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19 Augustus 2011- Terreuraanval in die Negev - Geskiedenis

19 Augustus 2011- Terreuraanval in die Negev - Geskiedenis


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'N Daaglikse analise
Deur Marc Schulman

19 Augustus 2011- Terreuraanval in die Negev

Dit was 'n rustige somer waarin ek verwag het dat ek beperkte inskrywings tot hierdie blog sou genereer tot middel September, toe ek uit Israel sou begin skryf. Ongelukkig het die kalmte vandag geëindig, met 'n reeks gekoördineerde terreuraanvalle op Israeliërs langs die Egiptiese grens. Die aanval, waarvoor niemand die direkte verantwoordelikheid geneem het nie, het (tot dusver nog) agt Israeliete doodgemaak. Alhoewel die aanvallers nog nie geïdentifiseer is nie, was hulle waarskynlik lede van die Verwerpingsfront; 'n groep wat selfs meer radikaal is as Hamas. Hierdie aanvalle het Hamas duidelik verras. Dit is ook duidelik dat Hamas van mening is dat aanvalle op Israel nie tans in hul belang is nie, in ag genome die onseker toestand van hul betrekkinge, sowel met die Egiptenare as met hul Siriese beskermheer.


Israel het dadelik teruggekap vir die aanvalle van vandag. Na verneem word, het die vergeldingstaking die leier van die groep wat na bewering verantwoordelik is vir die aanval, doodgemaak. Die Israeliese vergelding het daartoe gelei dat die groepe missiele in Ashkelon op Israel afgevuur het. Die Iron Dome -stelsel het die missiel onderskep wat op 'n bevolkte plek kon beland het.


Hierdie mees onlangse aanval op die negev was goed gekoördineer, met soveel as 15 terroriste betrokke. Dit was sonder twyfel die grootste terreuraanval (in terme van deelnemers) wat ek in baie jare kan onthou. Is dit die begin van 'n reeks aanvalle, of 'n geïsoleerde aanval? Dit is moeilik om te weet. Ongelukkig sou ek op die eersgenoemde wed. Dit was 'n geruime tyd (seker sedert die val van Mubarak) duidelik dat Israel sy grens met Egipte nie onderverdedig of glad nie kan verlaat nie. Die grens tussen Gaza en Egipte is oop vir almal wat 'n tonnel besit, wat die hele grens tussen Israel en Egipte kwesbaar maak.

Israel se reaksie was om terug te keer deur terroriste teikens in Gaza te bombardeer. Alhoewel dit goed voel, sal dit die terroriste nie afskrik nie. Dit gesê, die vraag is steeds hoe om effektief op terreuraanvalle te reageer, sonder om toe te laat dat die situasie buite beheer raak. Om hierdie antwoord te vind, bied 'n baie moeiliker uitdaging.


Berseba

Berseba ( / b ɪər ˈ ʃ iː b ə / Hebreeus: בְּאֵר שֶׁבַע, geromaniseer: Be'er Sheva, IPA: [ˈBe (ʔ) eʁ ˈʃeva (ʕ)] (luister) Arabies: بئر السبع, geromaniseer: Biʾr as-Sabʿ, aangesteek. 'Well of the Eath') is die grootste stad in die Negev -woestyn in die suide van Israel. Dit word dikwels die 'hoofstad van die Negev' genoem, en is die middelpunt van die vierde mees bevolkte metropolitaanse gebied in Israel, die agtste bevolkte Israelitiese stad met 'n bevolking van 209 687, [1] en die tweede grootste stad ( na Jerusalem) met 'n totale oppervlakte van 117 500 dunam.

Die Bybelse plek Beersheba is Tel Be'er Sheva, ongeveer 4 km ver van die moderne stad, wat aan die begin van die 20ste eeu deur die Ottomaanse Turke gestig is. [2] Die stad is tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog verower deur die Britse geleide Australiese Light Horse in die Slag van Beersheba. Bir Seb'a (Arabies: بئر السبع), soos dit bekend was, is as deel van die Arabiese staat in die Verenigde Nasies se verdelingsplan vir Palestina voorgestel. Na die verklaring van Israel se onafhanklikheid het die Egiptiese leër sy magte in Beersheba versamel as 'n strategiese en logistieke basis. In die Slag van Berseba wat in Oktober 1948 gevoer is, is dit deur die Israeliese Weermag verower. [3]

Beersheba het aansienlik gegroei sedert Israel se onafhanklikheid. 'N Groot deel van die bevolking bestaan ​​uit die afstammelinge van Sephardi -Jode en Mizrahi -Jode wat na 1948 uit Arabiese lande geïmmigreer het, asook kleiner gemeenskappe van Bene Israel en Cochin -Jode uit Indië. Tweede en derde immigrasiegolwe het sedert 1990 plaasgevind, wat Russiessprekende Ashkenazi-Joodse immigrante uit die voormalige Sowjetunie, sowel as Beta Israel-immigrante uit Ethiopië, gebring het. Die Sowjet -immigrante het van die skaak 'n groot sport in Beersheba gemaak, en dit is nou die nasionale skaaksentrum van Israel, met meer skaakmeesters per capita as enige ander stad ter wêreld, wat dit in sommige opsigte die skaakhoofstad van die wêreld maak. [4]


Afghanistan: Augustus 2011

Op 6 Augustus 2011 het Amerikaanse magte in Afghanistan hul enigste dodelikste dag in die byna dekade lange oorlog gely, toe opstandelinge van die Taliban 'n CH-47 Chinook-helikopter neergeskiet het en 30 Amerikaners en agt Afghanen doodgemaak het. Augustus was 'n besonder dodelike maand vir Afgaanse burgerlikes, wat die helfte van tientalle aanvalle en IED -ontploffings regoor die land gedra het. Volgens die Associated Press was Afgaanse regeringsamptenare blykbaar woedend toe hulle verneem het van geheime Amerikaanse gesprekke met 'n afgesant van die Taliban -leier, Mullah Mohammed Omar, en in reaksie blyk dit dat die besonderhede van die geheime vergaderings uitgelek het, die gesprekke onderbreek en die afgevaardigde gestuur is wegkruip in Europa. Terwyl die VSA sy plan om gevegsmagte aan die einde van 2014 te onttrek, voortgaan, het 'n onderhandelde skikking tussen die Karzai -regering en die Taliban 'n belangrike doelwit geword, maar alle betrokke partye voer na berig word afsonderlike, dikwels geheime gesprekke met verskeie kontakte binne die opstand . Hier is foto's van die voortdurende konflik die afgelope 31 dae, deel van 'n deurlopende maandelikse reeks oor Afghanistan. (Redakteur se nota, die volgende plasing hier sal op Sondag 4 September wees)

US Army Flight Medic Brandon Lowther (links) hou die hand van 'n noodlottige gewonde Amerikaanse weermag -soldaat vas terwyl hy per helikopter van die Medevac -helikopter van die 159ste Brigade Task Force Thunder op 24 Augustus 2011 na die Kandahar -hospitaal rol 3. Twee Amerikaanse soldate is swaar beseer deur geweerskote en na die hospitaal gebring. #

(1 van 2) 'n Voertuig wat 'n aanval met die 2de Combat Engineer Battalion oortree het, het 'n spoedvuur afgevuur om geïmproviseerde plofbare toestelle in en om die Ladar Bazaar in Shukvani, Helmand -provinsie, Afghanistan, skoon te maak. Die aanklag bestaan ​​uit 1,750 pond C4-plofstof en word langs 'n tou van 350 voet versprei. #

(2 van 2) 'n Ontploffing skud die grond in die Ladar -basaar in Shukvani, Helmand -provinsie, Afghanistan, nadat 'n lyndaad ontplof is. Tweede Combat Engineer Battalion het die mark gelykgemaak om dit van geïmproviseerde plofbare toestelle skoon te maak en die gebied 'n veiliger plek vir plaaslike inwoners te maak. #

Spc. Adam Supino, outomatiese wapenskutskieter van die M249-span verbonde aan die Provinsiale Rekonstruksiespan van Laghman, neem 'n blaaskans terwyl hy op 'n veiligheidsstop was tydens 'n meerdaagse operasie op 21 Augustus 2011 in die distrik Alingar in die provinsie Laghman. Die PRT, gekombineer met bates van die 45ste Infanteriebrigade, het 'n kordaat en soektog in 'n dorp gedoen wat vermoedelik die tuiste was van IED -makers en Taliban -vegters. #

'N Lugfoto van 'n vliegtuig toon 'n Afgaanse kind wat op 24 Augustus 2011 'n vrou deur die strate van 'n dorpie naby Pasab, sowat 30 kilometer wes van Kandahar, gevolg het.

Rehmat Ullaha, Afgaanse vrugteverkoper, neem 'n foto op 'n plaaslike mark in Kaboel, Afghanistan, op 5 Augustus 2011. #

Lede van die Afghaanse nasionale weermag en Amerikaanse weermag soldate van Alpha Company 2de bataljon 27ste infanterie (The Wolfhounds), Task Force No Fear kyk na 'n Chinook -helikopter wat voorrade vervoer wat aankom by Observation Post Mace van FOB Bostick in die ooste van Afghanistan Naray, naby die grens van Pakistan, op 26 Augustus 2011. #

'N Afgaanse vrou kyk na 'n uitstalling in die Kaboel -museum op 4 Augustus 2011 in Kaboel, Afghanistan. Die beelde wat deur Islamiste tydens die Taliban -regime vernietig is, is herstel ná die ineenstorting van die hardliners in 2001. #

'N Antieke beeldhouwerk word op 4 Augustus 2011 in die Kaboel -museum vertoon. Gedeeltes van die versameling is in sewe lande uitgestal. #

Amerikaanse infanterist Private Freymond Tyler van Delta Company, 2-87 Infanteriebataljon, 3de Brigade Combat Team, slaap op sy skootrekenaar langs sy geweer in die kaserne van Delta Company by die gevegspos Makuan in die provinsie Kandahar in die suide van Afghanistan op 13 Augustus 2011- 'n dag voor 'n lug- en grondaanval deur Delta Company teen opstandelinge in die nabygeleë Maiwand -distrik. Volgens majoor Kirby Dennis, operasionele beampte van Task Force 2-87, het die aanval op 14 Augustus 2011, 'n aanval van vyf uur in die Maiwand-distrik, gelei tot die vaslegging van agt Afghanen, onder wie twee vermeende Taliban-leiers en 'n verskeidenheid bomkomponente. #

'N Afgaanse meisie begroet 'n gesamentlike patrollie van Amerikaanse troepe van die Charlie Company, 2-87 Infanterie, 3de Brigade-gevegspan en Afghaanse soldate in die Kandalay-dorpie in die suidelike Afghaanse provinsie Kandahar, op 8 Augustus 2011. #

'N Afgaanse man dra sy besittings terwyl hy verby brandende tenkwaens in die buitewyke van Kaboel, Afghanistan, op 4 Augustus 2011 ry. Die polisie het gesê dat ongeveer vyf brandstoftenkwaens wat brandstof vir die NAVO en Amerikaanse troepe in Afghanistan aan die brand gesteek het, binne 'n depot in Kaboel aan die brand geslaan het. #

Afgaanse mans kyk na brandstoftenkwaens wat in Kabul aan die brand gesteek het, op 4 Augustus 2011. Die polisie het gesê dat hulle die voorval ondersoek, sonder dat daar enige ongevalle aangemeld is, maar tot dusver enige terreurbetrokkenheid van die hand gewys het. #

'N Afgaanse winkelier maak glas op stukkies buite sy winkel naby die British Council in Kaboel, Afghanistan, op 20 Augustus 2011. Die hoofstad van die land het Saterdag herstel van 'n aanval van agt uur op 'n Britse samelewing 'n dag tevore, terwyl agt mense dood is, waaronder vier polisie beamptes, twee Afghaanse veiligheidswagte, twee buitelandse veiligheidswagte en tientalle gewondes. #

Sayed Mohammad Nabi, 'n 42-jarige boer van Kalakan Village, wys op 8 Augustus 2011 'n paar wingerdstokke in die Shomali-paleise noord van Kaboel tydens die druiwe-oes. Die Shomali -vlakte is 'n plato noord van Kaboel, vrugbaar en ryk aan water, en was ongeveer 23 jaar 'n groot slagveld. #

'N Skilderagtige uitsig van 'n Army UH-60 Black Hawk-helikopter wat op 18 Augustus oor die Streekkommando-Oos, Afghanistan, vlieg.

Twee Afghaanse burgermanne lê in die Medevac van die 159ste Brigade Task Force Thunder, wat op 25 Augustus 2011 na die Kandahar -hospitaalheld vervoer word. Drie Afghaanse burgers is swaar beseer deur 'n motorongeluk. #

'N Gewonde Afgaanse man maak sy oë toe terwyl hy per helikopter na die Kandahar -hospitaalheld geneem word deur 'n Medevac van die 159ste Brigade Task Force Thunder op 26 Augustus 2011. Die man is deur 'n IED getref en het sy regterbeen verloor. #

'N Span vir die verwydering van plofstowwe ry met hul voertuig na 'n afgesonderde gebied om 'n geïmproviseerde ploftoestel wat op 8 Augustus 2011 deur die plaaslike Afghaanse nasionale polisie in die Alingar -distrik in die provinsie Laghman gevind is, weg te doen. #

Die familie van die Amerikaanse Marine Corps, luitenant -kolonel Benjamin Palmer, staan ​​terwyl die oorskot van die kolonel na sy begrafnisgeleentheid op die Arlington National Cemetery op 23 Augustus 2011 in Arlington, Virginia, gebring word. Opgedra by Marine Wing Headquarters Squadron 2, Palmer (43) van Modesto, Kalifornië, is op 12 Mei doodgeskiet deur 'n lid van die paramilitêre Afghaanse burgerorde -polisie -eenheid wat hy in die Helmand -provinsie begelei het. #

Plaaslike branderplankryers herdenk die bom -tegnikus van die vloot en Kraig Vickers, inwoner van Virginia Beach, wat op 6 Augustus in die helikopterongeluk in Afghanistan gesterf het, deur 'n reuse -sirkel te vorm, hande en spane in mekaar te steek tydens 'n seremonie genaamd 'paddle out', op 9 Augustus 2011. Vickers was 'n surfer en stand up paddle boarder oorspronklik van Hawaii. #

Soldate van die Afgaanse nasionale weermag neem hul posisie binne die samestelling van die Mullah Omar-moskee in tydens 'n patrollie met Amerikaanse troepe van die Battle Co., 1-32 Infanteriebataljon, 3rd Brigade Combat Team in die dorp Sangsar in die provinsie Kandahar, die hart van die Taliban in die suide van Afghanistan , op 10 Augustus 2011. #

Die rivier Darya ye Kunar -vallei naby Assadabad word op 20 Augustus 2011 vanuit 'n Kanadese Molson -aannemerhelikopter in die oostelike Afghanistan -provinsie Kunar gesien. #

Hierdie kombinasiefoto toon die 30 troepe wat dood is toe hul helikopter op 6 Augustus 2011 in Afghanistan neergesak is. Die Pentagon het die Amerikaners geïdentifiseer as 17 lede van die elite Navy SEALs, vyf Naval Special Warfare -personeel wat die SEALs ondersteun, drie Air Force Special Operasionele personeel en 'n weermaghelikopterpersoneel van vyf. #

Hierdie foto wat op 10 Augustus 2011 geneem is, toon hoe vegters met die Taliban-milisie in Afghanistan op 'n begraafplaas staan, naby die plek waar 'n CH-47 Chinook-helikopter met Amerikaanse troepe neergestort het en 38 persone doodgemaak het, waaronder 30 Amerikaanse soldate, in die afgeleë Tangi-vallei in die Wardak-provinsie. , wes van Kaboel. Opstandelinge van die Taliban wat 'n Amerikaanse Chinook -helikopter in Afghanistan neergeskiet het en 30 Amerikaanse troepe dood gelaat het, is in 'n lugaanval gejaag en doodgemaak, het 'n Amerikaanse bevelvoerder op 10 Augustus gesê. wat die Amerikaners omgekom het, bly op vrye voet, sê generaal John Allen, bevelvoerder van die NAVO-geleide magte in Afghanistan. #

Korporaal van die Amerikaanse weermag Frances Gadiane van Alpha Company 2de bataljon 27ste infanterie (die Wolfhounds), Task Force No Fear uit San Diego, Kalifornië, neem pos by aankoms by Observation Post Mace van FOB Bostick in die oostelike Afghanistan Naray distrik, op 26 Augustus 2011. #

Die neus van 'n A-10 Thunderbolt II, gesien terwyl dit in die lug oor die suide van Afghanistan gevul word. Die mees prominente kenmerk van die A-10 Thunderbolt II is die 30 mm GAU-8/A Avenger Gatling-gun kanon, wat 3.900 rondtes per minuut kan afvuur. #

Ahmad Taki, 'n menslikehulpbronbestuurder by die belangrikste internasionale militêre basis, speel op 8 Augustus 2011 kitaar by sy woning in Kaboel, Afghanistan. met die Amerikaners 'n kaartjie na die Verenigde State sou voorsien. Nou, byna nege maande nadat hy aansoek gedoen het vir 'n visumprogram vir gevalle soos syne, het hy niks gehoor nie en voel hy verlate deur die mense vir wie hy sy lewe in gevaar gestel het. #

Twee V-22 Osprey-vliegtuie berei hulself voor op opstyg vanaf Camp Bastion, Helmand-provinsie, Afghanistan, op 22 Augustus 2011. #

'N Amerikaanse infanteris van Delta Company, 2-87 Infanteriebataljon, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, berei sy ammunisie voor in die kaserne van die Delta Company by die gevegspos Makuan in die provinsie Kandahar in die suide van Afghanistan op 13 Augustus 2011. #

Gevangde Taliban -verdagte geïdentifiseer as 'aangehoudenes nommer 1' wag op ondervraging by aankoms by die Forward Operating Base Pasab in die Zahri -distrik, Kandahar -provinsie in die suide van Afghanistan, op 15 Augustus 2011, na 'n vyf uur lange grond- en lugaanvaloperasie deur Amerikaanse troepe uit Bravo en Delta maatskappy, 2-87 Infanteriebataljon, 3de Brigade-gevegspan en Afghaanse nasionale veiligheidsmagte in die distrik Maiwand. #

Provinsiale rekonstruksiespan Zabul konvooi langs die Tarnekrivier in Qalat City, Afghanistan, op 24 Augustus 2011. #

Die Afgaanse krygsheer Haji Tor Gani, poseer met sy Russiese aanvalsgeweer nadat hy 'n iftar -onthaal gehou het vir Amerikaanse militêre amptenare wat deel uitmaak van die 2de Bataljon, 87ste Infanterieregiment, die 3de Brigade -gevegspan, ter ere van Islam se heilige maand Ramadan. Die onthaal is op 11 Augustus 2011 gehou by die hoogs beveiligde kompleks van Tor Gani in 'n dorpie in die distrik Zahri in die suidelike Kandahar -provinsie in Afghanistan. #

Amerikaanse soldate van die 3de peloton, Charlie Company, 2-87 Infanterie, 3d Brigade Combat Team hou wag terwyl troepe 'n kanaal afsny wat deur snelweg 1 in die buitewyke van die Kandalay-dorp in die provinsie Kandahar loop, op 6 Augustus 2011. Volgens kaptein Max Ferguson -bevelvoerder van Charlie Co., 'n lid van die Taliban, is dood terwyl hy probeer het om 'n IED op ongeveer 800 meter van die gebied af te plaas waar soldate met 'n ysterrooster en doringdraad van die straat afgesluit was. #

Intern ontheemde Afghaanse meisies kyk op 9 Augustus 2011 uit 'n glasvenster van 'n plaashuis in 'n vlugtelingkamp in Kaboel, Afghanistan. Volgens UNHCR bly daar steeds 2,7 miljoen geregistreerde Afganese vlugtelinge in Pakistan en Iran. #

Mans trek terug terwyl 'n vuurbal opstaan ​​uit tenkwaens wat brandstof vir die NAVO -magte in Afghanistan vervoer het, terwyl hulle ontplof nadat hulle op 19 Augustus 2011 aan die buitewyke van Quetta, Pakistan, aangeval is. Daar is geen ongevalle aangemeld nie. #

Plaaslike inwoners kyk na die brandende NAVO -olietenkskepe na 'n aanval deur gewapende mans op die hoofweg by die dorp Kolpur, 25 km suid van Quetta, op 22 Augustus 2011. Gewapende mans op motorfietse in die suidweste van Pakistan op 22 Augustus het aan die brand gesteek. minstens 19 olietenkwaens wat brandstof vir die NAVO-magte onder leiding van die VSA in naburige Afghanistan vervoer, het amptenare gesê. #

Amerikaanse soldate kom naby 'n vernietigde voertuig bymekaar en beskerm hul gesigte teen rotorwas, terwyl hul gewonde kamerade op 23 Augustus 2011 deur 'n Medevac -helikopter van die 159ste Brigade Task Force Thunder na die Kandahar -hospitaal rol 3 opgehef word. Drie soldate is gewond terwyl hul Die voertuig is vernietig deur 'n geïmproviseerde eksplosiewe toestel (IED). #

'N Afgaanse man stop om op 'n foto te poseer terwyl hy op sy motorfiets ry langs snelweg 1 in die provinsie Zabul, Afghanistan, op 23 Augustus 2011. Anders as in baie ander lande, is dit normaal dat mense in Afghanistan ongeveer 100 kilometer per dag fietsry om kos te vervoer . #

Soldate by die 506ste Infanterieregiment van die Amerikaanse weermag, 4de Brigade Combat Team, 101ste Airborne Division uit Fort Campbell, Kentucky, klim op 'n vliegtuig terwyl hulle op pad huis toe begin na voltooiing van hul jaarlange ontplooiing, op 4 Augustus 2011 by Forward Operation Base Sharana in die Paktika -provinsie, Afghanistan. Die 4de Brigade -gevegspan was die laaste brigade wat as deel van president Obama se 30 000 troepe -oplewing ontplooi is. #

Die verloofde van die Britse weermag, Daniel John Clack, se verloofde Amy Tinley (2de van links), ma Sue Clack (links) en broer James (regs) kom bymekaar net voordat sy kis op 18 Augustus 2011 deur die stad Wootton Bassett, Engeland, gery word. Clack (24) van die 1ste Bataljon The Rifles is doodgemaak terwyl hy die vorige Vrydag in Afghanistan gedien het. #

Ons wil hoor wat u van hierdie artikel dink. Dien 'n brief aan die redakteur in of skryf aan [email protected]


IDF vermoor 14 in Gaza

Dit is presies die soort geskenk wat Israeliese regses soos Bibi Netanyahu liefhet. Gekonfronteer met 'n toenemende interne krisis in die vorm van die J14 -beweging, het Palestynse verwerpers hom sy “ Get Out of Political Crisis Free ” -kaart aan hom oorhandig. Gisteraand se aanval in Eilat het 'n Israeliese reaksie aangevuur wat beskryf kan word as onbeheerbare woede, wat 14, waaronder drie kinders, doodgemaak het. Vandag het 'n Israeliese hommeltuig heldhaftig vir die vaderland gevaar deur 'n motor (of in ander berigte 'n motorfiets) te verbrand wat 'n Palestynse dokter en sy gesin na die hospitaal vervoer het vir behandeling vir 'n siek kind. Die dokter, sy broer en die seuntjie van die dokter is in die aanval dood. Ynet het aangekondig: Oeps, ons het gemis. Die hommeltuig was daarop gemik om 'n terroriste -sel in die omgewing te reis. WAFA sê die dokter se broer was 'n bevelvoerder van Al Quds, wat beteken dat die IDF bereid is om siek 2 -jarige kinders dood te maak om ook beweerde terroriste te kry.

Dit is miskien gepas om die seuntjie se kis na die premier se huis te stuur en dit 'n paar dae buite sy deur te laat sit sodat hy kan dink aan die bloed wat hy vergiet. O, maar ek het vergeet dat Palestynse bloed minder rooi is as Joodse bloed.

Hamas het die wapenstilstand wat hy vereer het, beëindig sedert die einde van Operasie Cast Lead in 2009. Nou, óf ons sal weer 'n oorlog voer, óf op een of ander manier dinge regmaak sodat Israel en Palestina kan voortgaan om te hink soos die kreupeles wat hulle is.

Egipte het sy ambassadeur getrek in die lig van Israel se dood van twee Egiptiese polisiebeamptes gister op die grens van Gaza. As ek Israel was, sou ek wakker word en ruik na die vars koffie wat in Kaïro brou. Dit is nie meer meneer Nice Guy in sy betrekkinge met Egipte nie. As u die porselein breek, sal u die prys betaal, anders as onder die ywerige vriend van Israel, Mubarak. Volgens hierdie verslag is vyf Egiptiese polisie gister dood deur Israeliese vuur, maar vroeër berigte het gesê dat twee dood is. Twee sterftes is dalk 'n fout, maar vyf begin soos 'n slagting lyk, wat die terugtrekking van hul ambassadeur kan verklaar.

Egipte eis ook 'n amptelike Israeliese verskoning, wat nou twee Moslem -lande laat aandring dat Israel om verskoning vra dat hulle hul burgers vermoor het. Voordat jy dit weet, wil elke land in die streek een hê! Die ministerie van buitelandse sake wil moontlik tyd en moeite bespaar deur 'n formele ‘Apologie -sjabloon ’ op te stel waarin hulle leë spasies laat om die besonderhede van die gruweldaad waarvoor Israel om verskoning vra, in te vul.

Lia Tarachansky het 'n moontlik baie belangrike meningsverskil tussen senior Israeliese amptenare onthul oor wie verantwoordelik is vir die aanval. Bibi Netanyahu het die gewilde weerstandskomitees baie spesifiek die skuld vir die aanval gegee. Maar in haar onderhoud met Avital Leibowitz, woordvoerder van die IDF, weier laasgenoemde om te sê dat die PRC verantwoordelik is. Trouens, sy sê spesifiek dat sy die premier Netanyahu nie is nie, en dat sy haar baas implisiet verwerp. Ek dink dit is 'n groot breuk in die verhaal. Dit wil voorkom asof Israel die leiding van die PRC wou vermoor en die terreuraanval gebruik het om dit te doen. Al wat Leibowitz op band sal sê, is dat iemand uit Gaza verantwoordelik is, wat 'n bietjie is soos om te sê dat iemand uit Saoedi -Arabië verantwoordelik was vir die 9/11 aanvalle.

Anders as die Palestynse nuusagentskap Maan, kan Israeliese media blykbaar nie dadelik erken dat Palestyne vandag in Gaza vermoor is nie. Die hoofopskrif van Haaretz is Rockets Hit Ashdod in die suide van Israel en Ynet ’s is Rocket Salvo Hits South. Slegs in die vierde paragraaf van hierdie verhaal leer u dat die IDF 15 Palestyne doodgemaak het.

Laastens het pres. Obama – is iemand tuis? Waar is Dan Shapiro, u ambassadeur in Israel? Gaan u die geboortepyne van demokrasie vier soos Condi Rice tydens die Libanonoorlog gedoen het? Of gaan u iets doen voordat die Israeliese verhuurder regtig kranksinnig raak (baal ha-bayit hishtageah)? O, hoekom mors ek my asem. Obama gaan eenvoudig voort met dieselfde slap beleid wat hy altyd gevolg het rakende Israel.


Omagh bombardement

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Omagh bombardement, terreuraanval in Omagh, County Tyrone, Noord -Ierland, op 15 Augustus 1998, waarin 'n bom wat in 'n motor versteek is, ontplof en 29 mense dood en meer as 200 ander beseer is. Die Omagh-bomaanval, uitgevoer deur lede van die Real Irish Republican Army (Real IRA, of New IRA), was die dodelikste en mees skadelike aanval wat plaasgevind het tydens die drie dekades lange burgerlike konflik, bekend as die Troubles in Noord-Ierland . Die aanval kom slegs maande nadat die burgers van Noord -Ierland ten gunste van die Goeie Vrydag -ooreenkoms gestem het, 'n dokument wat die nodige stappe vir vrede en die volgorde waarin dit geneem moet word, uiteensit.

The Troubles-'n burgerlike konflik tussen lede van die meerderheid-protestantse gemeenskap van Noord-Ierland, wat wou hê dat Noord-Ierland 'n deel van die Verenigde Koninkryk sou bly, en die minderheid-Katolieke gemeenskap, wat wou hê dat die provinsie deel sou word van die Republiek Ierland- in die laat 1960's. Laat in 1997 het die Ierse Republikeinse Weermag (IRA) en verskeie Protestantse paramilitêre groepe 'n skietstilstand verklaar. Op 10 April 1998 het afgevaardigdes wat die belangrikste partye in die konflik verteenwoordig, die Goeie Vrydag -ooreenkoms onderteken.

'N Aantal IRA-lede was dit egter nie eens met die besluit om 'n skietstilstand te verklaar nie, en hulle het 'n afsku gehad van die Goeie Vrydag-ooreenkoms, wat vereis dat die IRA 'n politieke oplossing vir die konflik soek deur sy verteenwoordigende politieke party, Sinn Féin. Hierdie lede het met die groep verdeel en 'n mededingende organisasie gevorm, die Real IRA.

Daar word geglo dat lede van die Real IRA op die dag van die bombardement oor die grens van die Republiek Ierland na Omagh in Noord -Ierland gery het. Omagh, 'n klein dorpie met 'n grootliks katolieke bevolking, het lankal 'n garnisoen van die Britse leër gehuisves. Vroegmiddag het 'n motor met 'n bom van 500 pond op die markplein van die stad geparkeer, 'n gebied wat gereeld stampvol was, en nog meer op die dag van die bombardement, wat die laaste dag van 'n jaarlikse karnavalweek in die stad was.

Omstreeks 14:30 is 'n oproep na Omagh se polisiemag gebel om hulle van 'n bom te waarsku. Die polisie het geglo dat dit naby die stadshuis was, 'n gebou aan die teenoorgestelde kant van die hoofstraat van die markplein. Die polisie het hulle gehaas om die gebied skoon te maak en mense tragies na die mark gerig. Kort ná 15:00 ontplof die motorbom en vernietig twee geboue daar naby.

Die aanval het die vredesooreenkomste onmiddellik in die gedrang gebring. Hoewel die Real IRA vinnig agterdogtig geraak het, het baie Unionistiese politici verklaar dat die versuim van die IRA om te ontwapen - sy onwilligheid om dit te doen 'n groot struikelblok was tydens die vredesproses - die gruweldaad moontlik gemaak het. Gerry Adams, president van Sinn Féin, het gerusgestel oor die toewyding van die IRA tot die vredesproses, en het 'n ongekende verklaring afgelê waarin die bombardemente veroordeel word. Voorheen was die IRA se standpunt dat burgerlike sterftes betreurenswaardig maar geregverdig was. In die dae wat volg op die bomaanval, het die Britse parlement streng nuwe antiterrorisme -wette goedgekeur waarmee verdagtes op die woord van 'n senior polisiebeampte skuldig bevind kon word, en die Real IRA het om verskoning gevra vir die bombardement en daarop aangedring dat burgerlikes nie die teiken was nie.

In Desember 2001 het Nuala O'Loan, die ombudsman vir die nuwe veiligheidsmag van Noord -Ierland, 'n verslag uitgereik waarin die optrede van die Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), veral die beamptes van die spesiale tak, in die dae voor die bombardement ernstig gekritiseer is. Die verslag beweer dat 'n hoog aangeskrewe polisie -informant sy hanteerders van die spesiale tak gewaarsku het dat 'n bomaanval iewers in Noord -Ierland vir 15 Augustus beplan word. vir daardie datum beplan. Rekords van die gebeure is egter nooit in die spesiale tak gevind nie.

Die gesinne van die slagoffers het verontwaardiging uitgespreek oor die gevolgtrekkings van die verslag, verontwaardiging wat eers toegeneem het toe die enigste persoon wat skuldig bevind is in verband met die Omagh-bombardement, die burger van Republiek Ierland, Colm Murphy, sy skuldigbevinding omvergewerp en 'n herverhoor in 2005 gelas het omdat wetstoepassers met onderhoudsnotas gepeuter en hulself meegeval. 'N Tweede verdagte, Sean Hoey, Murphy se neef, is in 2007 vrygespreek, terwyl die regter weereens die wetstoepassers se hantering van bewyse uit die aanval sterk gekritiseer het.

Die families van die slagoffers, gefrustreerd deur die strafhof, het die saak na die burgerlike hof geneem en Murphy, Seamus Daly, Liam Campbell en die stigter van die Real IRA, Michael McKevitt, aangekla vir hul betrokkenheid by die bombardement. Op 8 Junie 2009 het 'n regter bevind dat die vier mans aanspreeklik was vir die aanval en die familielede £ 1,6 miljoen toegeken het. In 2014 is Daly, die laaste oorblywende verdagte, aangekla van moord op die wat dood is tydens die bomaanval, die aanklagte teen hom is in 2016 laat vaar.


19 Augustus 2011- Terreuraanval in die Negev - Geskiedenis

Wetstoepassers sê die kanker van wit nasionalisme het op sosiale media en in die donker uithoeke van die internet versprei, wat 'n kopie-effek skep waarin aspirant moordenaars inspirasie put en probeer om mekaar te oortref. Die verdagte in El Paso was ten minste die derde vanjaar om 'n manifes op die aanlynboodskapforum 8chan te plaas voordat hy afmeld om massamoord te pleeg. Meer mense is die dag in El Paso dood as wat al 14 dienslede vanjaar op die slagvelde in Afghanistan, Irak en Sirië dood is.

Selfs as daar tans 'n ineenstorting was, sal dit jare neem voordat die groepe se momentum verdwyn, 'sê Daryl Johnson, 'n voormalige senior ontleder van die Departement van Binnelandse Veiligheid (DHS), wie se 2009 konserwatiewes het die verslag oor regse ekstremisme nog voor die vrylating daarvan opgehou. Ek is bang dat ons 'n keerpunt bereik het waar ons lankal in hierdie soort geweld kan ingaan. ”

Regse terrorisme is 'n wêreldwye probleem wat lei tot verwoestende aanvalle van Nieu-Seeland na Noorweë. Maar dit is veral gevaarlik in die VSA, met meer gewere per capita as op enige ander plek in die wêreld, 'n epidemie van massa -skietery, 'n basiese tradisie van vrye spraak wat die uitdrukking van haatlike ideologieë en wette beskerm wat dit moeilik maak om 'n gedegregeerde beweging wat grootliks in die skaduwee van die kuberruim bestaan.

Wetstoepassing ontbreek baie van die wapens wat dit gebruik teen buitelandse vyande soos Al-Qaeda. Om Amerika te beskerm teen die gevaar wat Islamitiese terreurgroepe inhou, het die federale regering 'n wêreldwye toesig- en intelligensie-netwerk gebou wat aanvalle kan stop voordat dit plaasvind. Federale agente het deur die Kongres ingewikkelde owerhede toegestaan ​​om buitelandse terroriste -verdagtes te beskadig. Daar bestaan ​​geen vergelykbare stelsel in gevalle van binnelandse terreur nie. Binnelandse terrorisme is nie eers 'n federale misdaad nie, wat die aanklaers dwing om verdagtes op grond van haatmisdaadwette aan te kla.

"Wit oppergesag is tans 'n groter bedreiging as internasionale terrorisme," sê David Hickton, 'n voormalige Amerikaanse prokureur wat die Universiteit van Pittsburgh Institute for Cyber ​​Law, Policy and Security bestuur. Ons word van binne geëet. ” Tog sê Hickton dat federale aanklaers beperk is in die verhoor van binnelandse sake. Ek moet 'n wit oppergesag agtervolg met haatmisdade, tensy hy met Al-Qaeda in aanraking kom. Maak dit sin? ”

Dan is daar die probleem van 'n opperbevelhebber wie se retoriek die uiterste regse ekstremiste weerspieël, bekragtig en moontlik inspireer. Die dekvloer wat deur die vermeende terroris in El Paso geplaas is, het gesê dat hy gemotiveer is deur 'n vermeende Spaanse inval in Texas. ” President Trump ’s veldtog het ongeveer 2 200 Facebook -advertensies geplaas wat gewaarsku het van 'n “ inval ” by die grens, volgens 'n CNN -ontleding. Dit is 'n term wat hy gereeld in tweets en onderhoude gebruik. Mense haat die woord inval, maar dit is wat dit is, en hy het in Maart in die Oval Office gesê. Dit is 'n inval van dwelms en misdadigers en mense. (Die El Paso -skieter het gesê sy optrede hou nie verband met Trump nie. 'N Senior amptenaar van die administrasie het aan TIME gesê dat die kritiek wat die president se retoriek met geweld verbind het ’ 8220 ongelukkig, onredelik en duidelik polities gemotiveerd. ”)

In die nasleep van die El Paso -aanval, gevolg deur 'n tweede massaskietery in Dayton, Ohio, ongeveer 13 uur later, het Trump belowe om die federale owerhede te gee wat hulle nodig het om binnelandse terrorisme te bekamp. Hy het gesê dat wetstoepassers 'n beter taak moet doen om vroeë waarskuwingstekens te identifiseer en op te tree en dat hy die departement van justisie opdrag gee om in samewerking met plaaslike, staats- en federale agentskappe, sowel as sosiale media-ondernemings, te werk , to develop tools that can detect mass shooters before they strike.”

But White House officials did not specify which new authorities are needed. Nor does the Administration’s record offer much hope. In the early days of his presidency, the Trump Administration gutted the DHS office that focused on violent extremism in the U.S. and pulled funding for grants that were meant to go to organizations countering neo-Nazis, white supremacists, antigovernment militants and other like-minded groups.

The El Paso suspect was born in 1998, three years after the worst homegrown terrorist attack in American history. The bombing of Oklahoma City’s Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building was carried out by Timothy McVeigh, a Gulf War veteran who wanted to exact revenge against the federal government for the deadly sieges in Waco, Texas, and Ruby Ridge, Idaho. The sprawling investigation that followed McVeigh’s attack, which killed 168 people, foreshadowed some of the challenges facing law enforcement today.

The bombing helped call attention to the threat of domestic terrorism. But that focus dissipated in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, which drove the full force of the U.S. national-security system into fighting Islamic terrorism. From 2005 to 2009, according to a Justice Department audit, the number of FBI agents assigned to domestic-terrorism probes averaged less than 330 out of a total of almost 2,000 FBI agents assigned to counterterrorism cases.

By the end of George W. Bush’s presidency, however, it had become apparent to U.S. officials monitoring such threats that something serious was brewing at home. The prospect of the first black President sparked a sharp rise in far-right groups, from so-called Patriot movement adherents to antigovernment militias, according to analysts at DHS. The Secret Service took the unprecedented step of assigning Barack Obama a protective detail in May 2007, mere months into his campaign and long before candidates typically receive protection.

Johnson, who led a six-person group at DHS’ Office of Intelligence and Analysis, began working on a report about the rise of right-wing extremism. It warned that white nationalists, antigovernment extremists and members of other far-right groups were seizing on the economic crisis and Obama’s ascension to recruit new members. Johnson was preparing to release his report when a similar study by the Missouri Information Analysis Center, meant for law-enforcement officers, was leaked to the public in February 2009. The paper, titled “The Modern Militia Movement,” linked members of these militias to fundamentalist Christian, anti-abortion or anti-immigration movements.

The report was pilloried by GOP groups and politicians for singling out conservatives as possible criminals. Missouri officials warned Johnson about the blowback he could expect for publishing a similar analysis. But Johnson, who describes himself as a conservative Republican, says he thought the DHS lawyers and editors who worked on the report would provide a layer of protection from GOP criticism. “I didn’t think the whole Republican Party would basically throw a hissy fit,” he recalls.

But when the DHS report was leaked to conservative bloggers in April 2009, it provoked an outcry from Republicans and conservative media, who painted it as a political hit job by the Obama Administration. DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano, who originally issued a broad defense of the report, apologized to the American Legion for one of its most controversial components–a section that raised concerns about military veterans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan and subsequently being susceptible targets for recruitment by right-wing groups. Johnson’s team was slowly disbanded the number of analysts devoted to non-Islamic domestic terrorism dwindled from six to zero in 2010, he said.

The Missouri and DHS reports were early examples of how the fight against right-wing terrorism would be hamstrung by politics. For years, “there’s been a visceral response from politicians that if these groups are being labeled as ‘right wing,’ then it’s Republicans who are responsible for those groups’ activities,” says Jason Blazakis, former director of the Counterterrorism Finance and Designations Office at the U.S. State Department, who is now a professor at the Middlebury Institute in Monterey, Calif. “It’s unfortunate, but I think in many ways this has resulted and served this reluctance in the Republican side to take as strong of action as they could.”

In interviews, veterans of the FBI, DHS and other national-security agencies recalled moments during the Obama Administration when they realized the domestic-terror threat was expanding unchecked. In January 2011, local police in Spokane, Wash., narrowly averted a tragedy when they redirected a Martin Luther King Day parade away from a roadside bomb planted on the route, loaded with shrapnel coated with a substance meant to keep blood from clotting in wounds. At the time, it was one of the most sophisticated improvised explosive devices to appear in the U.S. Two months later, the FBI arrested Kevin William Harpham, 36, a former U.S. Army member linked to the neo-Nazi National Alliance. “I remember being like, ‘Wow, we have a problem,'” recalls former FBI agent Clint Watts, a fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. “The belief was always that this would be al-Qaeda, not a former soldier who is a white supremacist.”

In 2011, the Obama White House released a strategy to “empower local partners” to counter violent extremism. As part of that plan, DHS official George Selim was put in charge of leading these efforts as director of an interagency task force in 2016. Selim’s office of community partnerships, which had been set up a year earlier, grew to 16 full-time employees and 25 contractors, with a total budget of $21 million. As part of its work, it had $10 million in grants for local programs to counter propaganda, recognize the signs of radicalization in local communities and intervene to stop attacks before they happen.

But the Obama Administration was wary of the political blowback, according to a senior government official familiar with the efforts of the FBI and DHS, and mindful of the government’s lack of legal authority to monitor domestic hate speech, obtain search or surveillance warrants, or recruit sources. Meanwhile, the threat continued to grow, fueled in online forums. In June 2015, Dylann Roof, a 21-year-old who posted on the neo-Nazi site Stormfront under the screen name “Lil Aryan,” opened fire in a black church in Charleston, S.C., killing nine parishioners.

Then Trump won the White House. In the new Administration, efforts to confront domestic extremism “came to a grinding halt,” says Selim. The new Administration redirected federal resources on Islamist terrorism. Barely a week into his presidency, Reuters reported that Trump had tried to change the name of the Countering Violent Extremism program to Countering Radical Islamic Extremism.

The Administration’s reconstituted Office for Targeted Violence and Terrorism Prevention saw its mission expand while its staffing and budget were slashed to a fraction of what it had been, according to a former DHS official. “The infrastructure we had labored over for years started to get torn down,” says Selim, who also led counterterrorism efforts under George W. Bush. “It has been decimated in the past two years under this Administration.”

The Justice Department has also recently reorganized its domestic-terrorism categories in a way that masks the scope of white-supremacist violence, according to former FBI officials who say the change makes it harder to track or measure the scale of these attacks, which are often haphazardly classified as hate crimes or deferred to state and local authorities. The lack of clear data impacts the resources the FBI can devote to investigating them.

A second senior government official, granted anonymity to discuss the Trump Administration’s efforts, says that while FBI analysts continued to issue warnings about the alarming patterns of white-nationalist radicalization online, mid-level officials and political appointees quickly recognized that assessments that ran counter to what Trump was saying publicly would fall on deaf ears. “That could cost you a seat at the table,” the official says, “although there have been fewer and fewer tables to sit at and discuss intelligence and policy.”

As President, Trump has repeatedly downplayed the threat posed by white supremacists. He famously blamed “both sides” for violence at a white-nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017. Asked if he saw white nationalism as a rising threat in the wake of a March attack on two New Zealand mosques by an avowed racist who killed 51 people, he countered, “I don’t really. It’s a small group of people.”

In a nation where a mass shooting occurs on average about once a day, it is easy to be cynical about the prospect of change. But following the El Paso and Dayton attacks, there are glimmers of hope, however slight.

The crowded field of Democratic presidential candidates has jumped on the issue, ensuring that the national spotlight of the 2020 campaign will keep the debate over guns and domestic terrorism from fading away. In Congress, Democrats have rallied behind legislation that would require DHS, the FBI and the Justice Department to address white supremacism and right-wing extremism, including training and information sharing.

Among law enforcement there has been a new push for domestic terrorism to be codified as a federal crime. “Acts of violence intended to intimidate civilian populations or to influence or affect government policy should be prosecuted as domestic terrorism regardless of the ideology behind them,” Brian O’Hare, president of the FBI Agents Association, wrote in a statement. Such a change would give prosecutors new tools to confront the threat of domestic radicalization.

There has also been a noticeable shift in how law-enforcement and government officials talk about these attacks. FBI agents, politicians and federal attorneys have become quicker to label extremist violence committed by Americans as “terrorism.” On Aug. 6, the FBI announced it was opening a domestic-terrorism investigation into the suspect in Gilroy, noting that the gunman had a “target list” of religious institutions, political organizations and federal buildings. The day after the El Paso attack, the top federal prosecutor in western Texas declared that the incident would be treated as terrorism. “We’re going to do what we do to terrorists in this country, which is deliver swift and certain justice,” said U.S. Attorney John Bash.

This language matters, experts say. If we cannot call an evil by its name, how can we hope to defeat it? “You can’t really deal with the problem unless you acknowledge it exists,” says Mark Pitcavage, senior research fellow at the ADL’s Center on Extremism, who has studied far-right extremism since the mid-1990s. “We need a consensus that this is a problem, and we need to get together, irrespective of people’s partisan beliefs or anything else, to confront this problem for the good of everybody.”

–With reporting by ALANA ABRAMSON, TESSA BERENSON and JOHN WALCOTT/WASHINGTON


The Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

Nagasaki was a shipbuilding center, the very industry intended for destruction. The bomb was dropped at 11:02 a.m., 1,650 feet above the city. The explosion unleashed the equivalent force of 22,000 tons of TNT. The hills that surrounded the city did a better job of containing the destructive force, but the number killed is estimated at anywhere between 60,000 and 80,000 (exact figures are impossible, the blast having obliterated bodies and disintegrated records).

General Leslie R. Groves, the man responsible for organizing the Manhattan Project, which solved the problem of producing and delivering the nuclear explosion, estimated that another atom bomb would be ready to use against Japan by August 17 or 18𠅋ut it was not necessary. Even though the War Council still remained divided (“It is far too early to say that the war is lost,” opined the Minister of War), Emperor Hirohito, by request of two War Council members eager to end the war, met with the Council and declared that 𠇌ontinuing the war can only result in the annihilation of the Japanese people…” The Emperor of Japan gave his permission for unconditional surrender.


August 19 2011- Terror Attack in the Negev - History

The office workers at the Roden Center apparently do not suffer for lack of updated news.

As a full-throated supporter of the Gallente democratic tradition, part of me has always been uncomfortable with such a well known corporate mogul winning the Presidency. President Roden has a long history not in politics, but in the so-called military-industrial complex. Roden Shipyards is a major contractor to the Federation Navy. While their small-craft division is well known in the commercial sector, the President has made the vast part of his fortunes from manufacturing machines of war. The argument is easy to make (and I’m sure it has been) that, in fact, the President has a vested interest in making war to ensure the continued prosperity of his company. Given all that doom and gloom conspiracy theory making, one might assume that I’m not a fan of President Roden. On the contrary, I’ve been happy with the President so far. The war we’re admittedly in wasn’t started by us, but was rather brought upon us by an attack by the Caldari when our defenses were down. I can’t blame President Roden for that (though I realize certain conspiracy theorists would disagree with me).

A slight paraphrase of an ancient saying seems appropriate here: The sun never sets on Roden Shipyards

What I CAN blame President Roden on, however, is the plethora of Roden Shipyard facilities that seem to pop up throughout the Federation. At times, I feel like every other system I visit has some form of Roden facility, be it orbital facility, deep space military shipyards, or some other administrative center just floating in the middle of nowhere, why not. I thought I had discovered, by now, the various forms of the somewhat cookie-cutter Roden facilities. That’s why I was particularly surprised to discover that I had apparently missed one in my various wanderings through Gallente space. Merely called the Roden Center, the rather banal name drew my attention as I was warping through the system. Intrigued to see precisely what this new complex did, once I dropped out of warp at my original destination, I quickly turned around and warped back out from the gate. As I approached, I was met with a standard greeting:

Welcome to the Roden Center!

If you are here for the Roden Experience or the Jacus Roden History Museum, please proceed to docking bay two.
For guided tours of our offices, please proceed to a security checkpoint in docking bay three. Gift shops are available on all floors.

Thank you for visiting the Roden Center, where the Federation’s past and future collide!

Some of the cargo containers near the Center

Notwithstanding their somewhat hackneyed motto, the site itself seemed to be a bustling spaceport in its own right. Ships flitted around the area, while massive cargo vessels were docked, ready to load or unload their cargo. Most striking about the complex, however, was the dozen news billboards surrounding the station. Apparently, Roden valued well-informed employees, as each of those billboards were tuned into the CONCORD Information Network that could be found at every stargate. I was immediately reminded of yet another recent news report that said that people were so overwhelmed with information these days that their attention spans were shrinking drastically. I don’t remember if there was anything else in the report, since as I was reading the story I was distracted by a new message and never got back to it, but I’m sure it was something along those lines.

A closeup of the upper part of Roden Center.

I had to admit that I was tempted to stop at the gift shop. I was always a fan of cheesy gifts, even if I never actually bought any of them. I didn’t have a chance to stay, however. Being involved in other pursuits currently meant that I had limited time today. Besides, I was hoping that I might see some pixies. As I warped to the stargate though, I continued my reflection on the current Federation President. He certainly was not my first pick when I saw the presidential field, but he’s weathered the recent crises as well as anyone could expect. For a military-industrial hack, maybe there was hope yet. After all, the People have spoken.


31 thoughts on &ldquo Gyroscope-based Smartphone Keylogging Attack &rdquo

Interesting indeed. My first thought was if handedness would affect accuracy, or would measurements simply need to be reversed.

“The motion of the
smartphone during keystroke is affected by many factors, such as the typing force, the resistance force of the
holding hand, the original orientation of the device, and
the location where the supporting hand holds the device.”

I didn’t read the WHOLE research paper, but from this it seems they’re looking at the same hand doing the typing and holding the device. One would think the rotational forces would be the same when you touch the screen in the same spot from the opposite hand holding the device, but they would be significantly smaller.

If this could be more accurate it would be cool to see how it would work emulating keystrokes from a dummy keyboard with no electronics.

You mean like have a plank of dumb wood with letters painted on then stick a gyro to the back of it and make it a keyboard?
Cool idea, would definitely be interesting to see how well it worked.

That sounds like a very interesting way to make a fold-out keyboard. Perhaps you could make a prototype or find somebody who would.

Then how do you press Ctrl+C? And when you put the keyboard on the desk it maybe more difficult for your PC to recognize the key. It’s a cool idea, and it is just an idea.

I don’t think this is using a gyroscope– linked article even uses the work accelometer. I can’t think of a single phone that has a gyroscope. The new Wii (and maybe the new Playstation) controllers have gyros. Most smartphones have accelerometers.

Accelerometers measure linear acceleration. Gyros measure rotational acceleration.

I haven’t read the article, but phones with gyros are out there.
The Nexus S and iPhone 4 to name two.

Gyros actually measure angular velocity, not acceleration.

They can increase accuracy by having its output estimated letters compared as “words” usign a “hamming-distance styled” estimator with a dictionary and then those word level estimations can be grammatically parsed to estimate phrases.

It all boils down to the enthropy of the language of the user and the total real information the gyro can get.

I bet you could even use Android’s source code to get a lot of help. They have both good button-guessing and good dictionary matching.

Very ingenious!
But it will be (almost) useless with Swype.

Having successfully installed the gyroscope sniffing software, isn’t that the actual attack? I mean if you can install that, why not just install a straight-up keylogger? Anyway, I wonder if they can improve accuracy using the same auto-correct algorithm iPhone uses, or that T9word feature on some phones? Maybe that’s what Khanzerbero is talking about.

Sensor data like this can generally be accessed by any app that wants to. Just have to get them to install the app in the first place.

Keylogger, on the other hand, requires exploitz.

well kind of like that but T9 is very sensitive to the first guessed letters of the word to estimate the others, what im saying is that you can have a dictionary of words and compare whole words.

then when u type ur phone disable accelerometer and or gyroscope!by now.

If you’re trying to use this to get the phone’s password, the 72% isn’t such a big deal because you’ll have plenty of opportunities. Record multiple login attempts, and that should handle the error nicely.

Easy enough to defeat though. Just lay the device flat on a table while typing.

Without that, it would be interesting to see how the accuracy compares on a tablet vs. a smartphone.

Then physical orientation matching and sound spectrum pattern matching are also holes.

These ‘researchers”gotta be under some trademark or nobody would even be talking about this..

So, your touch screen presses generate distinct patterns, yes, that’s a given as it’s how phone games work for things like rotation.

I see how this works to identify individual presses (aka, you can tell you’ve pressed *a* certain button) on a phone by phone/user by user basis.

However, matching up those distinct presses to a value so you can actually figure out *which* button has been pressed is harder if not near impossible due to the variables involved.

Ie, is phone free standing, on a surface, is left or right hand being used, in transit (vibrating/jittering around), on a motherchuffing boat, etc…

I think this while a nice discovery and may end up causing things like accels/gyros to be accessed only by whitelisted or active apps, I don’t think it’s much of a security problem.

Basically, what I’m saying is that graph up there showing “key 1” “key 2” et all, is misleading.

Die rede? Either the app has just designated it an arbitrary value of “key 1” when really it could be number 7 on the keypad, or the reseachers will have matched up keypad numbers to the correct profile manually while testing it, the app itself won’t (unless it has some pattern matching).

Did you even read the article?

I wonder how press any key and hold -> drag to key you want -> release would affect the results?

Seconded on the “Improve Accuracy” concept.

@Khanzerbero: How did you arrive at the use of Hamming as opposed to several other tools for Error Detect/Correct? My background is more hardware than software and I am trying to learn :]

This hack seems in two parts- accessing the sensor data and parsing it into the desired keystrokes. Hmnm- exploiting a market app for something innocent appearing that needs positional data+communications would serve as the judas data conduit? One part of exploit seems plausible to me. Of the many ways to hack the rest?

One being grepping the keystroke handling of the firmware. As reputedly there are internal math models for device’s using variants of timing detection for several common categories of input error:

autowhiteout, in one phrase for the tl:dr version=detects timing and blanks a suspect keystroke/s which prompts the human to retype.

The semi-related one for speech to text software:

That study by IBM of speech-to-text software offers little depiction of “math tools” so it only serves to help build our understanding of Human>Machine parsing correction “overview” in a limited case. But- it’s on track to taking a 70

% confidence level character stream and someday raising the confidence level far enough to risk burning up blown access attempts.

Oh- I updated a friend’s phone to Android 2.2x and it’s feature of “haptic by vibrate” might offer a way to totally FUBAR this not even fully formed as an exploit keylogger CONCEPT.

Which made me contemplate having the phone begin a soft vibrate after keystroke n to frustrate this proposed exploit rather completely.

Don’t think vibrate would fubar, though I think it might hamper.

Remember Sony when they said the vibrate function would mess with the motion sensing (yes, lame excuse to avoid paying royalties ) ?

But seriously, the vibrate occurs only AFTER you press a key, and it moves it predictably. All you’d have to do is basically use your gyro/accel to record it vibrating without a keypress and effectively “subtract” that motion.

I was thinking about they first should do principal component analysis, develop son eigen-letters and then in the principal components space they shloud do an estimate at the letter level, and then at the word level a hamming distance based estimation against a dictionary, and then at the phrase level some semantic analisys.

Why hamming? i guess its faster.

Wow, this is some brilliant thinking!

What everybody (or at least the hackaday poster) misses is that even with a statistical chance of 72% of being right, you weaken the security a lot.

Suppose there is a 4-digit PIN that allows 10 tries, for a 1/1000 chance of breakin by random guesses. You have to steal on average 1000 phones and randomly try PINs before you hit the jackpot.

But with say a 90% (the calculations are easier with a round number) chance of getting the numbers right from the attack means you have only 0.9^4 = 65% chance of getting the pin right on the first try. But if you didn’t get it right on the first try, you have 9 tries left. You often have a “next candidate”. So you can try the 4 “second-best” tries next. If the second-best has a 90% chance of being correct (given the first try was wrong), then we again have 65% chance of success on the next 4 tries… With 5 tries left, we can try a few two-wrong PINs but that doesn’t make a big difference. In this example with imperfect pin-stealing, the average number of phones to steal before the PIN can be guessed goes from 1000 to under two.

With the reported 72% accuracy and only 3 tries, there is still a significant advantage over “blind guessing”. The first guess has a 27% chance of success. With the two next tries this can be raised to almost 40%. On average after stealing 2.5 phones you have guessed the PIN correctly within 3 tries.


Before dying, Bernie Madoff lifted veil on the biggest Ponzi scheme in history

As Bernie Madoff gained a reputation as a Wall Street savant, he also acquired an unusual nickname: “The Jewish T-Bill.” The moniker referenced not only the United States Treasury bill — widely seen as a can’t-miss investment — but also Madoff’s heritage. At one point, around 85 percent of his investors were also Jews, aka Members of the Tribe, and included well-known individuals, charities and institutions — from Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel to the Hadassah women’s organization.

As it turned out, Madoff was actually running the biggest Ponzi scheme in history. On December 11, 2008, he was arrested by the FBI, with his investors collectively losing nearly $65 billion — the largest scandal ever on Wall Street.

That scandal is the subject of a new book, “Madoff Talks: Uncovering the Untold Story Behind the Most Notorious Ponzi Scheme in History,” by nationally syndicated US business radio host Jim Campbell, who gained rare access to Madoff and his family. Interest increased when Madoff died in April, with the book published several weeks later.

In a phone interview with The Times of Israel, Campbell called Madoff “a serial financial killer” who “wiped out a lot of people — a lot of Jewish charities, in particular.”

Yet, he said, “When I do interviews, I’m asked how should the world view Bernie. The key takeaway from the book is that the system failed. It enabled him to go on. To the extent we’re saying, ‘This one guy did this bad Ponzi scheme for a long time that destroyed the lives of 16,000 US citizens, 720,000 around the world’… that’s not really the right way to view him. He was not a guy acting alone.”

The author seeks to present a balanced portrayal of Madoff, whom he corresponded with over eight years while the latter served a 150-year prison sentence in North Carolina. It reflects Campbell’s middle-of-the-road, in-depth approach as a radio host.

Over the years, Campbell has helped listeners understand complex issues such as the 2008 global financial crisis, which initially sparked his interest in doing a business-focused talk show. Yet it was another thing entirely to write a book about Madoff once McGraw-Hill took him up on the idea.

In the end, he said, it was “just like radio — write the facts.”

The book incorporates Campbell’s access to three members of the Madoff family — Madoff himself, his wife Ruth Madoff and their late son Andrew Madoff, who died of cancer in 2014. The couple’s other son, Mark Madoff, died by suicide in 2010.

The hard-to-get interviews that resulted in the book were “a series of really kind of fortuitous coincidences,” Campbell said.

It began in October 2011, when author Laurie Sandell unexpectedly connected Campbell with Andrew Madoff, who was cooperating with her on a book. The second bit of serendipity happened that December. Campbell learned that Ruth Madoff was relocating from Florida to his hometown of Old Greenwich, Connecticut. They met for lunch. As Campbell remembered, she came in wearing a coat and sunglasses, ordered a shellfish salad, asked if he was wired and ended up introducing him to her incarcerated husband.

“Bernie said, ‘My wife and son said you are a sincere person I’m happy to talk to dispel the misconceptions about [me],’” said Campbell, noting that in fact, Andrew hadn’t spoken “one word” to his father since the day before the elder Madoff’s arrest.

“If Bernie reported that Andrew said I was a good guy, it must have come through Ruth,” said Campbell.

From 2011 to 2019, Campbell corresponded with Madoff, including through the Bureau of Prisons email system. Madoff showed what Campbell described as a lack of introspection and talked about himself in the third person, including the memorable line, “Nobody knows why Bernie Madoff did this.” Campbell never got to meet his pen pal in person, and was denied a prison visit on three separate occasions.

Nevertheless, Campbell accumulated 400 pages of correspondence and developed an ambitious idea.

“I wanted to do the first book on the overall architecture of the case,” he said, calling it “kind of a detective story.” Campbell imagined the first part depicting — in reverse chronological order — the day of Madoff’s arrest, his last months at work, and his last year of work.

From temple to temptation

Throughout the book, Campbell explores the Jewish thread that runs through the story.

Madoff was a temple president’s son from Far Rockaway, Queens, who got his start as an investor by convincing his in-laws, the Alperns, to deposit their money with him. When he lost their investments, he borrowed money and paid them back — a precedent he would not repeat again.

With time, Madoff developed a reputation for making money instead of losing it, including among the members of the Palm Beach Country Club after he acquired a home in the South Florida town.

“It was an affinity thing,” Campbell said. “[The club had a] largely Jewish membership. Eventually all of these members said, ‘Give your money to Bernie, he’s safe, you’ll make 11 percent [returns] every year, it’s big, big, big.’ There were some that said they did not know how Bernie did this, it was probably not legal or honest, but he’s our guy, let him do it.”

“Trust needs to be there,” said Campbell, who is not Jewish. “Jewish folks have been thrown out of every country in the world through 1,000 years. Within the Jewish community, you don’t scam somebody financially. He was devastating… It was a Jewish affinity crime.”

Meanwhile, Madoff eluded five investigations by the Securities and Exchange Commission. While running his Ponzi scheme, he managed a separate, squeaky-clean business in the same Manhattan office building.

“I found out he was running both businesses side by side,” Campbell marvels. “One of the most ethical and one of the most corrupt on Wall Street, at the same time, in the same place.”

As Campbell explains, “the fully legitimate business on the 19th floor was essentially hiding the criminal business, which was under lock and key on the 17th floor. Even his sons had no access.”

Weier en val

Ultimately, Campbell writes, it was the 2008 financial collapse that brought down Madoff. It was left to government-appointed bankruptcy trustee Irving Picard to attempt to claw back stolen money for victims. Ironically, Campbell notes, had regulators asked the right questions, they could have discovered Madoff’s chicanery in all of five minutes.

As for Madoff’s family, “I do not believe they were complicit in knowing about the Ponzi scheme,” Campbell said. “They did not realize he had stolen money from the customers.”

Despite not being aware of the Ponzi scheme, said Campbell, Madoff’s family were complicit in his lies — namely Madoff’s misrepresentation of investments, which Campbell called illegitimate and against protocol.

Campbell said he understood why Madoff received a 150-year sentence — “he died without still telling the whole truth.”

Though he had described Madoff as a financial serial killer, Campbell noted that an actual sociopath wouldn’t have used legitimate business funds to pay for family medical needs and home mortgages, as Madoff did. He also points out that Madoff eschewed a trial to spare his wife anguish and potentially get back more money for his clients.

According to Campbell, Madoff had a “Big Four” of investors who extended the longevity of his Ponzi scheme.

“They fed money to him every now and then when he had a cash crisis,” Campbell said. “He grew to hate them. Jeffry Picower, the biggest of the Big Four, took $7 billion out of the Ponzi scheme. Bernie himself is only considered to have snuck out $800 million.”

Campbell’s book also considers whether Madoff, in addition to being a perpetrator, was also himself a victim, of a tax-evasion scheme in which “all kinds of dirty money” was allegedly coming in from Eastern Europe, Russia and Colombia.

“How much he knew how dirty the money was, I don’t know,” Campbell said. “There was more going on than a Ponzi scheme.”

“Only a handful of people in total went to jail,” Campbell said. “Bernie was one. After he died three weeks ago, not a single person was still in jail for this… no one was fired at the SEC, eight people were demoted. You have that, you can’t just say it was Bernie.”

Campbell wonders what might have happened had Madoff survived the 2008 financial collapse.

“He likely would have kept going,” Campbell said. “I calculated to 2021. He would likely have had $240 billion if he kept his 11 percent [rate] in that timeframe.”

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