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Hoeveel persent van die verplaasde Armeniërs het gesterf?

Hoeveel persent van die verplaasde Armeniërs het gesterf?

Watter persentasie van diegene wat gedwing is om te verhuis, het werklik gesterf as gevolg van die hervestiging?


In "Armenië: die saak vir 'n vergete volksmoord", 1972, haal Dickran H. Boyajian die adjunk -direkteur van die skikking van vlugtelinge aan, wat in 1916 gesê het dat 10% van die vlugtelinge by hul bestemming aangekom het.

Die Amerikaanse advokaat Jesse B. Jackson het berig dat 85% van die gedeporteerdes in een van sy amptelike verslae gesterf het.

Johannes Lepsius het twee verslae geskryf waarin hy verklaar dat 90% van die gedeporteerdes gesterf het.

Hierdie getalle kan verhoog word. As ons kyk na die 'ander kant' hiervan, een van die organiseerders van die volksmoord, gebruik Djemal Pasha die getal 600.000 in sy memoires.

Talaat Pasha se amptelike verslag oor die volksmoord bevat nie syfers oor die verhuising nie, net 'n sensus oor Armeniërs, en sê dat daar in 1914 1,256,403 Armeniërs en 284,157 in 1917 was. Dit gee 'n totale sterftesyfer van 75%. Nie alle Armeniërs is op doodsmars gedwing nie, en baie Armeniërs is op ander maniere vermoor, so dit sê nie veel oor die sterftesyfer vir die verhuisings nie, maar dit is duidelik dat dit redelik hoog is.

Mark haal Arnold Toynbee aan deur te sê dat dit so is ten minste 50%.

Skatings oor die persentasie dooies wissel dus tussen die baie konserwatiewe 50% en tot 90%.


Volgens Arnold Toynbee sou minstens 50 persent [500,000 - 700,000] die deportasies wees. [7]

Wikipedia, waarna verwys word Arnold Toynbee, ''n Opsomming van die Armeense geskiedenis tot en met die jaar 1915', in Viscount Bryce, voorwoord, Die behandeling van Armeniërs in die Ottomaanse Ryk 1915-16: Dokumente aan Viscount Gray van Fallodon, minister van buitelandse sake, voorgelê Deur Viscount Bryce (New York en Londen: GPPutnam's Sons, for His Majesty's Stationary Office, Londen, 1916), pp. 637-653.


Hoeveel persent van die verplaasde Armeniërs het gesterf? - Geskiedenis

Tydens die Balkanoorloë van 1912 en 1913 het die multinasionale en 'n multietniese Ottomaanse Ryk groot dele van sy gebied verloor. Die groep aan bewind, die Jong Turke, was ontevrede oor hoe om die ryk se beloftes van 1908 van gelykheid vir alle volke in stand te hou, terwyl verdere grondverlies gestuit word.

Binne die Jong Turke was 'n klein groepie ultranasionaliste wat nie die beleid van gelykheid ondersteun nie. Die enigste manier waarop die Ryk sy krag kon handhaaf in die lig van toekomstige bedreigings, was om 'n Moslem -Turkse meerderheid te bevorder. In Oktober 1913 het hierdie klein groepie die regering in 'n staatsgreep omvergewerp.

Vanaf 1913 word die Ottomaanse Ryk dus beheer deur hierdie groep jong Turke wat gelei word deur, maar nie beperk nie tot, drie individue waarna verwys word as die triumviraat, waaronder die minister van oorlog, Enver Bey, die minister van die Binnelandse sake, Talaat, en die derde was die Minister van die Vloot of Marine, Djemal Pasha.

En dit is hierdie groep wat besluit, namate die oorlogswolke in Europa vergader, dat Duitsland in die geval van 'n groot wêreldkonflik waarby Duitsland betrokke is, beslis die oorwinnaar sal wees. En dit is dus die land om aan te sluit, veral as die land oorlog gaan voer met Rusland, 'n tradisionele vyand. Omdat uiterste en uitgebreide gebiede verlore gegaan het vir Rusland en sy surrogate, die Serwiërs, die Bulgare, die Roemeniërs, die Grieke. En as ons ons by die Duitsers bevind, is dit hierdie gulde geleentheid om baie van hierdie gebiede terug te wen wat ons eens gehad het en verlore was.

Selfs voordat die Ottomaanse Ryk, of Turkye, die Eerste Wêreldoorlog aangegaan het, het die regering 'n algemene mobilisering vir alle burgers aangekondig. Voor 1908 is die Armeniërs werklik vrygestel van militêre diens omdat hulle 'n onbetroubare minderheid was. En dus is 'n deel van hul gelykheid en simbole van hul gelykheid dat hulle nou aan die konsep onderwerp sou word. Armeniërs was dus nou deel van die militêre struktuur. En duisende Armeniërs is aangewys en was inderdaad besig met die vroegste van die militêre konflikte teen Rusland in die Turkse leër.

Maar sodra die Jong -Turkse leierskap besluit het dat spesiale aksie geneem moet word teen die Armeense element in die Ottomaanse Ryk, het hulle begin deur eers al die Armeense mans te skei. Hulle is daarna ontwapen en in arbeidsbataljons geplaas. Trouens, hulle is óf so mishandel en sleg behandel dat baie van hulle aan honger, honger, dors en siektes gesterf het. En ander van hulle in 'n spesifieke stadium, toe hulle hul werk gedoen het, is toe doodgemaak.

Deporteer van Armeniërs het reeds in Maart 1915 begin. Maar eers na April, en in werklikheid in Mei, word die plan in volle gang. En dit is 'n werklike beweging, want die manlike bevolking word in byna alle gevalle baie vinnig geskei. Dit verwyder die mense wat moontlik kan weerstaan ​​en laat die res van die bevolking heeltemal kwesbaar en hulpeloos. Die manlike bevolking word uit die stad opgeruk na 'n onbekende plek, maar nie ver nie, waar hulle - slagtersgroepe reeds bereid is om dit te stuur.

En so het ons hierdie uiters bloedige bad wat plaasvind, waarin een of twee of drie individue normaalweg onder die lyke van 200 of 300 of 400 mans leef en kan uitkruip en dit is wat ons kan vertel wat gebeur het aan die manne van hierdie spesifieke dorp en hoe hulle vernietig is of wat met hulle gebeur het.

Op 'n manier is dit miskien wreed om te sê, maar die mans was die gelukkiges omdat hulle vermoor is.

Die grootste deel van die volksmoord val op die oorblywende burgerlike bevolking, wat oorwegend uit vroue en kinders en bejaardes bestaan. Hulle het in sensitiewe oorlogsgebiede gewoon. Hulle is meegedeel dat daar 'n tydelike verhuising was. Hulle kon binne een of twee dae voorberei om te verhuis, dat hulle onderweg beskerm sou word en dat hulle uiteindelik huis toe kon kom. Dit het duidelik enorme paniek veroorsaak en begin dan met die opmars.

Hierdie optogte vind in 'n aantal woonwaens plaas. Karavane van 500 mense, 800 mense, 1 000 mense uit elke dorp, wat uiteindelik saamgesmelt het. En op 'n slag kry u dus 4000 of 5000 mense wat suidwaarts marsjeer, altyd suidwaarts, na die woestyne van Sirië. En dan smelt daardie 5 000 mense weer tot 800 mense en 500 mense omdat die ander onderweg sterf. En diegene wat wel hierdie week- en maande-lange optogte oorleef, gaan die jonges wees-óf boonste tieners, óf jong bruid-vroue.

En dan word hulle weer onderwerp aan werklik vernederende omstandighede tydens die doodsmars. Hulle het al baie wreedheid gesien. Dit was 'n tyd toe moeders die hare van hul dogters sou sny en hul gesigte met modder besmeer, sodat hulle nie aantreklik was en nie weggeneem sou word nie. Maar verkragting was steeds aanhoudend. Vir die vroue wat in die woestyn aangekom het, het dit net oorleef deur óf getroud te wees óf in Moslem -huishoudings, in die van die bedoeïnes, veral in die woestyne, en het twee jaar, drie jaar, vyf jaar geleef, sommige van hulle permanent, vir ewig, vir die res van hul lewens.

Aan die einde van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in 1918 was daar pogings om hierdie vroue en kinders te red. Maar een van die moeilikste keuses vir hierdie jong vroue was wat om te doen, want in hul gevangenskap het hulle een of twee kinders vir die mans gebring by wie hulle gewoon het. Sommige van die mans was selfs die moordenaars van hul familie. En toe die tyd vir redding aanbreek, moes hulle 'n uiters moeilike keuse in die gesig staar, en as dit 'n keuse was. Hulle moes óf teruggaan na hul mense sonder hul babas, óf hulle moes hul mense verlaat en by hul babas bly. Hulle kon nie albei doen nie.

As ons dus praat oor keuselose keuses, was dit wat die vroue oorgebly het na die oorlog ten tyde van die redding.

Omdat Duitsland die senior bondgenoot was van die Sentrale Alliansie wat die Ottomaanse Ryk insluit, het hulle eerstehands getuies geword van wat gebeur. Armin Wegner, 'n mediese beampte in die Duitse weermag, het heimlik foto's geneem van wat gebeur het.

Maar afgesien van die Armin Wegners was die offisiere wat deelgeneem het aan die volksmoord op die spoorweg Berlyn na Bagdad. Hulle het hul Armeense werkers beskerm totdat die werk klaar was, waarna hulle afgeteken het op die deportasie en die moord op hul eie werkers.

Op die meeste plekke was die Armeniërs hulpeloos. Almal wat moontlik 'n persoon was wat selfverdediging kon beoefen-die oorgrote meerderheid van hierdie mense is reeds weggeneem.

Op 'n paar gebiede het hulle wel probeer om versperrings op te sit en hulself te verdedig. Die bekendste hiervan is die verhaal van Musa Dagh, die verhaal van ses dorpe naby die Middellandse See, wat besluit het om hulself te verdedig eerder as om die gedeporteerde opdrag te volg. En hulle was in 'n bergagtige posisie waar hulle kon.

Van Julie tot September 1915 het die Armeniërs 53 dae lank op die berg gehou met min wapens, en kos en water het afgeneem. Oorlewendes is deur Franse en Britse skepe gered en na veiligheid gebring in Port Said, Egipte.

Maar die meeste van die bevolking het eenvoudig opdragte gevolg en sonder verset na hul dood gegaan. En op 'n manier, in hierdie oomblikke van uiterste angs, is daar miskien 'n begeerte na selfbedrog, 'n begeerte om te glo wat hulle ons vertel, 'n begeerte om te glo dat ons slegs vervoer sal word n rukkie. Ons gaan hervestig word, sodat ons uiteindelik weer huis toe kan kom.

En op die ergste, op die ergste, sal sommige van ons sterf. Maar die res sal lewe soos ons altyd het en sal terugkeer. Die konsep van totale uitwissing, van volksmoord, was vreemd vir die Armeense, hulle kon dit nie voorstel nie. Nou kan ons ons dit voorstel. Maar destyds was dit ondenkbaar.


Armeense volksmoord: wat u moet weet oor die gruweldade van 1915

James Hookway

President Biden erken formeel die Armeense volksmoord, wat meer as 'n miljoen lewens geëis het tydens die opskudding van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog toe Ottomaanse magte etniese Armeniërs verdryf of vermoor het tydens die ontknoping van die ryk. Die slagtings wek vandag nog vyandskap in die Midde -Ooste op.

Waarom het die VSA die Armeense volksmoord nog nie erken nie?

Washington was versigtig om die volksmoord te erken uit vrees vir die skade aan die betrekkinge met Turkye. Die hedendaagse Turkye is lid van die Noord-Atlantiese Verdragsorganisasie en 'n belangrike vennoot in die Midde-Ooste. Die kongres het in 'n onverbindende besluit gestem om die moorde as volksmoord in 2019 te erken. Voorheen het president Ronald Reagan, wat sy politieke loopbaan onder 'n groot Armeens-Amerikaanse bevolking in Kalifornië begin het, na die slagtings verwys as 'n volksmoord in kommentaar oor die Holocaust en ander gruweldade. Ander presidente het egter tydens hul ampstermyn opgehou om die terminologie te gebruik.

Wanneer was die Armeense volksmoord?

Die moorde het plaasgevind toe die Ottomaanse Ryk begin ineenstort het. Sy magte het 'n reeks verpletterende nederlae gely nadat hulle die Eerste Wêreldoorlog aan die kant van Duitsland binnegegaan het, en die land se leiers het gereageer deur dit te hervorm as 'n etno-nasionalistiese staat wat later Turkye sou word. Hulle het Armeniërs en ander minderhede geteiken vir uitsetting of erger. Armeniërs begin die volksmoord as 24 April 1915, die dag toe die Ottomaanse regering Armeense intellektuele en leiers gearresteer het. Hulle is daarna tereggestel, terwyl Armeniërs wat in die Ottomaanse weermag dien, ontwapen en vermoor is.

Wat het daarna gebeur?

Paramilitêre magte het hele dorpe van Armeniërs, wat oorwegend Christelik is, uitgeroei. Ander Armeniërs moes hulle tot Islam bekeer, en ander het gesien hoe hulle beslag gelê het voordat hulle gedeporteer is. Daar word vermoed dat honderde duisende Armeniërs in 1915 en 1916 gesterf het toe hulle uit hul huise in die oostelike Anatolië -gebied na die Siriese woestyn opgeruk is, waar hulle tereggestel is of weens hongersnood of siektes gesterf het. Die International Association of Genocide Scholars beraam dat die totale dodetal meer as 'n miljoen mense was. Die Verenigde Nasies se konvensie oor volksmoord van 1948 definieer volksmoord as dade wat bedoel is om 'n spesifieke nasionale, etniese, rasse- of godsdienstige groep in geheel of gedeeltelik te vernietig.


Turke vra om verskoning vir Armeense slagtings

ANKARA, Turkye - 'n Groep van ongeveer 200 Turkse intellektuele het Maandag op die internet om verskoning gevra vir die massamoorde op die Eerste Wêreldoorlog op Armeniërs in Turkye.

Die groep prominente akademici, joernaliste, skrywers en kunstenaars vermy die omstrede term "genocide" in die verskoning, en gebruik eerder die minder plofbare "Great Catastrophe".

& quotMy gewete aanvaar nie dat (ons) ongevoelig bly teenoor en ontken die Groot Katastrofe wat die Ottomaanse Armeniërs in 1915 onderwerp het nie, & quot lees die verskoning. Ek verwerp hierdie onreg, deel in die gevoelens en pyn van my Armeense broers en vra hulle om verskoning.

Die verskoning is 'n teken dat baie in Turkye gereed is om 'n lang taboe te verbreek om Turkse skuld vir die sterftes te erken.

Geskiedkundiges skat dat in die laaste dae van die Ottomaanse Ryk tot 1,5 miljoen Armeniërs deur Ottomaanse Turke vermoor is in wat algemeen beskou word as die eerste volksmoord van die 20ste eeu. Armeniërs dring al lank daarop aan dat die sterftes as volksmoord erken moet word.

Terwyl Turkye nie ontken dat baie in daardie era gesterf het nie, het die land die term volksmoord verwerp en gesê dat die dodetal verhoog is en dat die sterftes voortspruit uit burgerlike onrus tydens die ineenstorting van die Ottomaanse Ryk.

Aanlyn verskoning
Byna 2500 lede van die publiek het ook die aanlyn -verskoning onderteken en hul intellektuele steun verleen.

Lees dit klaar by: MSNBC


Bykomende plekke wat u kan ondersoek:

Jerusalem Post, 27 Augustus 07:
Turkye: 'Israel moet Amerikaanse Jode terugtrek'
Turkye verwag van Israel om Amerikaanse Joodse organisasies te "lewer" en te verseker dat die Amerikaanse kongres nie 'n resolusie aanvaar wat die slagting van Armeniërs tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog as 'n volksmoord beskryf nie, het die Turkse ambassadeur in Israel, Namik Tan, gesê. Die Jerusalem Post Sondag. Tan het 'n vakansie ingekort en Donderdag teruggekeer na Israel om te gaan met die terugkeer van die langdurige standpunt oor die kwessie verlede week deur die Anti-Defamation League. Die kommer van Turkye is dat die besluit van verlede week deur die nasionale direkteur van ADL, Abe Foxman, die digte sou oopmaak en 'n nie -bindende resolusie in die kongres sou moontlik maak waarin die optrede van die Ottomaanse Turkye teen die Armeniërs geroep word. werklik & quotteeth, & quot die sielkundige belangrikheid was enorm. Hy het die resolusie aanvaar, en sê dat u die verlede ontken, dit beteken dat u sê dat my voorouers iets ondenkliks gedoen het. En die mense wat hierdeur aangemoedig sal word, sal dit gebruik om 'n veldtog teen Turkye en die Turkse mense op te stel. & Quot

Die Armeense en Roma -volksmoord, Universiteit van die Weste van Engeland
http://www.ess.uwe.ac.uk/genocide/armromgen.htm

Verwysing na die verklaring van Adolph Hitler & quot Wie spreek tog vandag van die uitwissing van die Armeniërs? & Quot

Kevork B. Bardakjian, Hitler en die Armeense volksmoord (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Zoryan Institute, 1985).


Armeens 'genocide ': Wat het gebeur, hoeveel mense is dood en waarom veroorsaak dit steeds debat?

Namate die 100ste herdenking van die Armeense "volksmoord" op 24 April nader kom, veroorsaak die dood van honderdduisende mense steeds internasionale spanning.

Massamoorde deur die Ottomaanse Ryk se soldate tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog word nie betwis nie, maar historici redeneer steeds of die gruweldade 'n stelselmatige poging was om etniese Armeniërs te vernietig.

Aanbeveel

Wat het gebeur?

Die Ottomaanse Ryk, gebaseer in die huidige Turkye, veg teen die Geallieerdes as deel van die Viervoudige Alliansie in die Midde-Oosterse teater van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog.

Enver Pasha, die minister van oorlog, het die militêre nederlae in die openbaar die skuld gebring op Armeniërs wat saam met die Russe staan ​​en propaganda het hulle uitgebeeld as 'n 'vyfde kolom' wat teen die staat werk.

Op bevel van die regering in 1915 is Armeense soldate in die Ottomaanse leër gedemobiliseer en oorgeplaas na 'arbeidsbataljons', waar sommige tereggestel of gesterf het.

Toe die Russiese Kaukasus -leër na Anatolië optrek, het die Ottomaanse owerhede begin om etniese Armeniërs uit die streek te deporteer, wat hulle as 'n bedreiging vir die nasionale veiligheid beskou.

Volgens baie uiteenlopende ramings het die slagting, hongersnood en dood wat gevolg het tussen 300,000 en 1,5 miljoen Armeense lewens geëis.

Hoe het hulle gesterf?

Hedendaagse verslae bevat talle gruweldade wat deur Ottomaanse Turke gepleeg is, waaronder bloedbad deur skietery, steek, hang, brand, verdrink en beweerde oordosis van dwelms.

Honderde duisende Armeniërs sterf in gedwonge optogte na die Siriese woestyn waar hulle honger ly en sterf as gevolg van dors of siektes.

Baie van diegene wat die reis oorleef het, is in 'n netwerk van 25 kampe geplaas, waarna massagrafte gevind is.

Die verkragting en seksuele verslawing van Armeense vroue was ook algemeen en selfs aktief aangemoedig deur sommige militêre bevelvoerders.

Wat word betwis?

Baie hedendaagse argumente oor die moorde fokus op die term "volksmoord", en Turkye weier om dit te gebruik en beweer dat die sterftes nie stelselmatig was nie en dat die term na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog geskep is en nie terugwerkend toegepas kan word nie.

Die VN -konvensie oor volksmoord beskryf dit as die uitvoer van dade wat bedoel is "om 'n nasionale, etniese, rasse- of godsdienstige groep in geheel of gedeeltelik te vernietig" en Raphael Lemkin, wat die term in 1943 geskep het, noem ook gruweldade teen die Armeniërs as die Nazi -slagting in sy ondersoeke.

Turkye het die moorde uitgebeeld as deel van die chaos van oorlog en beweer dat daar geen georganiseerde poging was om Christen -Armeniërs te vernietig nie, hoewel ander state aangevoer het dat die sterftes veroorsaak is deur beleid wat deur die Jong Turke -regering georkestreer is.

Volgens die International Association of Genocide Scholars toon bewyse dat die “regering van die Ottomaanse Ryk met’ n stelselmatige volksmoord op sy Armeense burgers en ongewapende Christelike minderheidsbevolking begin het ”.

'Meer as 'n miljoen Armeniërs is uitgeroei deur direkte moord, hongersnood, marteling en optogte met gedwonge dood,' het die groep gesê.

Wie erken die sterftes as volksmoord?

Die regerings van 24 lande, waaronder Frankryk, Italië, Rusland en Kanada, erken die gebeure as 'volksmoord'.

Die Britse regering doen dit nie, hoewel die plaaslike parlemente en gemeentes van Wallis, Noord -Ierland en Skotland dit doen.

Duitsland sal die term op 24 April gebruik, ondanks die ingryping van die Turkse premier, en Oostenryk het dit hierdie week gedoen.

Pous Francis het die slagtings vroeër hierdie maand 'n volksmoord genoem, wat Turkye genoop het om die gesant van die Vatikaan te ontbied en sy eie te herroep.

Lande, waaronder die VSA en Israel wat nog nie die term gebruik het nie, word versoek om dit aan te neem namate die 100 -jarige bestaan ​​nader.

Waarom word dit op 24 April gemerk?

Alhoewel die sterftes gedurende die Eerste Wêreldoorlog voortduur, is 24 April 1915 gekies as die begindatum van die 'volksmoord'.

Dit was die dag toe die Ottomaanse regering ongeveer 250 Armeense intellektuele en gemeenskapsleiers in Konstantinopel gearresteer het, wat later tereggestel is.

Is iemand gestraf?

Verskeie senior Ottomaanse amptenare is in 1919 in Turkye tereggestel in verband met die gruweldade, maar die voorste drietal van die Jong Turke het reeds na die buiteland gevlug en is ter dood ter dood veroordeel.

Geskiedkundiges het sedertdien die geregtelike proses bevraagteken toe Turkse owerhede daarvan beskuldig word dat hulle probeer het om die seëvierende bondgenote te paai.


'N Eeu na die Armeense volksmoord, word die ontkenning van Turkye net verdiep

CUNGUS, Turkye - Die verbrokkelde klip wat op die heuwel ingebou is, staan ​​as 'n verlate monument vir 'n aaklige verlede. So ook die vervalle kerk aan die ander kant van hierdie bergdorpie. Verder uit word 'n spleet in die aarde gesny, so diep dat 'n mens net swart kan sien as jy daarin kyk. Spogend oor sy geskiedenis, was dit daar dat 'n eeu gelede 'n ongekende aantal Armeniërs doodgemaak is.

'Hulle het hulle in die gat gegooi, al die mans,' sê Vahit Sahin (78) wat by 'n kafee in die middel van die dorp sit en die verhale voorlees wat deur geslagte heen is.

Mnr Sahin draai in sy stoel om en wys na die klooster. 'Die kant was Armeens.' Hy draai terug. 'Hierdie kant was Moslem. Aanvanklik was hulle baie vriendelik met mekaar. ”

Honderd jaar gelede, te midde van die omwenteling van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, het hierdie dorpie en talle ander mense in die ooste van Anatolië veld doodgemaak, want die desperate leierskap van die Ottomaanse Ryk, nadat hulle die Balkan verloor het en ook die vooruitsig was om sy Arabiese gebiede te verloor, sien 'n bedreiging nader aan die huis.

Die amptenare was bekommerd dat die Christen -Armeense bevolking van plan was om in lyn te kom met Rusland, 'n primêre vyand van die Ottomaanse Turke, en wat historici die eerste volksmoord van die 20ste eeu genoem het: Byna 1,5 miljoen Armeniërs is dood, sommige in slagtings soos dié hier , ander in gedwonge optogte na die Siriese woestyn wat hulle van honger laat sterf het.

Die volksmoord was die grootste gruweldaad van die Groot Oorlog. Dit bly ook die ergste betwiste erfenis van konflik, nadat die Turkse owerhede met 100 jaar stilte en ontkenning die hoof gebied het. Vir oorlewende Armeniërs en hul afstammelinge het die volksmoord 'n sentrale merker van hul identiteit geword, die psigiese wonde wat deur geslagte geslaag is.

"Armeniërs het 'n hele eeu verbygegaan en vir die wêreld geskreeu dat dit gebeur het," sê Gaffur Turkay, wie se oupa as 'n jong seun die volksmoord oorleef het en deur 'n Moslem -gesin opgeneem is. Turkay het die afgelope paar jaar, nadat hy sy erfenis ontdek het, hom as 'n Armeenaar begin identifiseer en tot die Christendom bekeer. 'Ons wil deel wees van hierdie land met ons oorspronklike identiteit, net soos 'n eeu gelede,' het hy gesê.

Die 100 -jarige herdenking word op 24 April herdenk, die datum waarop die Ottomane 'n groep Armeense noemenswaardige persone in 1915 in Istanboel bymekaargemaak het, as die eerste stap in die geskiedenis wat geskiedkundiges nou saamstem, was 'n breër plan van vernietiging. Armeniërs uit Turkye en die diaspora berei hulle voor om bymekaar te kom op die sentrale Taksim -plein in Istanbul om die dooies te vereer. Hulle hou ook 'n konsert met Armeense en Turkse musikante.

Soortgelyke seremonies sal in hoofstede regoor die wêreld gehou word, insluitend in Jerevan, die hoofstad van Armenië, waar Kim Kardashian, wat van Armeense afkoms is, onlangs saam met haar man, die rapper Kanye West, besoek het om die volksmoord uit te lig. Dat die Europese Parlement en pous Francis die slagtings onlangs as 'n volksmoord beskryf het, dra by tot die druk op Ankara.

Die Turkse regering erken dat gruweldade gepleeg is, maar sê dat dit in oorlogstyd gebeur het toe baie ander mense gesterf het. Amptenare ontken ten sterkste dat daar ooit 'n plan was om die Armeense bevolking stelselmatig uit te wis - die algemeen aanvaarde definisie van volksmoord.

Ankara neem nie deel aan enige van die gedenktekens nie, en dit lyk ook nie gereed om aan die Armeense eise om verskoning te voldoen nie. Op dieselfde dag van die volksmoordherdenking het die Turkse owerhede in plaas daarvan 'n honderdjarige herdenking van die Slag van Gallipoli beplan, 'n gebeurtenis wat gehelp het om die grondslag van die moderne Turkse identiteit te lê.

Die herdenking kom na 'n paar jaar waarin die Turkse regering blykbaar sy posisie versag het. Met die opbloei van nuwe organisasies in die burgerlike samelewing, het die regering meer verdraagsaam geraak teenoor die geskiedenisbeskouings wat verskil van die amptelike. Verlede jaar het president Recep Tayyip Erdogan, met die meegevoel met die Armeniërs, verder gegaan as wat enige Turkse leier ooit gehad het om die pynlike geskiedenis te erken.

Maar namate die herdenking nader gekom het, het die situasie teruggeval in gevestigde patrone: Turkse ontkenning, Armeense woede en min tekens van versoening. Erdogan het strydlustig geword en die tradisionele verhaal aangeneem.

"Die Armeense diaspora probeer haat teen Turkye inboesem deur middel van 'n wêreldwye veldtog oor volksmoordaansprake voor die eeufeesherdenking van 1915," het mnr. Erdogan onlangs gesê. 'As ons ondersoek wat ons land in die afgelope 100 tot 150 jaar moes deurmaak, sou ons baie meer lyding vind as wat die Armeniërs deurgemaak het.

In 'n land wat deur sy verdeeldheid, tussen die sekulêre en die godsdienstige, ryk en arm, liberaal en konserwatief gedefinieer word, is die nalatenskap van die Armeense volksmoord 'n verenigende kwessie vir Turke. 'N Onlangse peiling wat deur die Center for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies, 'n navorsingsorganisasie in Istanbul, gedoen is, het bevind dat slegs 9 persent van die Turke dink dat die regering die gruweldade as 'n volksmoord moet bestempel en om verskoning daarvoor vra.

Die versteekte posisie van Turkye, wat in stryd is met die historiese geleerdheid, is 'n erfenis van hoe die Turkse republiek tot stand gebring is na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Onder die stigter daarvan, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, het die samelewing hier 'n proses van Turkifikasie ondergaan: 'n prestasie van sosiale ingenieurswese gebaseer op 'n verwydering van die verlede en die ontkenning van 'n multietniese geskiedenis. Die Armeense slagtings is uit die geskiedenis van die land gevee, eers in die sewentigerjare vir gewone Turke na 'n Armeense terreurveldtog teen Turkse diplomate.

Selfs nou beskryf Turkse handboeke die Armeniërs as verraaiers, noem die Armeense volksmoord 'n leuen en sê dat die Ottomaanse Turke 'nodige maatreëls' getref het om Armeense separatisme teë te werk. 'N Kamer in die Militêre Museum van Istanbul is gewy aan die lyding van Moslems deur die Armeense militante.

"Daar was duidelik Armeense rewolusionêres en rebelle wat van plan was om 'n kant met Rusland te wees," sê Thomas de Waal, 'n historikus van die Carnegie Endowment for International Peace wat onlangs 'n boek oor die volksmoord met die titel "The Great Catastrophe" geskryf het. 'Dit is 'n geval om die geheel te straf vir die vermeende ontrouheid van 'n paar.'

De Waal beskryf die volksmoord as 'kollektiewe straf op groot skaal'.

Baie van die leiers van die nuwe Turkse republiek - maar nie Ataturk nie - was die belangrikste argitekte van die volksmoord, en sommige het ryk geword uit die konfiskering van Armeense eiendomme.

"Dit is nie maklik vir 'n nasie om sy stigters moordenaars en diewe te noem nie," het Taner Akcam, 'n prominente Turkse historikus van die volksmoord, gesê.

Die Turkse regering het voor die herdenking teruggekeer na die standpunt dat die aangeleentheid aan verdere ondersoek deur historici onderwerp moet word, wat die webwerf lethistorydecide.org borg.

Armeniërs beskou dit as 'n belediging en 'n afleiding, omdat dit daarop dui dat die historiese rekord onrustig is. Die feite is egter gedokumenteer deur middel van 'n eeu van geleerdheid, gebaseer op Ottomaanse argiewe, getuienis in verhore wat kortliks in die geallieerde besetting in Istanbul uitgevoer is na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, en getuienisverslae uit die tyd.

"Dit is verkeerd om te beweer dat daar 'n historiese geskil is," het mnr. De Waal gesê. "Die historiese feite is goed gevestig."

Die feite was ook grootliks bekend omdat die gebeure besig was om te ontvou. 'N New York Times -opskrif van 18 Augustus 1915 lui: "Armeniërs word in die woestyn omkom." 'N Opskrif van Desember lui: "Miljoen Armeniërs gedood of in ballingskap."

Maar selfs toe het die Turke die taal van ontkenning vasgestel. 'N Turk skryf in 'n brief aan die redakteur wat in The Times in Oktober 1915 gepubliseer is, oor' sogenaamde 'Armeense slagtings. Dit is dieselfde beskrywing van die slagting wat vandag deur regeringskoerante in Turkye gebruik word.

Die nalatenskap van die volksmoord het ook lank reeds in die Amerikaanse politiek gedink, deur die pogings van Armeense organisasies in die Verenigde State wat al dekades lank strewe na erkenning van die volksmoord. Die Huis het twee keer naby gekom, in 2007 en 2009, om te stem oor wetsontwerpe om die moorde as volksmoord te veroordeel, maar is afgeweer deur presidente George W. Bush en Obama, wat gevrees het dat die maatreëls die Amerikaanse betrekkinge met Turkye sou beskadig.

Presidentskandidate, waaronder Obama, het die woord “volksmoord” op die veldtog gebruik. Maar geen sittende president het dit uitgespreek nie (president Ronald Reagan het in 1981 'n skriftelike proklamasie ter herdenking van die Holocaust uitgereik wat verwys na die 'volksmoord op die Armeniërs'.) Met die komende herdenking word mnr. Obama onder meer druk geplaas om te gebruik die woord “volksmoord” tydens sy gebruiklike, jaarlikse verklaring 24 April.

Kenners meen dat Obama se besluit vanjaar ingewikkeld sal wees deur die pogings van die Verenigde State om meer samewerking van Turkye te verseker in die stryd teen die ekstremiste van die Islamitiese Staat, ook bekend as ISIL of ISIS, in Irak en Sirië.

Verteenwoordiger Adam B. Schiff, demokraat van Kalifornië, wat saam met ander wetgewers 'n resolusie ingedien het om die volksmoord te erken, het gesê dat hy bekommerd is dat die "stryd teen ISIS en die noodsaaklikheid van Turkse steun" pogings tot erkenning van volksmoorde sal voorkom.

Hier in die grootliks Koerdiese suidooste van Turkye speel 'n ander verhaal - 'n verhaal van versoening, verskoning en 'n eerlike beoordeling van 'n pynlike verlede - af.

Die Koerde, sê Cengiz Aktar, 'n Turkse skrywer wat die amptelike Turkse verhaal oor die kwessie uitgedaag het, "was baie betrokke by die volksmoord."

'Hulle was die moordenaars,' het hy gesê.

En nou is dit hulle wat die geskiedenis wil konfronteer. In die afgelope jaar het die plaaslike Koerdiese owerhede in Diyarbakir, in die suidooste van Turkye, gehelp om die Sourp Giragos -kerk, die grootste Armeense kerk in die Midde -Ooste, te herstel. Dit het sedertdien 'n sentrum geword vir plaaslike Armeniërs, wat grootgemaak is om te glo dat hulle Moslem en Koerdies is en nou eers hul familiewortels herontdek.

'Ons probeer om terug te betaal wat ons skuld', het Abdullah Demirbas, die voormalige burgemeester van die ou stad van Diyarbakir, gesê.

By gebrek aan 'n volledige afrekening met die geskiedenis, het botsende narratiewe afsonderlike kollektiewe herinneringe gedefinieer.

Op 'n onlangse middag naby die ou klooster hier, het 'n Moslemvrou gepraat van "die aaklige dinge wat die Armeniërs hier aan die Moslems gedoen het", en gesê dat sy grootgeword het van verhale oor Armeniërs wat swanger Moslemvroue in kokende konfytdood vermoor het.

'N Jong skoolmeisie wat daar naby gestaan ​​het, Zisan Akmese, het gesê dat hulle in die klas nooit van die Armeniërs gehoor het nie. 'Hulle leer ons oor Gallipoli en die oorlog van die Ottomane in Libië,' het sy gesê.

Terwyl die mans die verhale van hul gemeenskap se verlede wat deur hul ouers vertel is, in die kafee gedeel het, het een man 'n kwessie geopper wat verband hou met die ontkenning van Turkye. Die erkenning van die volksmoord, het hy gesê, kan lei tot herstel of vergoeding vir die Armeense grond wat deur die Ottomane geneem is. Die man het vir sy vriende gesê om nie vir 'n besoekende verslaggewer te sê dat 'dit 'n nie-Moslem-gebied is nie'.

'Hulle sal ons grond kom vat,' het hy gesê.

Later, away from his friends, a 50-year-old man named Behcet Basibuyuk said that he was of Armenian descent and that his grandmother had survived the massacres and was taken in by a local Muslim family. Mr. Basibuyuk said he was proud of his heritage, even though he is often subject to slurs and insults.

“One should not measure a person by his origins or religion, but by what kind of person he is,” he said. “But they don’t do that here.”


There is no way to logically deny the Armenian Genocide

In light of the recent recognition of the Armenian Genocide by U.S. President Joe Biden not one week ago, I’d like to take this time to debunk some common denialist “arguments” spread by “historians” such as Bernard Lewis and Justin McCarthy.

Their main thesis is basically “The Armenians rebelled and killed over a million Turks and Kurds so the Ottomans had to relocate them. Only 40,000 Armenians died in relocation to Syria, where the Ottomans fed and cared for them. Oh yeah and there weren’t even 1.5 million Armenians in the empire so the 1.5 million number is a big lie.”

Summed up in the infographic below:

These “arguments” are littered with holes and fallacies, not least of which is the “they rebelled so we had to deport them” excuse.

Armenians were the last out of 39 Ottoman nations to rebel, remaining loyal when everyone else did.

“In the early 19th century, the Ottoman army had smashed the Kurdish principalities of eastern Anatolia in the view of centralizing reform efforts, but without establishing a new order in their place. The Ottoman governments instead opted for a delegation of force to various rival local actors, who were supposed to keep each other under control and were given specific powers, weapons or privileges.

As a result, many regions were affected by power struggles between provincial administration and military organs, irregular tribal regiments, and local notables. The settlement of nomads and the settlement of the many Muslim refugees from the Crimea, the Caucasus and the Balkans – which were often not given sufficient livelihood and could not otherwise provide than by plunder and stealing – exacerbated the conflicts.
Since the middle of the 19th century, the daily lives of many Armenian villages have been characterized by an excess of everyday violence, robberies and attacks against which the Armenian peasants could scarcely defend themselves, also because they as Christians had no right to carry weapons.

The Armenian Patriarchate, as well as the Armenian National Assembly, sent innumerable petitions to the Ottoman central government asking for punishment of the crimes, which were ignored. At the end of the 1880s and early 1890s, Armenian revolutionary parties were formed, which fought against the autocratic regime of Sultan Abdulhamid II and the reinstatement of the 1876 constitution along with the Young Turk revolutionaries.”

So basically any “revolt for a Greater Armenia” as the denialists claim, was brought on by the Ottomans themselves.

Second, the denialists like to deflect and say “look at all the Turks and Kurds killed by the Armenians. That’s genocide isn’t it??” Well, as tragic as those deaths were, you cannot logically accuse the Armenians, but not the Turks, of genocide.

The approximate definition of “genocide” is as follows: “A concentrated effort by a centralized authority to, in whole or part, remove an ethnic group and/or religion.”

There was no Armenian state at the time of these events the denialists refer to! There was no centralized authority coordinating it. So how can this be a genocide if no one party is organizing it, is the question I ask? (Answer, it’s not and anytime a denialist says this it is not worth taking even 1/10th seriously)

Now as for the “There weren’t even 1.5 million bla bla bla” argument, uh yes there were.

The only sources claiming this were Ottoman records, which were terribly and deliberately flawed.

In response to the insurgency which the Ottomans started, they butchered 200,000 to 400,000 Armenians in the Hamidian Massacres of 1894-1896, and 20,000 to 30,000 Armenians in the Adana Massacre of 1909.

Regarding the deportations and genocide of 1915 and afterwards, Talaat Pasha himself conceded “the death toll was 800,000 but undercount of 30% is likely” and hundreds thousands more were killed in Kars, Igdir etc in 1918-1920.

Therefore the Armenian Genocide’s death toll in actuality is anywhere from 1 million to 2 million, but to be fair, let’s go with 1.5 million.

So yeah, “not even 1.5 million bla bla bla,” guess what, there were.

Second, “there is no document proving genocidal intent of the Ottomans! All there is, is orders to move them.”

First of all the denialists like to corroborate this theory by claiming the so-called “Anadonian Documents” were forgeries, these documents showed killing orders of Armenians but denialists denounce them as forged.

Well surprise surprise they are in reality, very much genuine.

“Turkey is taking advantage of the war in order to thoroughly liquidate its internal foes, i.e., the indigenous Christians, without being thereby disturbed by foreign intervention. What on earth do you want? The question is settled. There are no more Armenians.” – Talat Pasha, in a conversation with Dr. Mordtmann of the German Embassy in June 1915

Denialists can’t deny that.

As well, in many areas all Christians regardless of ethnicity were just deported and massacred, which goes to show absolute genocidal intent.

“In some places, at Mardin for instance, all the Christians without distinction of race or faith have had the same fate.”

Regarding the Muslim dead, (and it’s true there were many), the circumstances around them were different, explained well below.

“Most Muslim civilians died in WWI not at the hands of another ethnicity or government but from starvation. The Ottoman Empire conscripted hundreds of thousands of Muslim men and commandeered food items to feed the war effort. The villages where the men were needed to farm starved to death as men were away for years at a time. Similarly, Muslims fleeing the Russo-Turkish front died due to similar reasons after they were unable to return to their farms.

It’s true and important to acknowledge that the Russian army (and it’s 10–20% Armenian fighters Russia recruited from territory it conquered from Persia in the 1820’s) killed 160k-200k Muslim civilians from 1915–1918. But of the 2–3 million Muslim civilians (also includes Arabs) who died, most of it was due to disease and starvation. There were also a lot more Muslims living in the empire than Christians so number of deaths would be higher even if % percentage was lower.”

So claiming the large number of Muslims dead is due to “the Armenians killing them” is completely unfounded.

Finally “the Armenians have created a genocide industry” this is the only one that is somewhat accurate, but not in the negative, demeaning way it is used in.

The inventor of the word “genocide” specifically referred to the Armenians when using it!

“I became interested in genocide because it happened so many times. It happened to the Armenians, and after the Armenians, Hitler took action.” – Raphael Lemkin.

So in conclusion, there is no way to logically deny the Armenian Genocide.

Thank you President Biden for recognizing the truth.

Alper Bilgin is a Georgian and Anatolian Greek activist for minority rights in Turkey and against Turkish propaganda and Turkification.


Biden and the Armenian Genocide

In front of the Turkish embassy in Washington, D.C., after President Joe Biden recognized the Armenian genocide, April 24, 2021. (Joshua Roberts/Reuters)

Bravo to President Biden for finally using the word “genocide” in commemorating the Armenian Genocide. ( President Reagan referred to “the genocide of the Armenians” a few months after taking office, in a commemoration of the Holocaust, but neither he nor his successors ever did again until today.) I’ll resist the temptation of “even a stopped clock” snark and commend the president unreservedly for doing the right thing.

The reason for our government’s longstanding reluctance to describe the Ottoman Turk regime’s actions as genocide (the word was literally invented to describe the Armenian Genocide) was the need to placate Turkey during the Cold War. Turkey so desperately clings to the lie that no genocide occurred (claiming, accurately but incompletely, that there was a war on and people died on all sides) because without the extermination of the Armenians, and the remaining Greeks and Assyrians in Anatolia, a Turkish national state could not really exist in its current form. In other words, while today’s Turkish Republic did not perpetrate the genocide, it is the direct produk of genocide, in a way that is unique in the bloody, nasty course of human history — fundamentally different from Europeans overwhelming the Indians in the Americas, or the Romans in Gaul, or the Bantu in central and southern Africa, or even the Turks themselves pouring into what we now call “Turkey” after the Battle of Manzikert in 1071.

So while the Turks’ sensitivity on the subject has a certain logic to it (unlike the ChiCom insistence on “one China”), the dissolution of the Soviet Union freed us from having to cater to them. But we persisted, seeking Turkey’s help in our expeditionary wars in the Middle East. Under President Erdogan, however, Turkey has become what can only be described as an enemy of the United States. Our “alliance” with Turkey, based on the now-all-but-meaningless NATO Treaty of 1949, is a fiction, given Erdogan’s support for and employment of jihadists in Syria, Palestine, Azerbaijan, and Libya, among other reasons.

It does not detract from Biden’s move to note that it was the culmination of a process caused by Turkey’s growing hostility toward the United States. In 2019, for instance, President Trump was still unwilling to use the G word for the usual diplomatic reasons, but congressional Republicans had had enough of Turkey’s antics, and virtually all of them joined Democrats to pass the first-ever resolution affirming the Armenian Genocide.

What’s likely to be Turkey’s response? Panjandrums like John Kerry told us for decades that moving our embassy to Israel’s capital city would result in disaster. Dit het nie gedoen nie. The same people told us that describing a defunct regime’s actions as genocide would likewise be disastrous. It won’t.


Inhoud

Vroeë geskiedenis Redigeer

During the ancient times, there was a small Armenian presence in northern Syria. Under Tigranes the Great, Armenians invaded Syria and the city of Antioch was chosen as one of the four capitals of the short-lived Armenian Empire.

In 301, Christianity became the official religion of Armenia through the efforts of Saint Gregory the Illuminator. Armenian merchants and pilgrims started to visit the earliest Christian centres of Greater Syria including Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis and Jerusalem. Close relations were established between the Armenians and the Christian congregations of Syria after the apostolic era.

Middeleeue Redigeer

During the first half of the 7th century, Armenia was conquered by the Arab Islamic Caliphate. Thousands of Armenians were carried into slavery by the Arab invaders to serve in other regions of the Umayyad Caliphate including their capital Damascus in the Muslim-controlled Syria. [16]

During the 2nd half of the 11th century, Armenia -being under the Byzantine rule- was conquered by the Seljuq Turks. Waves of Armenians left their homeland in order to settle in more stable countries. Most Armenians established themselves in Cilicia where they founded the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia. Many other Armenians have preferred to settle in northern Syria. Armenian quarters were formed during the 11th century in Antioch, Aleppo, Ayntab, Marash, Kilis, etc.

Prior to the Siege of Antioch, most Armenians were expelled from Antioch by the Turkish governor of the city Yaghi-Siyan, a move that prompted the Armenians of Antioch, and the rulers of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia to establish close relations with the European Crusades rather than the mostly-Turkish rulers of Syria. Thus, the new rulers of Antioch became the Europeans. Armenian engineers also helped the Crusaders during the Siege of Tyre by manipulating siege engines.

However, the Armenian population of Syria and its surrounding areas has greatly diminished after the invasion of the Mongols under Hulagu Khan in 1260.

After the decline of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia during the 14th century, a new wave of Armenian migrants from the Cilician and other towns of northern Syria arrived in Aleppo. They have gradually developed their own schools and churches to become a well-organized community during the 15th century with the establishment of the Armenian Diocese of Beroea in Aleppo.

Ottoman Syria Edit

During the early years of the Ottoman rule over Syria, there was relatively smaller Armenian presence in northern Syria due to the military conflicts in the region. A larger community existed in Urfa which is considered part of Greater Syria. The Ottoman Empire had a large indigenous Armenian population in its Eastern Anatolia region, from where some Armenians moved to Aleppo in search of economic opportunity. Later on, many Armenian families moved from Western Armenia to Aleppo escaping the Turkish oppression. Thus, large numbers of Armenians from Arapgir, Sasun, Hromgla, Zeitun, Marash and New Julfa arrived in Aleppo during the 17th century. Another wave of migrants from Karin arrived in Aleppo in 1737. There were also families from Yerevan. [17]

Armenian population increased in Aleppo. By the end of the 19th century, the Mazloumian family established the "Ararat hotel" that became a renowned international establishment and renamed Baron Hotel.

Under the Ottomans, Syrians and many other ethnic groups lived in a religious and culturally pluralist society, with each community exercising a degree of local autonomy:

Under the Ottomans, the area known today as Syria hadn't been a single entity but rather a collection of "wilayats," or provinces, that at times included areas of modern-day Lebanon and Israel. Nor was the population homogenous. The wilayats of Ottoman Syria each comprised an array of ethnicities, cultural identifications and economic structures. After 400 years of rule under the Ottomans, certain particularities of the political system became ingrained. In modern-day Syria before the civil war, cities were divided into culturally distinct quarters: one where you would find the Armenians, another populated by Assyrians. I especially remember the Kurdish markets, where vendors would come dressed in their bright colors to sell fruits and vegetables from the countryside.

In fact, the way in which Syria was governed reinforced the autonomy of these distinct ethnic and religious communities. The Ottomans enforced a policy of pluralism, intended to appease different nations and quell the rise of nationalist movements, in which Jews, Christians and Muslims were all empowered to assert their own identities and therefore had no need to vie for power. Each religious community, known as a "millet," had a representative in Istanbul and was allowed to organize its own affairs, including its people's education, social services and charities and even some of the legal standards by which they lived. The millet controlled all internal disputes such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, and the distribution and collection of taxes. The residue of this community-specific system remained in modern Syria for example, everyone knew you went to the Armenian quarter to get your silver. [18]

Armenian genocide and the 20th century Edit

Although the Armenians have had a long history in Syria, most arrived there during the Armenian genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire. The main killing fields of Armenians were located in the Syrian desert of Deir ez-Zor (Euphrates Valley). During the Genocide, More than a million Armenians were killed and hundreds of thousands were displaced from historic Armenia. The native Arabs didn't hesitate to shelter and support persecuted Armenians. Arabs and Armenians have traditionally had good relations, especially after they sheltered the Armenians during the Armenian genocide. There was also a minor Arab genocide in Anatolia at the same time, which meant they had affinity with one another.

Aleppo's large Christian population swelled with the influx of Armenian and Assyrian Christian refugees during the early 20th-century and after the Armenian genocide and Assyrian genocide of 1915. After the arrival of the first groups of Armenian refugees coming from the death camps in Deir ez Zor and historic Armenia (1915–1922) the population of Aleppo in 1922 counted 156,748 of whom Muslims were 97,600 (62.26%), native Christians -mostly Catholics- 22,117 (14.11%), Jews 6,580 (4.20%), Europeans 2,652 (1.70%), Armenian refugees 20,007 (12.76%) and others 7,792 (4.97%). [19] [20]

The second period of Armenian flow towards Aleppo was marked by the withdrawal of the French troops from Cilicia in 1923. [21] That wave brought more than 40,000 Armenian refugees to Aleppo between 1923 and 1925, and the population of the city skyrocketed up to 210,000 by the end of 1925, with Armenians forming more than 25% of the population. [22]

According to the historical data presented by Al-Ghazzi, the vast majority of the Aleppine Christians were Catholics until the 1920s. The growth of the Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox Christian communities is tied in with the arrival of the Armenian and Assyrian genocide survivors from Cilicia and Southern Turkey, as well as large numbers of Orthodox Greeks from the Sanjak of Alexandretta who arrived in Aleppo later on after the annexation of the Sanjak in 1939 by Turkey.

In 1944, Aleppo's population was around 325,000, with 112,110 (34.5%) Christians among which Armenians counted 60,200. Armenians formed more than half of the Christian community in Aleppo until 1947, when many groups of them left for Soviet Armenia to take advantage of the Armenian Repatriation Process (1946–1967).

In an interview with Radikal, Rober Koptaş, editor-in-chief of the Agos Armenian newspaper, said that the Armenians under Assad felt relatively safe. [23] The Armenians, according to The Economist, lived in a safe haven in Syria which made Armenians more sympathetic for Assad during the Syrian Civil War. [24]

According to the Ministry of Diaspora of Armenia, the estimated number of Armenians in Syria is 100,000, with more than 60,000 of them centralized in Aleppo, [3] with other estimates by Armenian foundations in Syria putting the number of Armenians in Syria around 70–80,000. [25] [26] However, Since the start of the Syrian Civil War, 16,623 Syrian citizens of ethnic Armenian background have arrived in Armenia, of whom about 13,000 displaced persons remained and found protection in Armenia as of July 2015. The government is offering several protection options including simplified naturalization by Armenian descent (15,000 persons acquired Armenian citizenship), accelerated asylum procedures and facilitated short, mid and long-term residence permits. [27]

According to Hranush Hakobyan only 15,000 Armenians are left in Syria and the rest have been settled in Armenia or Nagorno Karabakh, [28] with another 8,000 having left for Lebanon, and others going to destinations including Europe, the United States and Canada. [29] [30] However, Armenian foundations in Syria estimate around 35,000 are left based on rough estimates, including a method which multiplies the number of students enrolled in Armenian minority schools by 3 or 4, since minors would only take up around 25-30% of an age pyramid. [31]

Armenians in Syria are present in both rural and Urban areas. The villages of Kessab and Yakubiyah and Ghnemiyeh had Armenian majority prior to the civil war, and both are located near the contested border region of Hatay Province. [32] Kessab was attacked and looted in an ambush by Syrian Rebels who were given passage through Hatay province by Turkey,(although they deny this claim) and Yacubiyah had their Armenian population expelled by Al Nusra. [33] [34] Excluding those villages, Armenians are primarily urban. Most Armenians of Syria live in Aleppo, with other cities including Latakia, Damascus, Qamishli, Raqqa, Tell Abyad, Al-Hasakah, Deir ez Zor, Al-Malikiyah and Ras al-Ayn, although some of which have had their populations expelled such as Raqqa and Deir ez Zor. In Aleppo, the Armenian quarter was targeted by rebel forces. [35] In 2015, the local St. Rita Catholic Armenian church was also destroyed, according to unconfirmed reports at that time, by rebel fighters. [36]


What percentage of relocated Armenians died? - Geskiedenis

This is a documentary that analyzes the Armenian genocide theory and uses witnesses, historians, researchers, professors, and archival evidence to show that the Armenian genocide is nothing more than an untrue one-sided version of history that omits much of history and exaggerates and fabricates ideas of hate and deceit to a world audience. It uncovers the truth about the Armenian genocide and represents both stories very well. It has numerous interviews with Armenians as well, some of whom have opposing views to the documentary's main perspective. Unlike the highly publicized Armenian documentaries that barely give the other side a chance to tell their story and uses dramatization and exaggeration to convince the viewer, this documentary uses archival information and numerous sources to persuade the viewer.

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 1

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 2

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 3

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 4

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 5

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 6

Sari Gelin Documentary: Part 7

Mesrop II Mutafian - Armenian Archbishop of Istanbul

The Armenian Archbishop of Istanbul, Turkey. He says that the Armenian genocide is not real because the Turks were treating the Armenians well for so many centuries.

Dr. Jeffry Lewis

British history professor in Oxford University England, tells us that the Ottoman government was not involved in ordering any mass killings of Armenians.

George H. W. Bush

The president of the United States during the early 1990s speaks highly of the Ottomans and about their generosity towards the Jewish community that had to escape from Spain during the Inquisition.

Samuel A. Weems

Retired American Judge, Samuel A. Weems is the author of the book "Armenia: A Christian Terrorist State". He speaks of the fake Hitler quote that Armenians use to declare that Hitler got the motivation to kill the Jews from the Turks killing of the Armenians. He says that the Hitler quote is completely false and that it should be noted that Armenians were declared Aryan pure nation by Hitler and that the Armenians were very big fans of Hitler during World War II.

Dr. Justin McCarthy

A professor of history in the University of Louisville, in the United States and an expert in demographics. Tells us about the events of 1900s were that of two nations fighting each other and the statistics prove that 1.5 million Armenians did not die during World War I and in fact many survived.
Justin McCarthy

Dr. Andrew Mango

British history professor in University of London in England, tells us that the Armenian genocide is not true at all.
Dr. Andrew Mango

Hrant Dink

Armenian journalist in Turkey that is the chief editor of AGOS Armenian journal in Turkey. He says

Dr. Kallerya Bellova

Dr. Stefano Trinchese

An Italian history professor in the University of Chieti, says that if the Ottomans ruled over places like Greece and Bulgaria for over 600 years, why doesn't anyone in Eastern Europe speak Turkish? He explains that this is because the Ottomans promoted religious freedom and did not force its language on its conquered people.

Hatchadurian Hatchid Abedi

An elderly Armenian in Yerevan who said that the Turks were good to us. He said they were not responsible for genocide, but that the Kurds had done terrible things to his Armenian countrymen.

Dr. Ashod Sogomonian

A professor in the Yerevan State University talks about his people.

Professor Dr. Sarahi Sonyel

A history professor in the Near East University in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. He tells about the French legion's Armenian units who were led by General Antronik, who slaughtered thousands of Muslims in Eastern Anatolia during the 1900s.

Dr. Vamik Volkan

A Turkish-American professor in the University of Virginia talks about why the Armenian genocide is false, and how Armenians from age 2 are brainwashed and raised to accept the genocide and to never question it.

Professor Dr. Levon Marashlian

A California Armenian in the University of Glendale, who claims the Armenian genocide is real.

Dr. Yusuf Halacoglu

President of the Turkish Historical Institute in Turkey, discusses his perspectives on the issue.

Dr. Avv. Augusto Sinagra

An Italian history professor at Nell University in Rome, Italy. He says that the Armenians being relocated did have elderly among them that could not survive the relocation travel, but this is not an action of the Ottoman government to exterminate an ethnic group. The state had spent money on food, water, preparation, and soldiers to guard the Armenians from gangs and bandits. Why go to all this trouble if they had wanted to kill an ethnicity? He says that the Armenian genocide is a historical lie.

Assc. Professor Husamettin Yildirim

A Turkish Researcher and Historian in Turkey says that if 1.5 million Armenians were massacred by the Ottomans, please come and show us a mass grave. He continues by saying "Show us a spot and we'll dig there too".

Sandra Fei

An Italian member of parliament says that the Armenians have angst against Turks not because of the Armenian genocide issue, but simply because of religious differences.

Barry Jacobs

Jewish Committee Director explains that the Holocaust is unique and is proven and that the Armenian genocide is not a real genocide because it has not been proven and it is not the same at all.

Ferzare Tanligil

Wife of the deceased Turkish Diplomat (who died to Armenian terrorists) talks about her relationship with her Armenian friends. She says that the Armenians bow their head when they speak with her, because they know they are guilty.

Erich Feigl

An Austrian Historian-Researcher in Austria, who makes logical points about why the Armenian genocide cannot be true.

Souren Kataroian

An archbishop in the Allepo Armenian church in Syria, who believes that 1.5 million Armenians died in the relocation.

Bruce Fein

American Attorney at International Law in Washington D.C., discusses the relationship of Armenians and Turks.

Professor Radick Martirossian

An Armenian professor in Yerevan State University, talks about European nations that took roles in the events in Eastern Anatolia.

Israfil Memmedar

Historian in Baku Azerbaijan that speaks of cities and villages that were wiped off the map by Armenian rebels.

Kamuran Gurun

A Turkish Retired Ambassador of Turkey, says that you cannot claim the relocation orders of Armenians to be a crime, when it was war-time and a community that was actively and openly helping the enemy was threatening your nation.

Danageni Danoian

An elderly Armenian woman who tells of her experience in 1915, and how disease was rampant in those days and how her family traveled through the Middle East during the conflict.

Sarkis Garabetian

An Armenian survivor of World War I who was under the relocation orders, talks about how his family arrived in Syria and Lebanon and how well they survived.

Nurse Tatiana Karameli

A student in Moscow Medical school who worked in the Russian red-cross recounts in her memoirs the atrocities of Armenians. She says that the rebels named Arshak and Antranik were committing horrible atrocities in 1917 to the Turks in Bayburt and Ispir.

Abbas Gunes

An elderly Turkish witness who saw the horrors of what Armenian rebels did to his fellow villagers. He tells of how his elder brother was decapitated.

Mehmet Saar (Age 110 in 2006)

A witness to the Armenian massacres in Eastern Anatolia during World War I, he speaks in vivid detail about the victims in his village.

Professor Hikari Egane

A history professor in the University of Kyoto Kitsumeikan. She says that she simply has to apply for permission to get access into the Turkish-Ottoman archives and 3 days later she can easily review all the documents she wants.

Mehmet Aksal (Age 105 in 2006)

A witness to the Armenian massacres in Eastern Anatolia during World War I, he speaks in vivid detail about the victims in his village.

Mesture Kilic (Age 111 in 2007)

Tells about her experience where she witnessed the Armenian rebels take a baby from her mother and threw the baby to the ceiling. The brain was splattered on the ceiling, and men from the cities came and took notes and left.

Sirri Husseyinoglu (Age 90 in 1986)

A Turkish witness of the atrocities of Armenian general Antronik in the 1900s. He tells of the evils these rebels did to the Turkish villagers around Eastern Anatolia.

Sefa Vagisoglu (Age 96 in 2006)

A Turkish witness of atrocities by the Armenians in Eastern Anatolia.

Francois Rochebloine

MP of UDF in France says that French parliament has accepted the Armenian genocide resolution, but of course the Turks are not literally blamed for a genocide.

Mgr. Bedros Miriatian

An Archbishop in Aleppo Catholic Church who believes in the genocide.

Gunduz Aktan

A Retired Ambassador of Turkey tells us his perspective on the issue.

Michel Pelchat

Senator in Paris, France says that he was against the French parliamentary resolution on the Armenian genocide. Hy sê:

Bernadette Isaac Sibelle

MP of UDF in Paris, France. She says that it is abnormal to judge history between two non-French communities in the French parliament.

Vera Costratini

A scholar in the University of Venice. She says that there has never been a problem for her to study in the Turkish-Ottoman archives because they are open to the public just like Italy's archives.

Assc. Professor Yusuf Sarinay

Professor of history and works in the Prime Ministry State Archives in Turkey. Says that Hilmar Kayser and Araf Sarafiyan who name their research as the "Armenian genocide study" have visited the Ottoman archives and finds it interesting that they took so many copies of the documents. It clearly shows that even Armenians are allowed inside the archives of the Ottomans to prove or disprove the Armenian genocide theory. However, documents and archives dealing with the Armenian-Turkish events in World War I are still locked up in many nations especially in Armenia.

Hilmar Kayser

A German researcher who has visited the Ottoman archives and believes in the Armenian genocide yet has taken 5900 photocopies of Ottoman archival documents.

Ara Sarafyan

A British historian of Armenian origin and leader in Armenian genocide allegations, has visited the Ottoman archives and has taken 3000 photocopies. He also says that he has written a letter to the Armenian government asking for permission to read the Armenian archives, but he has never received a reply. He says he would be very happy to read the Armenian archives. He also had announced once that he would meet with Turkish historians to have a joint-investigation on the genocide issue, but later changed his mind.

Dr. Turkkaya Ataov

A historian in Turkey who exposes the false fabricated Talaat Pasha telegrams that supposedly was the ordering of the Armenian killings by the government. However, Ataov says that the codes on the telegram are made-up, and do not represent the codes of the time, and Talaat Pasha was never in Aleppo at the time of the telegram being sent, he was in Istanbul.


Kyk die video: Armeense Demonstratie 2010 (November 2021).