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Swartes en WWI - Geskiedenis

Swartes en WWI - Geskiedenis

300 000 swartes het tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in die Amerikaanse weermag gedien. 1400 het as offisiere gedien.

Afro -Amerikaners in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

Aanvanklik, toe die Eerste Wêreldoorlog begin, was die VSA daarby betrokke. Die Afro -Amerikaners het die oorlog egter as 'n geleentheid beskou om respek in die geskeide samelewing te wen en die Afro -Amerikaners as tweedeklasburgers behandel. Die Afro -Amerikaners was, ondanks hul behandeling, bereid om hul land te dien toe dit duidelik geword het dat die VSA die oorlog sou betree. Ongelukkig het die weermag hulle selfs afgewys.

In April 1917, toe die VSA oorlog teen Duitsland verklaar het, het die beplanners van die Oorlogsdepartement besef dat hul sterkte van soldate nie voldoende was om die Amerikaners 'n oorwinning te gee nie. Daarom het die Amerikaanse kongres op 18 Mei 1917 die Wet op selektiewe diens goedgekeur, wat vereis dat alle manlike Amerikaanse burgers vanaf die ouderdom van 21 jaar tot die ouderdom van 31 jaar in die weermag opgeneem moes word. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat Afro -Amerikaners voor die aanvaarding van die wet by die weermag aangesluit het om hul patriotisme en lojaliteit te bewys, sodat hulle 'n regverdige behandeling in die land sou kry.

Die VSA het 6 regimente Afro -Amerikaanse troepe onder leiding van wit offisiere. Later, in die jaar 1869, is die regimente in vier georganiseer, naamlik die 9de en 10de Kavallerie, en die 24ste en 25ste Infanterie. Toe eers aangekondig is dat die VSA aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog gaan deelneem, het die oorlogsdepartement opgehou om Afro -Amerikaanse vrywilligers te aanvaar namate die kwota gevul is.

Toe die konsep egter op die toneel verskyn, is die Afro -Amerikaners opgestel. Daar is gesien dat hoewel die Afro -Amerikaners slegs 10 persent van die Amerikaanse bevolking uitmaak, 13 persent van die geïnduseerdes swartes was. Die Amerikaanse weermag was diskriminerend, maar die omvang was nie soveel soos in ander takke nie. Die Afro -Amerikaners kon nie mariniers word nie, en die vloot en kuswagte het toegelaat dat die swartes slegs in beperkte en swak posisies dien. Teen die einde van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was Afro -Amerikaners egter in die kavallerie-, infanterie-, sein-, mediese, artillerie- en ingenieurs -eenhede. Boonop werk hulle as inligtingsbeamptes, landmeters, kapelane, aptekers en vragmotorbestuurders.

Ongelukkig het baie min Afro -Amerikaners in gevegseenhede gewerk, aangesien die meerderheid van hulle na arbeidsbataljons gedelegeer is. Die 4 Afro -Amerikaanse regimente is nie oorsee ontplooi nie. Dit het daartoe gelei dat die Afro -Amerikaners protesteer, wat daartoe gelei het dat die oorlogsdepartement in die jaar 1917 die 92ste en 93ste afdeling gevorm het as gevegseenhede vir Afro -Amerikaners. Met die stigting van hierdie gevegseenhede het die oorlogsdepartement na Afro -Amerikaanse offisiere begin soek en dit het gelei tot 'n gesegregeerde, maar gelyke oefenkamp vir offisiere. Fort Des Moines het in 1917 die oefenkamp vir Afro -Amerikaanse offisiere geword en ongeveer 1 970 swartes het die oefenkamp bygewoon. Uit hierdie 250 was reeds onderoffisiere, terwyl die res burgerlikes was. Kort nadat die opleiding verby was en die kadette in gebruik geneem is, is die Des Moines -kamp gesluit. Daarna is Afro -Amerikaners vir opleiding na Puerto Rico, Panama, Hawaii en die Filippyne gestuur.

Nadat die Afro -Amerikaners soldate na Europa gestuur is, het hulle baie hard gewerk. Hulle was verantwoordelik vir die aflaai van skepe en die vervoer van materiaal na basisse, hawens en spoorwegdepots. Namate die oorlog vorder, het die Afro -Amerikaanse arbeidseenhede die verantwoordelikheid gekry om loopgrawe te grawe, dooies te begrawe, onontplofde skulpe te verwyder, doringdrade skoon te maak en toerusting wat nie meer funksioneel was nie.

Die Afro -Amerikaanse gevegseenhede het nie 'n band of samehorigheid gehad nie, aangesien die mans afsonderlik opgelei het, en dit sou verklaar waarom die Meuse Argonne -veldtog nie goed gegaan het vir die eenhede nie. Terwyl die Amerikaanse weermag nie veel gedink het oor die Afro -Amerikaanse gevegseenhede nie, het die Franse die soldate van 365ste infanterie en 350ste masjiengeweerbataljon versier vir hul dapperheid en aggressiwiteit.

Toe 'n wapenstilstand op 11 November 1918 plaasvind, het die Afro -Amerikaanse soldate, net soos alle ander soldate, hul oorwinning gevier. Hulle het gedink dat dit as helde begroet sou word wanneer hulle na hul land terugkeer. Dit was egter nie so nie. Maar dit het die Afro -Amerikaners nie gekeer om by die weermag aan te meld nie.

Die eerste alliansie in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was die Triple Alliance wat plaasgevind het tussen Duitsland, Italië en die Oostenryk-Hongarye. Toe was daar 'n alliansie tussen die Franse en die Russe, maar dit het nie lank gehou nie. Die alliansie tussen Frankryk en Rusland het ekonomiese redes agter die rug. Die Russe het egter ná die Berlynse kongres kwaad geword vir die Duitsers en dit het daartoe gelei dat die alliansie verbreek het. Meer ..


Black Codes en Jim Crow

Die eerste stappe in die rigting van amptelike segregasie het gekom in die vorm van 𠇋lack Codes. ” Dit was wette wat omstreeks 1865 in die suide aangeneem is, wat die meeste aspekte van swart mense se lewens bepaal het, insluitend waar hulle kon werk en woon. Die kodes het ook verseker dat swart mense beskikbaar is vir goedkoop arbeid nadat slawerny afgeskaf is.

Segregasie het gou 'n amptelike beleid geword wat toegepas is deur 'n reeks suidelike wette. Deur middel van sogenaamde Jim Crow-wette (vernoem na 'n afbrekende term vir swartes), het wetgewers alles van skole tot woongebiede tot openbare parke tot teaters tot swembaddens tot begraafplase, asiel, tronke en woonhuise geskei. Daar was aparte wagkamers vir blankes en swart mense in professionele kantore, en in 1915 het Oklahoma die eerste staat geword wat selfs openbare telefoonhokkies geskei het.

Kolleges is geskei en aparte swart instellings soos Howard University in Washington, DC en Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee, is geskep om te vergoed. Die Hampton Institute van Virginia is in 1869 gestig as 'n skool vir swart jeugdiges, maar met blanke instrukteurs wat vaardighede leer om swart mense in diensposisies na blankes te verplaas.


Swart geskiedenis tydlyn: 1910–1919

Soos die vorige dekade, veg swart Amerikaners steeds teen rasse -onreg. Deur verskillende protesmetodes te gebruik - deur hoofartikels te skryf, nuus, literêre en vaktydskrifte te publiseer en vreedsame protesoptredes te organiseer - begin hulle die siektes van segregasie nie net aan die Verenigde State bloot nie, maar ook aan die wêreld.

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Volgens data van die Amerikaanse sensus tel swart Amerikaners byna 10 miljoen, byna 11% van die Amerikaanse bevolking. Ongeveer 90% van die swart Amerikane woon in die suide, maar 'n groot aantal sal noordwaarts migreer op soek na beter werksgeleenthede en lewensomstandighede.

29 September: Die National Urban League is in New York gestig. Die doel van die NUL is om swart Amerikaners te help om werk en behuising te vind. Soos die liga op sy webwerf beskryf, is sy missie:

Die NUL sal groei tot 90 filiale wat 300 gemeenskappe in 37 state en die District of Columbia bedien.

November: Die NAACP publiseer die eerste uitgawe van Krisis. W.E.B. Du Bois word die eerste hoofredakteur van die maandblad. Die tydskrif dek gebeure soos die Groot Migrasie. Teen 1919 groei die tydskrif tot 'n geskatte maandelikse oplaag van 100,000.

In die Verenigde State word plaaslike verordeninge ingestel om buurte te skei. Baltimore, Dallas, Louisville, Norfolk, Oklahoma City, Richmond, Roanoke en St. Louis stel sulke verordeninge tussen die swart en wit woonbuurte.

5 Januarie: Kappa Alpha Psi, 'n Afro -Amerikaanse broederskap, word gestig deur 10 studente aan die Indiana Universiteit in Bloomington, Indiana. Volgens die universiteit se webwerf:

17 November: Omega Psi Phi is gestig aan die Howard -universiteit "deur voorgraadse studente Edgar A. Love, Oscar J. Cooper en Frank Coleman in die kantoor van hul fakulteitsadviseur, professor Ernest E. Just, biologie," volgens die universiteit se webwerf. "Manlikheid, geleerdheid, deursettingsvermoë en opheffing" word tydens die eerste vergadering in Just's kantoor in die Science Hall (nou bekend as Thirkield Hall) as die belangrikste beginsels van die groep aangeneem, merk die webwerf van die broederskap op.

Meer as 60 Swart Amerikaners word hierdie jaar gelits, wat deel uitmaak van 'n groter gewelddadige neiging in die VSA, aangesien daar tussen 1882 en 1968 bykans 5 000 lynchings in die hele land is, hoofsaaklik van swart mans.

12 September: W.C. Handy publiseer "Memphis Blues" in Memphis. Handy, bekend as die 'Father of the Blues', verander die koers van Amerikaanse populêre musiek met die publikasie van die liedjie, wat die Afro -Amerikaanse volkstradisie in die gewone musiek bring en later Blues -grotes soos John Lee Hooker, BB King en Koko beïnvloed. Taylor, neem kennis van die Library of Congress.

Claude McKay publiseer twee digbundels, "Songs of Jamaica en Constab Ballads." McKay, een van die vrugbaarste skrywers van die Harlem Renaissance, gebruik temas soos Swart trots, vervreemding en begeerte om te assimileer in sy werke fiksie, poësie en nie -fiksie gedurende sy loopbaan.

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22–27 September: Die 50ste herdenking van die Emancipation Proclamation word gevier. Die Library of Congress het tot vandag toe 'n item met die naam '' Souvenir en amptelike program, vyftig jaar vryheid: 22 September 1862-22 September 1912, nasionale jubileum ter viering van die vyftigjarige herdenking van die uitreiking van die Emansipasie-verkondiging, September 22 tot 27, 1912, Washington, DC " Dit maak deel uit van die biblioteek se Afro -Amerikaanse perspektiewe in sy versameling seldsame boeke en is aan die instelling gegee deur Daniel Murray, 'n swart man en assistent -bibliotekaris by die LOC, wat gehelp het om die "Colored Authors 'Collection" te vestig, alhoewel 'n donasie van 1 100 boeke en artefakte van swart Amerikaanse skrywers.

13 Januarie: Delta Sigma Theta, 'n swart vrouekamer, is gestig aan die Howard Universiteit. Die datum, sê die universiteit op sy webwerf:

Die administrasie van Woodrow Wilson vestig federale segregasie. In die Verenigde State word die federale werksomgewings, middagete en toilette geskei. Wilson gooi selfs William Monroe Trotter uit die ovaalkantoor toe die burgerregte -leier op 12 November die kwessie met die president kom bespreek Die Atlantiese Oseaan. 'N Eeu later sal studente aan die Princeton -universiteit, waar Wilson ook as president gedien het, protesteer oor hoe die skool hom geëer het in die lig van sy rassistiese nalatenskap.

Afro -Amerikaanse koerante soos die Kalifornië Arend begin veldtogte om die uitbeelding van swart mense in D.W. Griffith se "Birth of a Nation". As gevolg van hoofartikels en artikels wat in swart koerante gepubliseer is, is die film in baie gemeenskappe in die Verenigde State verbied.

Die Apollo -teater is in New York gestig. Benjamin Hurtig en Harry Seamon verkry 'n huurkontrak van 31 jaar op die nuutgeboude, neo-klassieke teater, ontwerp deur George Keister, en noem dit Hurtig en Seamon se New Burlesque. Afro -Amerikaners mag nie as beskermhere bywoon of in die vroeë jare van die teater optree nie, soos die geval is met die meeste destydse Amerikaanse teaters. Die teater sou in 1933 sluit nadat die toekomstige burgemeester van New York, Fiorello La Guardia, 'n veldtog teen burleske begin het. Dit heropen 'n jaar later, in 1934, onder nuwe eienaarskap, as die Apollo.

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21 Junie: Die Oklahoma -oupa -klousule word omvergewerp Guinn teen die Verenigde State. In sy eenparige mening van hoofregter CJ White, beslis die hof dat die oupa -klousule van Oklahoma - opgestel op 'n manier om 'geen rasionele doel' te dien nie, behalwe om swart Amerikaanse burgers die stemreg te weier - die 15de wysiging van die Amerikaanse grondwet.

9 September: Carter G. Woodson stig die Association for the Study of Negro Life and History. Dieselfde jaar publiseer Woodson ook "The Education of the Negro Before 1861." Gedurende sy leeftyd werk Woodson aan die vestiging van die geskiedenis van die Swart -Amerikaanse geskiedenis in die vroeë 1900's en dra hy talle boeke en publikasies by tot die navorsing van swart navorsing.

Die NAACP verkondig dat "Lift Every Voice and Sing" die Afro -Amerikaanse volkslied is. Die liedjie is geskryf en gekomponeer deur twee broers, James Weldon en Rosamond Johnson. Die openingsreëls van die lied, wat die eerste keer op 12 Februarie 1900 opgevoer is, as deel van die viering van president Abraham Lincoln se verjaardag, verklaar:

14 November: Booker T. Washington sterf. Hy was 'n prominente swart opvoeder en skrywer, wat van geboorte af tot slaaf geword het, het 'n posisie van mag en invloed gekry, die Tuskegee Institute in Alabama in 1881 gestig en toesig gehou oor die groei daarvan tot 'n gerespekteerde swart universiteit.

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In Januarie: Woodson's ANSLH publiseer die eerste vaktydskrif vir swart Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Die publikasie word die Journal of Negro History.

In Maart: Marcus Garvey stig die New York -tak van die Universal Negro Improvement Association. Die doelwitte van die organisasie sluit in die stigting van universiteite vir algemene en beroepsgerigte onderwys, die bevordering van sake -eienaarskap en die aanmoediging van 'n gevoel van broederskap tussen die Afrika -diaspora.

James Weldon Johnson word veldsekretaris van die NAACP. In hierdie posisie organiseer Johnson massademonstrasies teen rassisme en geweld. Hy verhoog ook die lidmaatskap van die NAACP in suidelike state, 'n aksie wat dekades later die toneel sou plaas vir die burgerregtebeweging.

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6 April: As die Verenigde State die Eerste Wêreldoorlog betree, sluit ongeveer 370 000 Swart Amerikaners by die gewapende magte aan. Meer as die helfte dien in die Franse oorlogsgebied en meer as 1000 swart offisiere beveel troepe. As gevolg hiervan word 107 swart soldate deur die Franse regering met die Croix de Guerre bekroon.

1 Julie: Die East St. Louis Race Riot begin. Na die tweedaagse oproer is ongeveer 40 mense dood, 'n paar honderd beseer en duisende word uit hul huise verplaas.

28 Julie: Die NAACP organiseer 'n stille optog in reaksie op lynchings, rasse -onluste en sosiale onreg. Byna 10 000 Swart Amerikaners word beskou as die eerste groot demonstrasie van burgerregte van die 20ste eeu.

In Augustus: Die Boodskapper is gestig deur A. Philip Randolph en Chandler Owen. Volgens die webwerf BlackPast:

In Julie: Drie swart en twee wit mense word dood in die oproer in Chester, Pennsylvania. Binne enkele dae het 'n ander rasse -oproer in Philadelphia uitgebreek en drie swart mense en een blanke inwoner is dood.

20 Februarie: "The Homesteader" word in Chicago vrygestel. Dit is die eerste film wat deur Oscar Micheaux vervaardig is. Vir die volgende 40 jaar word Micheaux een van die mees prominente swart rolprentmakers deur 24 stilfilms en 19 klankfilms te vervaardig en te regisseer.

In Maart: Claude A. Barnett stig die Associated Negro Press aan die suidekant van Chicago en bly 'n halfeeu lank sy direkteur, totdat dit in 1967 gesluit word. 150 swart koerante in die Verenigde State - en nog 100 in Afrika - met opiniekolomme, resensies van boeke, flieks, plate en poësie, tekenprente en foto's.

In April: Die pamflet "Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States: 1898–1918" word uitgegee deur die NAACP. Die verslag word gebruik om 'n beroep op wetgewers te doen om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese terrorisme wat met lynch verband hou, te beëindig. Slegs gedurende hierdie jaar word 83 swart mense gelynch - baie van hulle soldate wat van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog af terugkeer - en die Ku Klux Klan werk uit 27 state.

Mei -Oktober: Verskeie wedloopoproer het in stede in die Verenigde State uitgebreek. Johnson noem hierdie rasse -onluste die Rooi Somer van 1919. In reaksie hierop publiseer Claude McKay die gedig, "If We Must Die."

Die Peace Mission Movement word gestig deur Father Divine in Sayville, New York. Vredesendingfasiliteite, genaamd 'hemele', sal in die komende dekades oor die hele land versprei word. Dit is gemeenskaplike lewensgeriewe tussen rasse wat die geloof in 'n gedesegregeerde samelewing bevorder.


BEWEER OM RESPEK: Afro-Amerikaanse soldate in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

Terwyl die mense van die Verenigde State die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in Europa aanskakel, sien Afro -Amerikaanse burgers 'n geleentheid om die respek van hul blanke bure te wen. Amerika was 'n gesegregeerde samelewing en Afro -Amerikaners word op sy beste as tweedeklasburgers beskou. Desondanks was daar baie Afro -Amerikaanse mans wat bereid was om in die land se weermag te dien, maar selfs toe dit duidelik geword het dat die Verenigde State die oorlog in Europa sou betree, word swartes steeds van militêre diens afgewys.

Toe die Verenigde State in April 1917 oorlog teen Duitsland verklaar, het beplanners van die oorlogsdepartement vinnig besef dat die staande leër van 126.000 man nie genoeg sou wees om oorsee te wen nie. Die standaard vrywilligersstelsel was onvoldoende om 'n weermag op te rig, en op 18 Mei 1917 het die kongres die Wet op selektiewe diens goedgekeur wat vereis dat alle manlike burgers tussen die ouderdomme van 21 en 31 jaar vir die konsep registreer. Selfs voordat die wet uitgevaardig is, het Afro -Amerikaanse mans van regoor die land gretig by die oorlogspoging aangesluit. Hulle beskou die konflik as 'n geleentheid om hul lojaliteit, patriotisme en waardigheid vir gelyke behandeling in die Verenigde State te bewys.

Na die burgeroorlog ontbind die weermag vrywillige "gekleurde" regimente en stig ses gereelde weermagregimente van swart troepe met wit offisiere. In 1869 is die infanterieregimente herorganiseer in die 24ste en 25ste infanterie. Die twee kavallerieregimente, die 9de en 10de, is behou. Hierdie regimente is in die weste en suidweste geplaas, waar hulle sterk betrokke was by die Indiese oorlog. Tydens die Spaans-Amerikaanse oorlog het al vier regimente diens gedoen.

Toe die Eerste Wêreldoorlog uitbreek, was daar vier heeltemal swart regimente: die 9de en 10de Kavallerie en die 24ste en 25ste Infanterie. Die mans in hierdie eenhede is as helde in hul gemeenskappe beskou. Binne 'n week na Wilson se oorlogsverklaring, moes die oorlogsdepartement ophou om swart vrywilligers te aanvaar omdat die kwotas vir Afro -Amerikaners gevul is.

Wat die konsep betref, was daar egter 'n ommekeer in die gewone diskriminerende beleid. Konsepborde bestaan ​​geheel en al uit wit mans. Alhoewel daar geen spesifieke segregasiebepalings in die wetsontwerp was nie, is swartes aangesê om een ​​hoek van hul registrasiekaartjies af te breek sodat hulle maklik geïdentifiseer en afsonderlik ingewy kon word. In plaas daarvan om swartes weg te draai, het die konsepborde alles in hul vermoë gedoen om dit in diens te neem, veral suidelike konsepborde. Een vrystellingsraad van die Georgia-distrik het op fisiese redes vier-en-veertig persent van die blanke registrante ontslaan en slegs drie persent van die swart registrante vrygestel op grond van dieselfde vereistes. Dit was redelik algemeen dat poswerkers in die suide doelbewus die registrasiekaarte van swart mans wat hulle in aanmerking geneem het, teruggehou het en dat hulle gearresteer is omdat hulle 'n ontwyking was. Afro -Amerikaanse mans wat hul eie plase gehad het en gesinne gehad het, is dikwels opgestel voor enkele wit werknemers van groot planters. Alhoewel swartes slegs tien persent van die hele Amerikaanse bevolking uitmaak, het swartes dertien persent van die geïnduseerdes voorsien.

Alhoewel dit steeds diskriminerend was, was die weermag baie meer progressief in rasseverhoudinge as die ander takke van die weermag. Swartes kon nie in die mariniers dien nie, en kon slegs beperkte en swak posisies in die vloot en die kuswag beklee. Teen die einde van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het Afro -Amerikaners diens gedoen in kavallerie-, infanterie-, sein-, mediese, ingenieur- en artillerie -eenhede, sowel as kapelane, landmeters, vragmotorbestuurders, aptekers en intelligensiebeamptes.

Hoewel dit tegnies in aanmerking kom vir baie poste in die weermag, het baie min swartes die geleentheid gekry om in gevegseenhede te dien. Die meeste was beperk tot arbeidsbataljons. Die gevegselemente van die Amerikaanse weermag is heeltemal geskei. Die vier gevestigde all-black Regular Army-regimente is nie in buitelandse gevegsrolle gebruik nie, maar is versprei oor die hele Amerikaanse gebied. Die Afro -Amerikaanse gemeenskap het egter so 'n terugslag gekry dat die Oorlogsdepartement uiteindelik die afdelings 92d en 93d, beide hoofsaaklik swart gevegseenhede, in 1917 geskep het.

Met die skepping van Afro-Amerikaanse eenhede het ook die vraag na Afro-Amerikaanse offisiere gekom. Die oorlogsdepartement het gedink dat die soldate meer geneig sou wees om mans van hul eie kleur te volg en sodoende die risiko van opstand te verminder. Die meeste leiers van die Afro -Amerikaanse gemeenskap was dit eens, en daar is besluit dat die weermag 'n afgesonderde, maar kwansuis gelyke, offisieropleidingskamp sou skep. In Mei 1917 het Fort Des Moines sy deure vir swart offisiere oopgemaak. Ongeveer 1 250 mans het die kamp in Des Moines, Iowa, bygewoon.

Tweehonderd -vyftig van die mans was reeds onderoffisiere, en die res was burgerlikes. Die gemiddelde man wat die kamp bywoon, moes slegs 'n hoërskoolopleiding hê, en slegs twaalf persent het bo die gemiddelde behaal in die klassifikasietoetse wat die weermag afgelê het.

Die destydse LTC Charles C. Ballou, die personeel van die fort van twaalf West Point-gegradueerdes, en 'n paar onderoffisiere van die vier oorspronklike geheel-swart regimente het die kandidate deur 'n streng opleidingsroetine gelei. Hulle het geoefen met en sonder arms, seine, fisiese opleiding, memorisering van die organisasie van die regiment, die lees van kaarte en opleiding oor die geweer en bajonet. Soos Ballou na die oorlog opgemerk het, het die manne wat die opleiding gedoen het, egter nie die taak baie ernstig opgeneem nie, en dit lyk asof hulle die skool en die kandidate as 'n vermorsing van tyd beskou het. Gevolglik het die oorlogsdepartement bepaal dat die instruksie by Fort Des Moines swak en onvoldoende was. Die swak opleiding het ook bygedra tot die feit dat niemand presies weet wat om in Frankryk te verwag nie, dus was dit moeilik om so presies te oefen as wat nodig was.

Op 15 Oktober 1917 ontvang 639 Afro-Amerikaanse mans hul opdrag as kaptein of as eerste of tweede luitenant, en word aangestel vir infanterie-, artillerie- en ingenieurs-eenhede by die afdeling 92d. Dit sou die eerste en enigste klas wees wat aan Fort Des Moines gegradueer het, en die oorlogsdepartement het dit kort ná hul vertrek gesluit. Toekomstige swart kandidate het óf spesiale opleidingskampe in Puerto Rico (waaruit 433 offisiere gegradueer het), die Filippyne, Hawaii en Panama, óf gereelde offisieropleidingsfasiliteite in die Verenigde State bygewoon.

Die weermag het geen geskrewe beleid oor wat om te doen as 'n offisieropleidingskamp geïntegreer word nie, sodat elke kamp self die manier waarop die integrasie uitgevoer is, kan besluit. Sommige was heeltemal geskei en ander het toegelaat dat swartes en blankes saam oefen. Meer as 700 ekstra swart offisiere studeer aan hierdie kampe, wat die totale getal op 1,353 te staan ​​bring.

Alhoewel Afro -Amerikaners hoër posisies in die weermag verdien, beteken dit nie noodwendig dat hulle gelyk behandel word nie. Swart trekelinge is met uiterste vyandigheid behandel toe hulle opdaag vir opleiding. Wit mans het geweier om swart offisiere te groet en swart beamptes is dikwels uit die offisierklubs en -kwartiere belet. Die Oorlogsdepartement tree selde in, en diskriminasie word gewoonlik oor die hoof gesien of soms goedgekeur. Omdat baie suidelike burgers protesteer dat swartes van ander state in die nabygeleë oefenkampe woon, het die oorlogsdepartement bepaal dat nie meer as 'n kwart van die leerlinge in enige leërkamp in die VSA Afro-Amerikaners kan wees nie.

Selfs as hulle in redelik progressiewe kampe geïntegreer is, is swart soldate dikwels sleg behandel en soms lang tyd sonder behoorlike klere. Daar was ook berigte van swartes wat ou burgeroorlog -uniforms ontvang het en gedwing is om buite in opgeslaan tente te slaap in plaas van warmer, stewiger kaserne. Sommige was gedwing om buite te eet gedurende die wintermaande, terwyl ander maande lank op 'n keer sonder klere omgedraai het. Nie alle swart soldate het egter so 'n behandeling ondergaan nie, aangesien diegene wat gelukkig was om by die nuut opgerigte kantore van die nasionale leër te oefen, in 'n gemaklike kaserne gewoon het en sanitêre latrines, warm kos en baie klere gehad het.

Die eerste swart troepe wat oorsee gestuur is, het aan dienseenhede behoort. Omdat die werk wat hierdie eenhede verrig absoluut van onskatbare waarde was vir die oorlogspoging, het bevelvoerders spesiale voorregte beloof in ruil vir hoë opbrengste. Met so 'n motivering sou die soldate gereeld vier en twintig uur lank werk om skepe af te laai en mans en materiaal na en van verskillende basisse, hawens en spoorwegdepots te vervoer. Namate die oorlog voortduur en soldate na die slagvelde kom, het swart arbeidseenhede verantwoordelik geword vir die grawe van loopgrawe, die verwydering van onontplofde skulpe uit die velde, die verwydering van toerusting vir gestremdes en doringdraad en die begrawe van soldate wat in aksie gedood is. Ten spyte van al die harde en noodsaaklike werk wat hulle gelewer het, het Afro -Amerikaanse stewedores die swakste behandeling ontvang van alle swart troepe wat in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog diens gedoen het.

Alhoewel dit nie naastenby so gerespekteer was as enige van die wit soldate wat by die oorlog betrokke was nie, was Afro -Amerikaanse gevegstroepe in baie opsigte baie beter daaraan toe as die arbeiders. Die twee gevegsafdelings en die 92d en 93d afdelings het twee heeltemal verskillende ervarings gehad terwyl hulle die Groot Oorlog beveg het.

Die afdeling 92d is in Oktober 1917 gestig en onder bevel van BG Charles C. Ballou, wat die eerste Afro -Amerikaanse offisierkandidaatskool gereël het. Die 92d, wat op soortgelyke wyse as die ander Amerikaanse afdelings georganiseer is, bestaan ​​uit vier infanterieregimente, drie veldartillerieregimente, 'n slootbattery, drie masjiengeweerbataljonne, 'n seinbataljon, 'n ingenieursregiment, 'n ingenieurstrein en verskeie ondersteuningseenhede.

Hoewel 'n swart offisier in geen geval 'n wit offisier beveel het nie, was die meeste offisiere (tot die rang van eerste luitenant) in die eenheid Afro -Amerikaner. Anders as byna elke ander Amerikaanse eenheid wat opgelei het om die stryd aan te gaan, moes soldate uit die 92d afsonderlik oefen terwyl hulle in die Verenigde State was. Die oorlogsdepartement, uit vrees vir rasse -opstande, was bereid om die eenheid se vermoë om samehorigheid en trots te ontwikkel, op te offer. Die gebrek aan 'n sterk band tussen die mans was een van die faktore wat gelei het tot die swak prestasie van die eenheid in die Meuse-Argonne-veldtog.

Die persoonlike vyandigheid tussen LTG Robert Bullard, bevelvoerder van die Amerikaanse Tweede Weermag, en BG Ballou was nog 'n probleem. Bullard was nie net 'n sterk rassis nie, maar hy het ook 'n wedywering met BG Ballou gehad. Om Ballou en die swart soldate heeltemal onbevoeg te laat lyk, het Bullard verkeerde inligting versprei oor die suksesse en mislukkings van die 92d.

Selfs COL Allen J. Greer, stafhoof van Ballou, was van plan om die reputasie van sy Afro -Amerikaanse eenheid te saboteer, en het gehelp om stories uit die voorste linies te negeer. Ongeag hoe goed die afdeling 92d werklik op die slagveld gevaar het, dit was feitlik onmoontlik om die laster van vooroordeeloffisiere te oorkom.

Na 'n paar aanvanklike suksesse in Lorraine, middel Augustus, op 20 September 1918, is die 92d beveel om na die Argonne-bos te gaan ter voorbereiding van die Meuse-Argonne-offensief. Die afdeling bereik die voorste linies net voor die eerste aanval. Die 368ste Infanterieregiment het onmiddellik bevele ontvang om 'n gaping tussen die Amerikaanse 77ste Afdeling en die Franse 37ste Afdeling te vul. Vanweë hul gebrek aan opleiding by die Franse, tekort aan toerusting en onbekendheid met die terrein, het die regiment hierdie belangrike opdrag egter nie suksesvol voltooi nie. Die mislukking om hierdie belangrike missie uit te voer, was 'n gebrek aan die gevegsrekord van die 92d, en dit is meer as dertig jaar lank deur militêre owerhede gebruik om die ontoereikendheid van Afro -Amerikaanse soldate in die geveg te bewys.

Na die ramp in die Argonne is die hele afdeling na 'n relatief stil gebied aan die voorkant in die Marbache -sektor gestuur. Hulle primêre missie was nietemin 'n gevaarlike taak: teister die vyand met gereelde patrollies. Die gevaar van die opdrag is weerspieël in die 462 slagoffers wat slegs in die eerste maand van patrollie opgedoen is. Alhoewel Amerikaanse bevelvoerders ontevrede was met die prestasie van die eenheid, het die Franse natuurlik 'n ander mening gehad: hulle versier lede van die 365ste infanterie en die 350ste masjiengeweerbataljon vir hul aggressiwiteit en dapperheid.

Teen die einde van 1918 was die Duitse leër in volle toevlug, die geallieerde opperbevelhebber, veldmaarskalk Ferdinand Foch, wou swaar druk uitoefen vir 'n beslissende deurbraak en nederlaag. Die 92d is beveel om die hoogtes oos van Champney, Frankryk, op 10 November 1918 te neem. Hoewel die aanval net een dag duur, was die aanval kwaai en bloedig en het die afdeling meer as 500 slagoffers gekos.

Aangesien die 92d -afdeling gesukkel het om sy reputasie uit die weg te ruim, het die 93d -afdeling 'n baie meer suksesvolle ervaring gehad. Onder leiding van BG Roy Hoffman is die 93d -afdeling ook in Desember 1917 georganiseer. Anders as ander Amerikaanse infanteriedivisies was die 93d beperk tot vier infanterieregimente, waarvan drie bestaan ​​uit National Guard -eenhede uit New York, Illinois, Ohio, Maryland, Connecticut, Massachusetts, die District of Columbia en Tennessee. Die 93d, wat bestaan ​​uit meestal ontwerpers en nasionale wagte, het geen konsekwentheid in sy ervaring of komposisie gehad nie. Die eenheid het ook nie sy volle aantal gevegseenhede en ondersteuningselemente gehad nie, en het gevolglik nooit die volle verdeeldheidskrag bereik nie. Dit lyk asof die kans op die kans gestaan ​​het, maar die 93d was merkwaardig goed in die stryd.

Nasionale Argief

Die situasie was wanhopig in Frankryk, en met uitgeputte en kwynende leërs het die Franse die Verenigde State om mans gesmeek. GEN John Pershing, bevelvoerder van die American Expeditionary Force, het hulle vier Amerikaanse regimente belowe. Hy het besluit om hulle die regimente van die 93d -divisie aan hulle te gee, aangesien die Franse, wat Franse koloniale troepe uit Senegal gebruik het, ervaring gehad het om swart soldate in gevegte in diens te neem. Die eerste Afro -Amerikaanse gevegstroepe wat hul voete op Franse bodem gesit het, het tot die 93d -afdeling behoort. Gewapen, georganiseerd en toegerus as 'n Franse eenheid, het die 93d vinnig aangepas by hul nuwe opdrag. Alhoewel hulle probleme ondervind het, soos taalprobleme, is die swart soldate as gelykes behandel.

Die 369ste Infanterie was die eerste regiment van die 93d -afdeling wat Frankryk bereik het. Hulle het in Desember 1917 in die hawestad Brest aangekom. Op 10 Maart, na drie maande diens by die Services of Supply, het die 369ste bevele ontvang om by die Franse 16de afdeling in Givry en Argonne aan te sluit vir ekstra opleiding. Na drie weke is die regiment na die voorste linies gestuur in 'n gebied net wes van die Argonne -woud. Byna 'n maand lank het hulle hul posisie teen Duitse aanvalle beklee, en na slegs 'n kort onderbreking van die voorkant is die 369ste weer in die middel van die Duitse offensief geplaas, hierdie keer in Minacourt, Frankryk. From 18 July to 6 August 1918, the 369th Infantry, now proudly nicknamed the “Harlem Hellfighters,” proved their tenacity once again by helping the French 161st Division drive the Germans from their trenches during the Aisne-Marne counter-offensive.

In this three-week period, the Germans were making many small night raids into Allied territory. During one of these raids, a member of the 369th Infantry, CPL Henry Johnson, fought off an entire German raiding party using only a pistol and a knife. Killing four of the Germans and wounding many more, his actions allowed a wounded comrade to escape capture and led to the seizure of a stockpile of German arms. Johnson and his comrade were wounded and both received the French Croix de Guerre for their gallantry. Johnson was also promoted to sergeant.

From 26 September to 5 October, the 369th participated in the Meuse-Argonne offensive, and continued to fight well throughout the remainder of the war. The regiment fought in the front lines for a total of 191 days, five days longer than any other regiment in the AEF. France awarded the entire unit the Croix de Guerre, along with presenting 171 individual awards for exceptional gallantry in action.

National Guard Heritage Series.

Although the 369th won much of the glory for the 93d Division, the 370th, 371st, and 372d Regiments, each assigned to different French divisions, also proved themselves worthy of acclaim at the front. The 370th fought hard in both the Meuse-Argonne and Oise-Aisne campaigns. Seventy-one members of the regiment received the French Croix de Guerre, and another twenty-one soldiers received the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC). Company C, 371st Infantry, earned the Croix de Guerre with Palm. The 371st Regiment spent more than three months on the front lines in the Verdun area, and for its extraordinary service in the Champagne offensive, the entire regiment was awarded the Croix de Guerre with Palm. In addition, three of the 371st’s officers were awarded the French Legion of Honor, 123 men won the Croix de Guerre, and twenty-six earned the DSC.

The 372d Infantry also performed admirably during the American assault in Champagne, and afterwards assisted in the capture of Monthois. It was there the regiment faced strong resistance and numerous counterattacks, resulting in many instances of hand-to-hand combat. In less than two weeks of front line service, the 372d suffered 600 casualties. The regiment earned a unit Croix de Guerre with Palm, and in addition, forty-three officers, fourteen noncommissioned officers, and 116 privates received either the Croix de Guerre or the DSC.

On 11 November 1918 at 1100, the armistice between the Allies and Central Powers went into effect. Like all other American soldiers, the African American troops reveled in celebration and took justifiable pride in the great victory they helped achieve. It was not without great cost: the 92d Division suffered 1,647 battle casualties and the 93d Division suffered 3,534. Expecting to come home heroes, black soldiers received a rude awakening upon their return. Back home, many whites feared that African Americans would return demanding equality and would try to attain it by employing their military training. As the troops returned, there was an increase of racial tension. During the summer and fall of 1919, anti-black race riots erupted in twenty-six cities across America. The lynching of blacks also increased from fifty-eight in 1918 to seventy-seven in 1919. At least ten of those victims were war veterans, and some were lynched while in uniform. Despite this treatment, African American men continued to enlist in the military, including veterans of World War I that came home to such violence and ingratitude. They served their county in the brief period of peace after the World War I, and many went on to fight in World War II. It was not until the 1948 that President Harry S Truman issued an executive order to desegregate the military, although it took the Korean War to fully integrate the Army. African Americans finally began to receive the equal treatment their predecessors had earned in combat in France during World War I, and as far back as the American Revolution.

For more reading on African American soldiers in WWI, please see: The Unknown Soldiers: African-American Troops in WWI by Arthur E. Barbeau & Florette Henri, The Right to Fight: A History of African-Americans in the Military, by Gerald Astor and Soldiers of Freedom, by Kai Wright.


The Racist Legacy of Woodrow Wilson

Students at Princeton University are protesting the ways it honors the former president, who once threw a civil-rights leader out of the White House.

The Black Justice League, in protests on Princeton University’s campus, has drawn wider attention to an inconvenient truth about the university’s ultimate star: Woodrow Wilson. The Virginia native was racist, a trait largely overshadowed by his works as Princeton’s president, as New Jersey’s governor, and, most notably, as the 28th president of the United States.

As president, Wilson oversaw unprecedented segregation in federal offices. It’s a shameful side to his legacy that came to a head one fall afternoon in 1914 when he threw the civil-rights leader William Monroe Trotter out of the Oval Office.

Trotter led a delegation of blacks to meet with the president on November 12, 1914, to discuss the surge of segregation in the country. Trotter, today largely forgotten, was a nationally prominent civil-rights leader and newspaper editor. In the early 1900s, he was often mentioned in the same breath as W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington. But unlike Washington, Trotter, an 1895 graduate of Harvard, believed in direct protest actions. In fact, Trotter founded his Boston newspaper, The Guardian, as a vehicle to challenge Washington’s more conciliatory approach to civil rights.

Before Trotter’s confrontation with Wilson in the Oval Office, he was a political supporter of Wilson’s. He had pledged black support for Wilson’s presidential run when the two met face-to-face in July 1912 at the State House in Trenton, New Jersey. Even though then-Governor Wilson offered only vague promises about seeking fairness for all Americans, Trotter apparently came away smitten. “The governor had us draw our chairs right up around him, and shook hands with great cordiality,’’ he wrote a friend later. “When we left he gave me a long handclasp, and used such a pleased tone that I was walking on air.” Trotter viewed Wilson as the lesser of other political evils.

The civil-rights leader was soon having second thoughts. In the fall of 1913, he and other civil-rights leaders, including Ida B. Wells, met with Wilson to express dismay over Jim Crow. Trotter’s wife, Deenie, had even drawn a chart showing which federal offices had begun separating workers by race. Wilson sent them off with vague assurances.

In the next year, segregation did not improve it worsened. By this time, numerous instances of workplace separation became well publicized. Among them, separate toilets in the U.S. Treasury and the Interior Department, a practice that Wilson’s Treasury secretary, William G. McAdoo, defended: “I am not going to argue the justification of the separate toilets orders, beyond saying that it is difficult to disregard certain feelings and sentiments of white people in a matter of this sort.”

For blacks—who ever since Lincoln’s War had expected some measure of equity from the federal government—the sense of a betrayal ran deep.

Trotter sought a follow-up meeting with the president. “Last year he told the delegation he would seek a solution,’’ he wrote a supporter in the fall of 1914. “Having waited 11 months, we are entitled to an audience to learn what it is. Not only for the sake of his administration but as a matter of common justice.” Of course, the president’s plate was full.

Wilson might have bumbled, and worse, on civil rights, but he was overseeing implementation of a “New Freedom” in the nation’s economy—his campaign promise to restore competition and fair-labor practices, and to enable small businesses crushed by industrial titans to thrive once again. In September 1914, for example, he had created the Federal Trade Commission to protect consumers against price-fixing and other anticompetitive business practices, and shortly after signed into law the Clayton Antitrust Act. He continued monitoring the so-called European War, resisting pressure to enter but moving to strengthen the nation’s armed forces. In addition to attending to the state’s affairs, Wilson was in mourning: His wife, Ellen, had died on August 6 from liver disease. On November 6, one of his advisers noted in his diary that the president had told him “he was broken in spirit by Mrs. Wilson’s death.”

Eventually, Wilson agreed to meet a second time with Trotter, and on November 12 the persistent editor and a contingent of Trotterites entered the Oval Office for their long-sought, long-awaited follow-up meeting. Trotter came prepared with a statement and launched the meeting by reading it.

Trotter began with a reference to their 1913 meeting and to the petition he had presented, containing 20,000 signatures “from thirty-eight states protesting against the segregation of employees of the national government.” He listed the on-the-job race separation that had gone unchecked since—at eating tables, dressing rooms, restrooms, lockers, and “especially public toilets in government buildings.” He then charged that the color line was drawn in the Treasury Department, in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, the Navy Department, the Interior Department, the Marine Hospital, the War Department, and in the Sewing and Printing Divisions of the Government Printing Office. Trotter also noted the political support he and other civil-rights activists had provided to Wilson. “Only two years ago you were heralded as perhaps the second Lincoln, and now the Afro-American leaders who supported you are hounded as false leaders and traitors to their race,” he said. And then he reminded the president of his pledge to assist “colored fellow citizens” in “advancing the interest of their race in the United States,” and ended by posing a question that contained a jab at Wilson’s much-ballyhooed economic-reform program. “Have you a ‘New Freedom’ for white Americans and a new slavery for your Afro-American fellow citizens? God forbid!”

The meeting quickly turned sour. The president told Trotter what he previously admitted in private—that he viewed segregation in his federal agencies as a benefit to blacks. Wilson said that his cabinet officers “were seeking, not to put the Negro employees at a disadvantage but . to make arrangements which would prevent any kind of friction between the white employees and the Negro employees.” Trotter found the claim astonishing, and immediately disagreed, calling Jim Crow in federal offices humiliating and degrading to black workers. But Wilson dug in. “My question would be this: If you think that you gentlemen, as an organization, and all other Negro citizens of this country, that you are being humiliated, you will believe it. If you take it as a humiliation, which it is not intended as, and sow the seed of that impression all over the country, why the consequence will be very serious,” he said.

Trotter was incredulous that the president didn’t seem to understand that separating workers based on race “must be a humiliation. It creates in the minds of others that there is something the matter with us—that we are not their equals, that we are not their brothers, that we are so different that we cannot work at a desk beside them, that we cannot eat at a table beside them, that we cannot go into the dressing room where they go, that we cannot use a locker beside them.” There was no letup. In his comments, Trotter had accused the president of lying by saying that race prejudice was the sole motivation for Jim Crow and that to assert otherwise, to claim his administration sought to protect blacks from “friction,” was ridiculous. “We are sorely disappointed that you take the position that the separation itself is not wrong, is not injurious, is not rightly offensive to you,” Trotter said.

Wilson interrupted Trotter: “Your tone, sir, offends me.” To the entire delegation, he said, “I want to say that if this association comes again, it must have another spokesman,” declaring no one had ever come into his office and insulted him as Trotter had. “You have spoiled the whole cause for which you came,” he told Die Voog editor dismissively.

But Trotter would not be dismissed he was not one to find being surrounded by white people, and the trappings of power either alien or intimidating. He had been the only black in his class at Hyde Park High School outside Boston (where, regardless, he had been elected class president) and, at Harvard, outperformed most white classmates, some of whom had since become governors, congressmen, rich, and famous. Instead, he tried to steer the meeting back on track. “I am pleading for simple justice,” he said. “If my tone has seemed so contentious, why my tone has been misunderstood.” He said they needed to work this out, given that he and other African American leaders had supported Wilson’s presidential run at the polls.

But Wilson was angry, stating that bringing up politics and citing black voting power was a form of blackmail. The meeting, which had lasted nearly an hour, was abruptly over. The delegation was shown the door—essentially thrown out. When the incensed Trotter ran into reporters milling around Tumulty’s office, he began letting off steam. “What the President told us was entirely disappointing.”

The story about the dustup between the president and the Voog editor went viral. Die New York Times’s front-page story was headlined, “President Resents Negro’s Criticism” while the front-page headline in the New York Press read: “Wilson Rebukes Negro Who ‘Talks Up’ to Him.” But the larger point was that his tough-talking landed Trotter back on front pages everywhere.

Wilson realized almost instantly his error—unfortunately, not the error of his racism, but the error in public relations. He had “played the fool,’’ he told a cabinet member afterward, by becoming unnerved in the face of what he considered Trotter’s impertinence. “When the Negro delegate (Trotter) threatened me, I was a damn fool enough to lose my temper and point him to the door. What I ought to have done would have been to listened, restrained my resentment, and, when they had finished, to have said to them that, of course, their petition receive consideration. They would then have withdrawn quietly and no more would have been heard about the matter.’’


Activity 1. The 92nd Division

Model for the class the activity they are about to complete. Share the handout "What They Say About the 92nd: Selected Quotes" on pages 1-2 of the Master PDF. The quotes represent examples of statements students may encounter some are quite specific, while others are more general. Spend only enough time on each to help students understand how to approach such material. Discuss:

  • What the quote says.
  • How the content might have been affected by bias.
  • Potential sources of bias.
  • Ways in which the four statements agree with and contradict one another.

Can we come to understand how participants "construct" their own experiences of events? Can we locate sources to support or contradict their perceptions? Can we determine how the 92nd Division performed in combat? Can we understand the factors affecting their performance? Students will explore these issues in small groups.

Divide the class into eight groups. Download, copy, and distribute to students the handout "The 92nd Division" on page 3 of the Master PDF. It provides basic background information on the 92nd Division, listing the units in each division, enabling students to identify by number the regiments, battalions, and batteries composing the 92nd. Students can refer to it as necessary when they are completing the activity below.

Each student group will be assigned one of the following sources to scout for information. By dividing up the research, the class will eventually become familiar with a variety of sources. As any one source could have a particular bias, students will be better able to judge the information and arrive at a conclusion about the 92nd when they share all the information.

  • Four groups can each scrutinize a relevant chapter from Scott’s Official History of The American Negro in the World War on the EDSITEment-reviewed resource Great War Primary Documents Archive. According to African American Odyssey: World War I and Postwar Society, on the EDSITEment-reviewed website American Memory, "Emmett J. Scott worked for eighteen years as the private secretary to Booker T. Washington. He became a Special Assistant to Secretary of War Newton Baker during World War I in order to oversee the recruitment, training, and morale of the African American soldiers. (His) ‘profusely illustrated’ 512-page volume gives a ‘complete and authentic narration … of the participation of American soldiers of the Negro race in the World War for democracy,’ and a ‘full account of the war work organizations of colored men and women.’" His work was published in 1919 and is filled with firsthand accounts.
  • One group can read accounts from eyewitnesses, in full or in part, on the EDSITEment-reviewed website Great War Primary Documents Archive.

If desired, groups can compile a summary of their research and findings based on the questions in the handout "Research Questions: The 92nd Division" on page 4 of the Master PDF.

Student groups should now share their information with the entire class. Allow time after all the information has been shared for students to ask questions of each other. Then, give the groups time to meet again and compose a position statement on what can be learned from the first-hand sources, given their contradictions.

If desired, each group can then share its position statement and the most compelling evidence supporting it. Another option is to proceed with Assessment.


The Tragic And Ignored History Of Black Veterans

On a December morning in 1918, Charles Lewis began his last day as a private in the United States Army. Just a month after the end of World War I, Lewis accepted his honorable discharge and left Camp Sherman, in Chillicothe, Ohio, one of the few military facilities that housed black soldiers. He was headed home to Alabama.

The next day he was dead, killed by a lynch mob in Fulton County, Kentucky.

While Lewis was waiting for the southbound train to leave Fulton, the local deputy sheriff boarded the train car, looking for suspects in a robbery. He approached Lewis, demanding to inspect his baggage. The young soldier, still in uniform, declared that he had just been honorably discharged and had never committed a crime in his life. Lewis even provided documents from his commanding officers at Camp Sherman attesting to his excellent service record. An argument broke out between the two and Lewis was charged with assault and resisting arrest.

His body, still in uniform, was left for all to see.

As Lewis was taken to the county jail in Hickman, Kentucky, news of the altercation spread. A mob of as many as 100 men gathered outside the jail. At midnight, masked men stormed the station, smashed the locks with a sledgehammer, pulled Lewis from his cell, and hanged him. His body, still in uniform, was left for all to see.

Days after his murder, True Democrat, a Louisiana paper, published an editorial entitled, “Nip It in the Bud.”

“The root of the trouble was that the negro thought that being a soldier he was not subject to civil authority,” the editorial read. “The conditions of active warfare and the regulations of army life have probably given these men more exalted ideas of their station in life than really exists and having these ideas they will be guilty of many acts of self-assertion, arrogance and insolence which will not be borne with, in the South at least, and which will be followed by consequences to them, more or less painful.”

Lewis is just one of dozens of African-American veterans who were the targets of racially motivated attacks detailed in “Lynching in America: Targeting Black Veterans,” a report by the Equal Justice Initiative in Alabama. Because a victim&aposs military service was often overlooked by newspapers and officials at the time, the report cites only the lynching of veterans whose military service was verified by EJI, according to Jennifer Taylor, a staff lawyer and one of the report’s authors. The number of veterans killed during this time period is likely much higher.

The latest report is the follow-up to a larger investigation by EJIpublished in 2015 that documented more than 4,000 lynchings — extrajudicial killings that often occurred in public — of African-Americans between 1877 and 1950.

Photo via the Library of Congress

A picket station of black troops near Dutch Gap Canal, in Virginia, November 1864.

The lynching of veterans served a particular purpose: African-Americans who’d served their country with honor posed a threat to the established racial hierarchy that was used to justify Jim Crow-era racism.Their murders were aimed at silencing the powerful voices of dissent against the racist system

The detailed accounts paint a graphic picture of racial violence in America and its insidious impact even on the men who answered their country’s call. It’s a history that was rarely shared publicly, Taylor explained, and so the stories remain mostly unknown.

After the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, the imposition of Jim Crow laws — the system of government-sanctioned segregation and racial bias that existed in the United States until the late 1960s — barred black people from fair access to the political and judicial process in many ways. Between the end of the Civil War and the years after World War II, thousands of black veterans were accosted, assaulted, and attacked. Many were lynched at the hands of mobs and individuals acting under the cover of official authority.

Photo via the National Archives

Soldiers with the New York National Guard’s 369th Infantry Regiment, popularly known as the “Harlem Hellfighters.” The unit was manned entirely by African-American enlisted soldiers with both black and white officers.

During the Red Summer of 1919, which earned its name from the anti-black riots that erupted in major cities across the country, countless black veterans were attacked. In that year alone, at least 10 were lynched.

Robert Truett, an 18-year old-Army veteran, was hanged in Louise, Mississippi, on July 15, 1919, because he allegedly made an “indecent proposal” to a white woman.

On Aug. 31, 1919, in Bogalusa, Louisiana, Lucius McCarty, an African-American Army veteran was accused of attempting to assault a white woman. A mob of 1,500 people gathered, pumped more than 1,000 rounds into his body, and dragged his corpse behind a car through the town’s black neighborhoods, before throwing the remains into a bonfire.

For many African-Americans, the military, though segregated and still infused with racial tension, offered at least the hope of economic and social mobility, but many returned to communities staunchly and, at times, violently opposed to the idea.

“It often breeded an internal and an external conflict and that played out in situations where people were coming home and were protesting various kinds of mistreatment,” Taylor explained.

Even during and after World War II, a global conflict meant to stem the tide of fascism and end mass genocide, some of the same veterans who fought for those ideals in theaters across the world were victimized in the United States, often for exercising the very rights they fought to protect.

Photo via the National Archives

A military policeman in Columbus, Georgia, April 13, 1942.

“That veteran status was kind of an opportunity to get up-close exposure to the hypocrisies that had actually existed in the country,” Taylor explained, pointing out that military service had a tendency to shape and impact the way African-American veterans viewed the racial hierarchies that existed in their own communities. “They had to figure out ‘Is that something I’m going to accept, or is that something I’m going to try to figure out how to continue to fight against?’”

On Feb. 8, 1946, Timothy Hood, an honorably discharged Marine, removed the Jim Crow sign from a trolley in Bessemer, Alabama. He was shot repeatedly by the trolley owner, before being arrested. He died in the back of the police car. Less than a month later, J.C. Farmer, a black veteran, was waiting for a bus in Wilson, North Carolina, on Aug. 17, 1946, when he was ordered into a police officer’s patrol car. When Farmer objected, the officer allegedly struck Farmer in the head. In the ensuing scuffle, the officer’s gun went off, shooting its owner in the hand. Within the hour, a mob had formed and Farmer was dead.

Photo via the National Archives

Sers. John C. Clark Staff Sgt. Ford M. Shaw clean their rifles in a bivouac area alongside the East-West Trail in Bougainville on April 4, 1944.

In 1943, Maceo Snipes, left his home in Butler, Georgia, to enlist in the Army. Two and a half years later, with an honorable discharge, and $110 to his name, he returned to his family farm in Taylor County. With the war over, cotton, peanuts, and corn became his mission, while farm tools replaced the arms and equipment he carried during his six months in the Pacific theater.

Snipes likely believed that having served his country, he should have the right to vote in it too. On July 17, 1946, he was the only African-American in racially segregated Taylor County to vote in the Democratic primary for governor.

The next day, several white men in a pickup truck came to Snipes’ house and shot him, before driving away unhindered. Two days after making history as the first, and only, African-American in his county to cast a ballot in that election, he died of his wounds.

Fearing more attacks, his family fled, hastily burying his body under cover of darkness. To this day the exact location of his remains is unknown. The killing was listed as self-defense, though the family and historians, have refuted that repeatedly, arguing that it was a lynching.

“You could give so much to your country, and then return to a country that, at that time, gave so little back.”

“You have a person, like Maceo Snipes, who understood the significance of fighting for equal rights and fighting for the rights of all people to enjoy the benefits of this country,” Edward Dubose, a national board member with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, told Task & Purpose. For Dubose, a 21-year Army veteran who worked closely with the family of Snipes on efforts to launch a federal investigation of his death, the killing is particularly telling and deeply personal.

“A man was prepared to sacrifice his life, and for him to come back and be killed for engaging in something so sacred — the right to vote — for me, as a veteran, standing on people’s shoulders like Maceo Snipes, and dealing with my own discrimination in the military, it was just very personal,” Dubose said. “You could give so much to your country, and then return to a country that, at that time, gave so little back.”

Today, on the walls of the Taylor County courthouse in Butler, Georgia, are three plaques honoring World War II veterans from the area. One reads “Whites,” and another — where Snipes&apos name can be found — is labeled “Colored.” On a third, more recent plaque, Snipes’ name appears again, listed among all of his brothers in arms, whatever their skin color.

James Clarkis the Deputy Editor of Task & Purpose and a Marine veteran. He oversees daily editorial operations, edits articles, and supports reporters so they can continue to write the impactful stories that matter to our audience. In terms of writing, James provides a mix of pop culture commentary and in-depth analysis of issues facing the military and veterans community. Kontak die skrywer hier.


A 'Forgotten History' Of How The U.S. Government Segregated America

Federal housing policies created after the Depression ensured that African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects, such as Detroit's Brewster-Douglass towers. Paul Sancya/AP steek onderskrif weg

Federal housing policies created after the Depression ensured that African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects, such as Detroit's Brewster-Douglass towers.

In 1933, faced with a housing shortage, the federal government began a program explicitly designed to increase — and segregate — America's housing stock. Author Richard Rothstein says the housing programs begun under the New Deal were tantamount to a "state-sponsored system of segregation."

Historian Says Don't 'Sanitize' How Our Government Created Ghettos

The government's efforts were "primarily designed to provide housing to white, middle-class, lower-middle-class families," he says. African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects.

Rothstein's new book, The Color of Law, examines the local, state and federal housing policies that mandated segregation. He notes that t he Federal Housing Administration, which was established in 1934, furthered the segregation efforts by refusing to insure mortgages in and near African-American neighborhoods — a policy known as "redlining." At the same time, the FHA was subsidizing builders who were mass-producing entire subdivisions for whites — with the requirement that none of the homes be sold to African-Americans.

Code Switch

Everyone Pays A Hefty Price For Segregation, Study Says

Rothstein says these decades-old housing policies have had a lasting effect on American society. "The segregation of our metropolitan areas today leads . to stagnant inequality, because families are much less able to be upwardly mobile when they're living in segregated neighborhoods where opportunity is absent," he says. "If we want greater equality in this society, if we want a lowering of the hostility between police and young African-American men, we need to take steps to desegregate."

Interview Highlights

On how the Federal Housing Administration justified discrimination

A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America

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The Federal Housing Administration's justification was that if African-Americans bought homes in these suburbs, or even if they bought homes near these suburbs, the property values of the homes they were insuring, the white homes they were insuring, would decline. And therefore their loans would be at risk.

There was no basis for this claim on the part of the Federal Housing Administration. In fact, when African-Americans tried to buy homes in all-white neighborhoods or in mostly white neighborhoods, property values rose because African-Americans were more willing to pay more for properties than whites were, simply because their housing supply was so restricted and they had so many fewer choices. So the rationale that the Federal Housing Administration used was never based on any kind of study. It was never based on any reality.

On how federal agencies used redlining to segregate African-Americans

The term "redlining" . comes from the development by the New Deal, by the federal government of maps of every metropolitan area in the country. And those maps were color-coded by first the Home Owners Loan Corp. and then the Federal Housing Administration and then adopted by the Veterans Administration, and these color codes were designed to indicate where it was safe to insure mortgages. And anywhere where African-Americans lived, anywhere where African-Americans lived nearby were colored red to indicate to appraisers that these neighborhoods were too risky to insure mortgages.

On the FHA manual that explicitly laid out segregationist policies

Die tweerigting

Interactive Redlining Map Zooms In On America's History Of Discrimination

It was in something called the Underwriting Manual of the Federal Housing Administration, which said that "incompatible racial groups should not be permitted to live in the same communities." Meaning that loans to African-Americans could not be insured.

In one development . in Detroit . the FHA would not go ahead, during World War II, with this development unless the developer built a 6-foot-high wall, cement wall, separating his development from a nearby African-American neighborhood to make sure that no African-Americans could even walk into that neighborhood.

Die Underwriting Manual of the Federal Housing Administration recommended that highways be a good way to separate African-American from white neighborhoods. So this was not a matter of law, it was a matter of government regulation, but it also wasn't hidden, so it can't be claimed that this was some kind of "de facto" situation. Regulations that are written in law and published . in die Underwriting Manual are as much a de jure unconstitutional expression of government policy as something written in law.

On the long-term effects of African-Americans being prohibited from buying homes in suburbs and building equity

Today African-American incomes on average are about 60 percent of average white incomes. But African-American wealth is about 5 percent of white wealth. Most middle-class families in this country gain their wealth from the equity they have in their homes. So this enormous difference between a 60 percent income ratio and a 5 percent wealth ratio is almost entirely attributable to federal housing policy implemented through the 20th century.

African-American families that were prohibited from buying homes in the suburbs in the 1940s and '50s and even into the '60s, by the Federal Housing Administration, gained none of the equity appreciation that whites gained. So . the Daly City development south of San Francisco or Levittown or any of the others in between across the country, those homes in the late 1940s and 1950s sold for about twice national median income. They were affordable to working-class families with an FHA or VA mortgage. African-Americans were equally able to afford those homes as whites but were prohibited from buying them. Today those homes sell for $300,000 [or] $400,000 at the minimum, six, eight times national median income. .

So in 1968 we passed the Fair Housing Act that said, in effect, "OK, African-Americans, you're now free to buy homes in Daly City or Levittown" . but it's an empty promise because those homes are no longer affordable to the families that could've afforded them when whites were buying into those suburbs and gaining the equity and the wealth that followed from that.

NPR Ed

How The Systemic Segregation Of Schools Is Maintained By 'Individual Choices'

The white families sent their children to college with their home equities they were able to take care of their parents in old age and not depend on their children. They're able to bequeath wealth to their children. None of those advantages accrued to African-Americans, who for the most part were prohibited from buying homes in those suburbs.

On how housing projects went from being for white middle- and lower-middle-class families to being predominantly black and poor

Public housing began in this country for civilians during the New Deal and it was an attempt to address a housing shortage it wasn't a welfare program for poor people. During the Depression, no housing construction was going on. Middle-class families, working-class families were losing their homes during the Depression when they became unemployed and so there were many unemployed middle-class, working-class white families and this was the constituency that the federal government was most interested in. And so the federal government began a program of building public housing for whites only in cities across the country. The liberal instinct of some Roosevelt administration officials led them to build some projects for African-Americans as well, but they were always separate projects they were not integrated. .

The white projects had large numbers of vacancies black projects had long waiting lists. Eventually it became so conspicuous that the public housing authorities in the federal government opened up the white-designated projects to African-Americans, and they filled with African-Americans. At the same time, industry was leaving the cities, African-Americans were becoming poorer in those areas, the projects became projects for poor people, not for working-class people. They became subsidized, they hadn't been subsidized before. . And so they became vertical slums that we came to associate with public housing. .

The vacancies in the white projects were created primarily by the Federal Housing Administration program to suburbanize America, and the Federal Housing Administration subsidized mass production builders to create subdivisions that were "white-only" and they subsidized the families who were living in the white housing projects as well as whites who were living elsewhere in the central city to move out of the central cities and into these white-only suburbs. So it was the Federal Housing Administration that depopulated public housing of white families, while the public housing authorities were charged with the responsibility of housing African-Americans who were increasingly too poor to pay the full cost of their rent.

Radio producers Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner and Web producers Bridget Bentz and Molly Seavy-Nesper contributed to this story.


Eerste Wêreldoorlog

This feature commemorates the outbreak of the First World War. This major historical event became known as The Great War. The main belligerent European countries involved in the War were imperial powers with large colonial territories in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The First World War was the first war fought along modern industrial lines. What marked its difference from previous wars, in Europe, is the scale and brutality of casualties inflicted on both sides. Between July 1914, when the war began, and November 1918, when it was concluded, nine million soldiers were killed and twenty-one million wounded.

It was a war in which the technology of the industrial revolution was harnessed to the demands of the battlefield. The development of railways and steamships meant that large armies could be transported over long distance within days. Scientific advances in the chemical industry and the development of electricity rendered war firepower far more deadly than before, resulting in casualties on a scale never experienced before. The First World War also saw the introduction of the use of aircraft which made possible mass bombardments of civilians. This was the first time chemical weapons were introduced onto the battlefield. The War resulted in one of the first genocides of the twentieth century.

The social and political consequences of the War were far reaching. When the War began most of the world’s governments were ruled by imperial monarchies such as Tsarist Russia, Imperial Germany and the Austria-Hungarian Empire. By the end of the War, revolutions in Germany, Austria and Russia ended the era of absolutist monarchy as workers and soldiers rebelled against the suffering and deprivation imposed by the War.

The First World War had a huge impact on the position of women in society. In many countries the entire adult male population was involved in fighting. This created a huge shortage of labour which meant that the output from different sectors of the economy was not at its maximum capacity. The production of armaments and equipment needed by soldiers took priority over normal industrial production. Women stepped into the gap left by men in the spheres of transport, industry, policing and most war industries. They operated the munitions factories responsible for feeding the war machine. Women became a visible public presence, not just as wives and mothers, but as economic and social actors in their own right. Many also volunteered for medical service at the front. Before the war women worked primarily in domestic service, the textile industry and teaching. Traditionally, these were regarded as female occupations. With men gone to war, women filled their positions in engineering, shipbuilding, farming and commerce. An important consequence of the War was the granting of the vote to women. Before the war the Suffragette Movement in Great Britain had been waging a militant campaign in support of granting the vote to women. In June 1917, the House of Commons approved the women’s suffrage clause by adopting the Representation of the People’s Bill.

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