved people to prop up their finances. The largest number of enslaved people after 1808, however, came from the massive, legal internal slave market in which slave states in the Upper South sold enslaved men, women, and children to states in the Lower South. For the enslaved, the domestic trade presented the full horrors of slavery as children were ripped from their mothers and fathers and families destroyed, creating heartbreak and alienation.

Some slaveholders sought to increase the number of enslaved children by placing enslaved males with fertile enslaved females, and slaveholders routinely raped enslaved females. The resulting births played an important role in slavery’s expansion in the first half of the nineteenth century, as many enslaved children were born as a result of rape. One account written by an enslaved person named William J. Anderson captures the horror of sexual exploitation in the antebellum South. Anderson wrote about how a Mississippi slaveholder

divested a poor female slave of all wearing apparel, tied her down to stakes, and whipped her with a handsaw until he broke it over her naked body. In process of time he ravished [raped] her person, and became the father of a child by her. Besides, he always kept a colored Miss in the house with him. This is another curse of Slavery—concubinage and illegitimate connections—which is carried on to an alarming extent in the far South. A poor slave man who lives close by his wife, is permitted to visit her but very seldom, and other men, both White and colored, cohabit with her. It is undoubtedly the worst place of incest and bigamy in the world. A White man thinks nothing of putting a colored man out to carry the fore row [front row in field work], and carry on the same sport with the colored man’s wife at the same time.

Anderson, a devout Christian, recognized and explains in his narrative that one of the evils of slavery is the way it undermines the family. Anderson was not the only critic of slavery to emphasize this point. Frederick Douglass, a Maryland slave who escaped to the North in 1838, elaborated on this dimension of slavery in his 1845 narrative. He recounted how enslavers had to sell their own children whom they had with enslaved women to appease the White wives who despised their offspring.

The selling of enslaved people was a major business enterprise in the antebellum South, representing a key part of the economy. White men invested substantial sums in enslaved people, carefully calculating the annual returns they could expect from each enslaved person as well as the possibility of greater profits through natural increase. The domestic slave trade was highly visible, and like the infamous Middle Passage that brought captive Africans to the Americas, it constituted an equally disruptive and horrifying journey now called the second middle passage . Between 1820 and 1860, White American traders sold a million or more captives in the domestic slave market. Groups of enslaved people were transported by ship from places like Virginia, a state that specialized in raising enslaved people for sale, to New Orleans, where they were sold to planters in the Mississippi Valley. Others made the overland trek from older states like North Carolina to new and booming Deep South states like Alabama.

New Orleans had the largest slave market in the United States (Figure 12.10). Slaveholders brought the people they enslaved there from the East (Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas) and the West (Tennessee and Kentucky) to be sold for work in the Mississippi Valley. The slave trade benefited Whites in the Chesapeake and Carolinas, providing them with extra income: A healthy young enslaved male in the 1850s could be sold for $1,000 (approximately $30,000 in 2014 dollars), and a planter who could sell ten such enslaved people collected a windfall.

In fact, by the 1850s, the demand for enslaved people reached an all-time high, and prices therefore doubled. An enslaved person who would have sold for $400 in the 1820s could command a price of $800 in the 1850s. The high price of enslaved people in the 1850s and the inability of natural increase to satisfy demands led some southerners to demand the reopening of the international slave trade, a movement that caused a rift between the Upper South and the Lower South. White people in the Upper South who sold enslaved people to their counterparts in the Lower South worried that reopening the trade would lower prices and therefore hurt their profits.

My Story

John Brown on Slave Life in Georgia

An enslaved person named John Brown lived in Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia before he escaped and moved to England. While there, he dictated his autobiography to someone at the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, who published it in 1855.

I really thought my mother would have died of grief at being obliged to leave her two children, her mother, and her relations behind. But it was of no use lamenting, the few things we had were put together that night, and we completed our preparations for being parted for life by kissing one another over and over again, and saying good bye till some of us little ones fell asleep. . . . And here I may as well tell what kind of man our new master was. He was of small stature, and thin, but very strong. He had sandy hair, a very red face, and chewed tobacco. His countenance had a very cruel expression, and his disposition was a match for it. He was, indeed, a very bad man, and used to flog us dreadfully. He would make his slaves work on one meal a day, until quite night, and after supper, set them to burn brush or spin cotton. We worked from four in the morning till twelve before we broke our fast, and from that time till eleven or twelve at night . . . we labored eighteen hours a day.
—John Brown, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and Escape of John Brown, A Fugitive Slave, Now in England, 1855

What features of the domestic slave trade does Brown’s narrative illuminate? Why do you think he brought his story to an antislavery society? How do you think people responded to this narrative?

Klik en verken

Read through several narratives at “Born in Slavery,” part of the American Memory collection at the Library of Congress. Do these narratives have anything in common? What differences can you find between them?


Early American Political Parties

Iowa political parties, like those in other American states, respond to changes that are important to voters at the time of elections. Economic interests like taxes are always important, but sometimes moral or cultural issues like prohibition or bodily autonomy can also capture attention.The American federal system that links states to the national government also plays an important role in fostering the creation and continuation of the political party system.

Whigs and Democrats in Iowa

Before the Civil War, in Iowa's territorial and early statehood days, there were two dominant political parties: the Whigs and the Democrats. The Whigs tended to favor a more active government role in the promotion of business and economic development (building roads, promoting commerce and manufacturing, stronger currency) while Democrats favored the smallest government possible with lower taxes. However, both parties experienced internal divisions as the interests of eastern states and western states differed, and especially with growing tensions between the North and South over slavery.

In 1854, Congress passed the Kansas-Nebraska Act that allowed the settlers in western territories to decide themselves whether they would be a slave or free state. This ended the provision of the Missouri Compromise that extended the line along the Missouri-Arkansas border as the western division between slave and free territories in the West. This opened the possibility of more slave territory and was strongly opposed by many in the North of both parties. Opponents of the new law in both parties broke ranks to form first the Free-Soil Party which quickly became the Republican Party. While the Democrats continued to hold support in both North and South, the Republican Party was based almost entirely in the North, including Iowa. The Civil War cemented Iowa's loyalty to the Republican Party that continued to produce election victories at the polls until the Great Depression in the 1930s. Following World War II, Democrats began gaining strength in the cities. Today, Iowa is a two-party state and has swung both ways in recent presidential elections.

Issue-Based Party Formation

While third parties have sometimes appeared on the Iowa ballot, none has earned a significant permanent place in the political landscape. In the 1870s and 1880s, tough economic conditions for Iowa farmers led to the formation of the Populist and Greenback Parties, which encouraged the regulation of railroads, corporations and other business interests thought to be practicing unfair policies toward farmers. They also wanted more money in circulation to make borrowing and repaying interest easier. The Prohibition Party focused narrowly on efforts to eliminate the sale of alcohol, but it competed for voters with the Republicans. In 1912, supporters of Teddy Roosevelt backed him in a race against the incumbent President William Howard Taft. This split the Republican vote and allowed the Democrat Woodrow Wilson to win the White House.

In early days, candidates were nominated by political conventions. Those who had influence within the party structure played the key roles in candidate selection. In the early 1900s, Iowa amended the constitution to select candidates by direct primaries where registered voters in the party held primary elections to name the candidates. A popular candidate could gain the nomination without the support of party leaders, though this rarely happened. In 1976, the Iowa caucuses moved front and center of the national stage as the first step in the presidential nominating process. Every four years, those testing the waters for a shot at the presidency come to Iowa, providing opportunities for local voters to meet personally with top national leaders. Local politicians may step in to support one candidate or another or may keep on the sidelines so they do not offend Iowa voters or other persuasions. Regardless, national politics becomes Iowa politics every four years.

Parties are loose coalitions of citizens who rally around candidates who best promote their interests. Today, more Iowans register as "no-party" or independent than either Republican or Democrat. Among active party voters as of July 2019, registered Democrats hold a slight lead over Republicans. Republicans hold margins in the rural areas, while Democrats have urban majorities.


Native Americans in the Antebellum U.S. Military

Mentioning the U.S. military and American Indians together often brings to mind fierce and heart-wrenching battles between white soldiers and native warriors. But is this the whole picture? A review of selected records for soldiers who served during the Indian wars and disturbances from 1815 to 1858 shows that hundreds of Indians served in the military against their fellow Native Americans. In addition to serving in these wars, Native Americans served during the Revolutionary War and throughout the 19th century, almost exclusively in all-Indian units.

One Native American unit appears among the military records of the soldiers who served in the Revolutionary War. The "Pay Roll of the Delaware Indians in service of the United States, Commencing June 15th 1780 & ending Oct. 31, 1781" lists 12 soldiers: 4 captains and 8 privates.1 The names, except for Capt. John Montour, the company commander, appear to be in the Delaware language. For example, Captain Mawanapano is the second soldier listed after Captain Montour.

Compiled military service records are also available for these soldiers.2 The War Department abstracted a volunteer soldier's service onto cards from such records as muster returns and payrolls. The cards were placed in an envelope with the soldier's name on it.

Between the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812, one Native American unit served with federal forces. Capt. Will Shorey commanded the Corps of Cherokee Indians, who were in service from May 12 to September 12, 1800. On March 7, 1800, the secretary of war ordered the unit to be formed. Its mission was to punish offenders in the Cherokee Nation. The unit's Records of Events cards do not specify the offenses.3

More than 1,000 Native Americans served during the War of 1812. They were organized in more than 100 companies, detachments, or parties. About half were Choctaws, and half were either Creeks or Cherokees. Units from other tribes included Blue's Detachment of Chickasaw Indians (discussed below), Capt. Wape Pilesey's Company of Mounted Shawano Indians, and Capt. Abner W. Hendrick's Detachment of Stockbridge Indians.

Native American soldiers are listed in the Index to Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served During the War of 1812 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M602). The compiled service records for only two Native American units have been microfilmed: Major Uriah Blue's Detachment of Chickasaw Indians (M1829) and Major McIntosh's Company of Creek Indians (M1830). Both Blue's Detachment and McIntosh's Company served under Andrew Jackson in the Creek Indian War of 1813–1814, sometimes considered a part of the War of 1812.

Researchers should keep in mind the potential variations of Native American names. A selected review of the index and a review of the compiled service records for two War of 1812 units indicates that the majority of Native American soldiers retained their Indian-language name. In Blue's Detachment, for example, Corporal Tush wa tubbee and Private Ush o ma tubbee appear on a muster roll dated February 28, 1815, at Mobile. Other names appear to be the English translation of the Indian name, such as Private Wait & Kill it, who also appeared on the February 28 muster roll. When a common English name is listed in the index, often only a single English name appears. Four Private Georges and a Sergeant George were listed as part of Colonel Morgan, Jr.'s Regiment of Cherokee Indians, and two Private Jims were part of Col. Thomas Gales's Indian Corps.

Native Americans served in a majority of the Indian wars that took place from 1815 to 1858. Choctaw and Creek Indians served in the First Seminole War, 1817–1818, and the Second Florida or Seminole War, 1836–1842. During the Winnebago Indian Disturbance in 1827, a company of Menominee served. Menominee and Potawatomi served during the Black Hawk War in 1832. Creek Indians friendly to the U.S. government opposed their fellow Creeks during the Creek War in 1836. These Native American soldiers are listed in the Index to Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served During the Indian Wars and Disturbances, 1815–1858 (M629).

Captain Smith's Company of Menamenie (Menominee) Indians served in 1827 during the Winnebago Indian Disturbances. The compiled service records for this unit list 125 men, nearly all designated with the rank of "warrior."4 There was also a "1st Chief," "War Chief," and two "Chiefs." All names appear to be in the Indian language, and many have the English translation. Warrior Eyam-e-taw's name, for example, translates to "The raw deer skin." A few muster roll cards show familial relationships among the soldiers.

Capt. Stephen Richards's Company of Friendly Indians made up part of the Florida Mounted Volunteers, which served in 1838 during the Second Seminole War. The compiled service records of volunteers who served in Florida units during the Florida Indian wars, 1835–1858, including Captain Richards's Company, have been microfilmed.5 No rank is noted for the men, although Tot-tour-Hargo is listed as "Capt. Billy." A few names, such as Madison and Isaac Yellowhair, are not in the Indian language.

One company of Native Americans served in the Mexican War, 1846–1848. Black Beaver's Spy Company was a mounted volunteer company of Indians from Texas. The compiled service records for all Texas units, including Beaver's Spy Company, are on microfilm.6 The members of the company mustered in for duty in San Antonio in June 1846 for six months. The names of privates Na-noon-ska-ska, Long Tail, and George Williams, show the mix of the Indian language, English translation of the Indian name, and an English name.

Immediately following the Mexican War, a company of Pueblo Indians served with the New Mexico Volunteers. Under the command of Bvt. Lt. Col. J. M. Washington, the Pueblos participated in an expedition against Navajos from August 22 to September 22, 1849. Nearly all the Indian names in the company's service records are Spanish, such as Juan Domingo, Salvador Andres, Francisco Garcia, and Lorenzo Duran, suggesting that many of the Pueblos assimilated themselves into the local Mexican culture. One possibly native Pueblo name, Topan, also appears.

Many Native American soldiers, their widows, or dependents applied for bounty land warrants or pensions, sometimes both, following the soldiers' service. Native Americans became eligible to apply for bounty land by an act of Congress dated March 3, 1855, that granted bounty lands to certain officers and soldiers who had been engaged in military service. Section 7 of this act extended all bounty land laws to "Indians, in the same manner, and to the same extent, as if the said Indians had been white men." Native Americans also applied for pensions under general statutes directed at all veterans of a conflict, such as "An Act granting Pensions to certain Soldiers and Sailors of the War of 1812, and the Widows of deceased Soldiers" passed on February 14, 1871.

Among the records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs is a unique resource for identifying Native Americans who received bounty land warrants. The bureau required its agents to take steps to protect Indians from being swindled by unscrupulous people during the bounty land application process. One step was to keep a register of the issuance and transfer, if applicable, of the warrant. The name of each soldier, widow, or dependent was entered alphabetically by the first letter of the surname, along with the age and tribe of the applicant, the war, service dates, and the soldier's commanding officer. The remaining 12 columns provide information on the issuance and disposition of the warrant. This information usually is sufficient to request the bounty land warrant file at the National Archives. An index to about half the applicants listed in the registers was prepared.7

To locate the bounty land warrant files, you will need to know the warrant number, the number of acres received, and the year of the relevant bounty land law. The previously cited 1855 bounty land law is the law that authorized Native Americans to apply. The warrant number and usually the number of acres can be found in the Bureau of Indian Affairs registers and sometimes in a pension application file. A bounty land warrant file normally contains the bounty land certificate and the transfer of ownership document. Tunneempoya, for example, a warrior in Captain Mushoolatubbee's Company of Choctaw Volunteers during the War of 1812, received 160 acres on March 18,1857. On January 1, 1858, he sold his warrant for $128 to James L. Woodward of New York, who on April 24, 1858, sold it to Carlos Hall of Douglas County, Kansas.8

Native Americans who applied for pensions based upon War of 1812 service are listed in the Index to War of 1812 Pension Application Files (M313). A review of three of the 102 rolls of this index identified five Native American applicants. The documents and information found therein are typical of what might be found in any pension file. Daniel Two Guns, for example, although unsuccessful in his numerous attempts at obtaining a pension, provided much information about himself on his applications. Rachel Two Guns, widow of Henry Two Guns who was possibly a brother of Daniel, provided important genealogical data, such as her maiden name and tribe, in her unsuccessful application.

Two acts of Congress approved on July 27, 1892, and June 27, 1902, authorized pensions for soldiers or their widows for service in the Indian wars and disturbances. A review of portions of two of the 12 microfilm rolls of the Index to Indian War Pension Files, 1892–1926 (T318) located two Native Americans who applied under the provisions of these acts. The two pension files contained documents similar to those in any Indian war pension file. Ninety-five-year-old Kawashca Ash-Pah yean used the "Declaration of Survivor of Indian War" form to apply for his pension, and Pauline Kash-Kosh-Ka, widow of Mitchel Kash-Kosh-Ka, used the "Claim of Widow for Service Pension of Indian Wars" form for her application. In both cases, however, pensions were not approved because the claims of service in the Black Hawk War could not be verified.

Soldiers who served in the Mexican War could apply for a pension under the provisions of the pension act of January 29, 1887. They are listed in the Index to Mexican War Pension Files, 1887–1926 (T317). A spot-check of 2 of the 14 rolls of this series, and a check for a dozen soldiers who claimed to have served, located one Native American applicant. John Beaver was a Delaware Indian in Black Beaver's Spy Company, but his claim of service could not be verified.

The records described in this article are the primary sources to document the service of Native Americans in the military prior to the Civil War. Historians can use the records to describe the contributions of Native Americans, and genealogists can learn about the service of individual soldiers of interest to them. Pension applications are often rich in genealogical data that may not be available anywhere else. The warrant registers created by the Bureau of Indian Affairs are a unique resource of information about Native Americans who applied for bounty land.

James P. Collins is a volunteer staff aide at the National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. He has worked on a variety of genealogy-related projects since 1996. He wishes to thank three National Archives staff members for their help with this article: John Deeben, Constance Potter, and Rebecca Sharp.

1. Revolutionary War Rolls, 1775–1783 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M246, roll 129), War Department Collection of Revolutionary War Records, Record Group (RG) 93.

2. Compiled Service Records of Soldiers Who Served in the American Army During the Revolutionary War (National Archives Microfilm Publication M881, roll 146), RG 93.

3. Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served From 1784 to 1811 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M905, roll 6), Records of the Adjutant General's Office, 1780's–1917, RG 94. The Cherokee Indians who served under Capt. Will Shorey are listed in the Index to Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served From 1784–1811 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M694), RG 94.

4. Compiled Military Service Records of Michigan and Illinois Volunteers Who Served During the Winnebago Indian Disturbances of 1827 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M1505, roll 3), RG 94.

5. Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Florida During the Florida Indian Wars, 1835–1858 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M1086, roll 46), RG 94.

6. Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served During the Mexican War in Organizations From the State of Texas (National Archives Microfilm Publication M278, roll 16), RG 94. The members of the company are listed in the Index to Compiled Service Records of Volunteer Soldiers Who Served during the Mexican War (National Archives Microfilm Publication M616), RG 94.

7. Entry 544 (Index to Abstract List of Indian Applicants for Military Bounty Lands, 1855–75), and Entry 545 (Abstract List of Indian Applicants for Military Bounty Lands, 1855–82), Records of Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives Building (NAB), Washington, DC.

8. Bounty Land Warrant file 59,272-160-1855 for Tunneempoya, Records of the Department of Veterans Affairs, RG 15, NAB.


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