Geskiedenis Podcasts

Joodse getto's

Joodse getto's

Op 21 September 1939 het Reinhard Heydrich aan verskeie bevelvoerders van Schutz Staffeinel (SS) in Pole gesê dat alle Jode tot spesiale gebiede in stede en dorpe beperk moet word. Hierdie ghetto's sou omring word deur doringdraad, baksteenmure en gewapende wagte.

Die eerste ghetto is op 28 Oktober 1939 in Piotrkow opgerig. Jode wat in landelike gebiede woon, is gekonfiskeer en hulle is afgerond en na ghetto's in dorpe en stede gestuur. Die twee grootste ghetto's is in Warskou en Lodz gevestig.

In Oktober 1939 begin die SS om Jode wat in Oostenryk en Tsjeggo -Slowakye woon, na ghetto's in Pole te deporteer. Groot getalle is op die reis dood in geslote passasierstreine. Diegene wat die reis oorleef het, is deur Adolf Eichmann, die hoof van die Gestapo se departement van Joodse Sake, vertel: "Daar is geen woonstelle en geen huise nie - as jy jou huise bou, sal jy 'n dak oor jou kop hê."

In Warskou, die hoofstad van Pole, is al 22 ingange tot die ghetto verseël. Die Duitse owerhede het 'n Joodse Raad (Judenrat) van 24 mans toegelaat om sy eie polisie te stig om orde in die ghetto te handhaaf. Die Judenrat was ook verantwoordelik vir die organisering van die arbeidsbataljons wat die Duitse owerhede eis.

Die toestande in die Warskou -getto was so erg dat tussen 1940 en 1942 na raming 100 000 Jode aan hongersnood en siektes in die Warskou -getto gesterf het.

Daar is geen woonstelle en geen huise nie - as u u huise bou, het u 'n dak oor u kop. Daar is geen water nie. Die putte is vol epidemies. Daar is cholera, disenterie, tyfus. As jy na water grawe, het jy water.

Die Nazi's het die stad beset. Mense huil en praat oor die Nazi's se haat teenoor Jode en kommuniste. En ons, ons is albei. En bo alles werk Pappa baie aktief vir die Sowjets.

Nuwe verordeninge is in die stad geplaas: alle Jode - volwassenes en kinders - moet tekens, 'n wit lap lap, tien vierkante sentimeter dra, en in die middel die geel letter "J". Is dit moontlik dat die indringers ons nie meer as mense beskou nie en ons net soos beeste merk? 'N Mens kan sulke gemeenheid nie aanvaar nie. Maar wie durf hulle teenstaan?

Ek skryf hierdie reëls, my liewe kinders, in die trane van Vilijampole, Kovno Ghetto, waar ons al meer as twee jaar is. Ons het nou gehoor dat ons lot binne 'n paar dae verseël moet word. Die ghetto moet verpletter en verskeur word.

Of ons almal gaan vergaan of dat sommige van ons gaan oorleef, is in God se hande. Ons vrees dat slegs diegene wat slawe -arbeid kan doen, sal lewe; die res word waarskynlik ter dood veroordeel.

Ons is oor, 'n paar uit baie. Uit die vyf-en-dertigduisend Jode van Kovno bly ongeveer sewentienduisend oor; uit 'n kwartmiljoen Jode in Litaue (insluitend die distrik Vilna) woon slegs vyf-en-twintigduisend plus vyfduisend wat gedurende die afgelope twee dae na harde arbeid in Letland gedeporteer is, van al hul besittings gestroop. Die res is op vreeslike maniere doodgemaak deur die volgelinge van die grootste Haman van alle tye en van alle geslagte. Sommige van die dierbare en naaste aan ons is ook nie meer by ons nie. U tante Hannah en oom Arich is op 4 Oktober 1941 met 1500 siele uit die ghetto vermoor. Oom Zvi, wat in die hospitaal gelê het met 'n gebreekte been, is deur 'n wonderwerk gered. Alle pasiënte, dokters, verpleegsters, familielede en besoekers wat toevallig daar was, is doodgebrand

soldate het al die deure en vensters van die hospitaal versper en dit aan die brand gesteek. In die provinsies, behalwe Siauliai, oorleef geen enkele Jood nie. U oom Dov en sy seun Shmuel is tydens die eerste maande van die oorlog, dit wil sê ongeveer twee jaar gelede, saam met die res van die Kalvaria -gemeenskap uitgehaal en vermoor.

As gevolg van uiterlike kragte en innerlike omstandighede, het slegs ons eie getto daarin geslaag om die afgelope twee jaar sy diaspora -lewe te oorleef en uit te leef, in slawerny, harde arbeid, honger en ontbering. (Byna al ons klere, besittings en boeke is deur die owerhede van ons geneem.) Die laaste slagting, toe tienduisend slagoffers tegelyk vermoor is, het op

28 Oktober 1941. Ons totale gemeenskap moes deur die 'seleksie' van ons heersers gaan: lewe of dood. Ek is die man wat met my eie oë gesien het hoe mense gaan sterf. Ek was vroeg die oggend van 29 Oktober daar in die kamp wat gelei het tot die slagting by die negende fort. Met my eie ore hoor ek die ontsagwekkende en vreeslike simfonie, die gehuil en geskree van tienduisend mense, oud en jonk-'n gil wat in die hart van die hemel skeur. Geen oor het so iets gehoor nie

huil deur die eeue en die geslagte. Met baie van ons martelare het ek my skepper uitgedaag; en saam met hulle, uit 'n hartseer geskeurde hart, het ek uitgeroep: "Wie is soos U in die heelal, Here!" In my poging om mense hier en daar te red, is ek deur soldate geslaan. Ek het flou geword en gebloei en is in die arms van vriende na 'n plek buite die kamp gedra. Daar het 'n klein groepie van ongeveer dertig of veertig oorleef tot getuies van die brand.

11 Desember: 1942: Die getto vier vandag die verspreiding van die honderdduisendste boek in die ghetto -biblioteek. Die fees is in die ouditorium van die teater gehou. Ons het gekom vir ons lesse. Verskeie toesprake is gehou en daar was ook 'n artistieke program. Die sprekers het die ghetto -leser ontleed. Honderde mense lees in die ghetto. Die lees van boeke in die ghetto is vir my die grootste plesier. Die boek verenig ons met die toekoms, die boek verenig ons met die wêreld.

7 Februarie 1943: Ons het goeie nuus. Die mense in die ghetto vier fees. Die Duitsers gee toe dat Stalingrad geval het. Ek loop oorkant die straat. Mense knipoog met blye oë na mekaar. Uiteindelik het die Duitsers 'n reuse -nederlaag gely. Die hele 9de Duitse leër is verpletter! Meer as driehonderdduisend Duitsers is dood. Stalin se stad is die vyand se graf.

25 Maart 1943: 'n bevel is deur die Duitse regime uitgevaardig oor die likwidasie van vyf klein ghetto's in die Vilna -provinsie. Die Jode word na die Vilna- en die Kovno -getto vervoer. Vandag het die Jode uit die naburige dorpies begin aankom.

28 Maart 1943: Die bui van die ghetto is baie somber. Die samekoms op een plek van soveel Jode is 'n teken vir iets. Gevaar hang in die lug. Geen! Hierdie keer sal ons nie toelaat dat ons soos honde na die slagting gelei word nie.

6 April 1944: Ons ken nou al die aaklige besonderhede. In plaas van Kovno is 5000 Jode na Ponar geneem waar hulle doodgeskiet is. Soos wilde diere voordat hulle vrek, het die mense in doodse wanhoop begin om die spoorwaens te breek; hulle het die venstertjies gebreek wat versterk is deur sterk draad. Honderde is doodgeskiet terwyl hulle weggehardloop het. Die spoorlyn oor 'n groot afstand is bedek met lyke. Die aand het ek in die straat uitgegaan. Dit is 5 uur die middag. Die ghetto lyk vreeslik: swaar loodwolke hang en sak oor die ghetto.


Lewe in die Ghettos

Lewe in die Ghetto's Die lewe in die ghetto's was gewoonlik ondraaglik. Oorbevolking was algemeen. In een woonstel kan daar verskeie gesinne woon. Loodgieterswerk het gebreek en menslike afval is saam met die vullis in die strate gegooi. Aansteeklike siektes versprei vinnig in sulke beknopte, onhigiëniese behuisings. Mense was altyd honger. Duitsers het inwoners doelbewus probeer honger ly deur hulle toe te laat om slegs 'n klein hoeveelheid brood, aartappels en vet te koop. Sommige inwoners het geld of waardevolle besittings wat hulle kon ruil vir voedsel wat in die ghetto gesmokkel is, terwyl ander gedwing is om te smeek of te steel om te oorleef. Gedurende die lang winters was brandstof skaars en baie mense het nie genoeg klere nie. Mense wat verswak is deur honger en blootstelling aan die koue het maklike slagoffers geword van siektes tienduisende sterf in die ghetto's as gevolg van siekte, honger of verkoue. Sommige individue het hulself doodgemaak om aan hul hopelose lewens te ontsnap.

Elke dag het kinders wees gelaat, en baie moes nog jonger kinders versorg. Weeskinders woon gereeld op straat en smeek stukkies brood van ander wat min of niks te deel het nie. Baie het in die winter doodgevries.

Om te oorleef, moes kinders vindingryk wees en hulself nuttig maak. Klein kinders in die ghetto van Warskou het soms gehelp om kos na hul gesinne en vriende te smokkel deur deur die smal openinge in die ghetto -muur te kruip. Hulle het dit met groot risiko gedoen, aangesien smokkelaars wat gevang is, swaar gestraf is.

Baie jongmense het probeer om hul opleiding voort te sit deur skoolklasse by te woon wat deur volwassenes in baie ghetto's gereël is. Aangesien sulke klasse gewoonlik in die geheim gehou is, het leerlinge, in weerwil van die Nazi's, geleer om boeke onder hul klere weg te steek, om te voorkom dat hulle gevang word.

Alhoewel lyding en dood rondom hulle was, het kinders nie opgehou om met speelgoed te speel nie. Sommige het geliefde poppe of vragmotors wat hulle saam met hulle in die ghetto gebring het. Kinders het ook speelgoed gemaak met die lap en hout wat hulle kon vind. In die Lodz -getto het kinders die bokante van leë sigaretbakkies in speelkaarte verander.


Joodse Ghettos - Geskiedenis

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Poolse Jode word deur die Nazi's gedwing om weg te kruip tydens die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou.

Warskou, Pole. Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Honger kinders drom saam om warmte in die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1943. Wikimedia Commons

Joodse kinders klim om 'n kykie te kry van wat aan die ander kant van die ghetto -muur gebeur.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1941. Wikimedia Commons

'N Seun hou 'n bord om hom as 'n Jood op.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1941. Wikimedia Commons

Baie jong Oekraïense nasionaliste jaag, in samewerking met die Nazi SS en gewapen met klubs, 'n Joodse vrou deur die strate van die Lviv -ghetto, waar minstens 6 000 Jode deur milisies en Nazi -magte vermoor is.

'N Dooie man lê in die straat, omring deur 'n skare mense, in die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940. Imagno/Getty Images

'N Vrou hang van die balkon van 'n brandende gebou tydens die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou, en probeer desperaat ontsnap met haar lewe.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Joodse versetstryders, wat probeer om te keer dat hul gesinne na die doodskampe gedeporteer word, word deur die SS betrap. In die oorspronklike onderskrif het die SS hulle as 'bandiete' bestempel omdat hulle probeer het om die doodskampe te vermy.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Seun sit in die straat in die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Februarie 1941. Joe J. Heydecker/Galerie Bilderwelt/Getty Images

Jode staan ​​in 'n ry teen die ghetto -muur om deursoek te word.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Uitgeteerde lyk, waarskynlik dood van honger, word van die strate af versamel.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1941-1942. Wikimedia Commons

'N Joodse man word gedwing om weg te kruip tydens die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Joodse man kruip uit sy skuilplek op die vloer.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Krakow na die deportasie van die Joodse bevolking. Hulle karige besittings besaai die strate.

Krakow, Pole. 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Behuisingsblok brand tydens die onderdrukking van die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Die vroue en kinders van die Minsk Ghetto loop deur die strate, met die ster van Dawid hulle as Jode.

Minsk, Wit -Rusland. Omstreeks 1941. Wikimedia Commons

Nazi -soldate staan ​​oor die lyke van Joodse burgerlikes wat hulle doodgeskiet het.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Die bou van die muur na die Krakow -getto.

Krakow, Pole. Mei 1941. Wikimedia Commons

'N Vrou smokkel smokkelmelk in die getto en verkoop dit aan 'n honger kind.

Krakow, Pole. Mei 1941. Wikimedia Commons

'N Dooie liggaam lê op die strate van die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Bejaarde man wat in 'n ghetto woon.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1943. Wikimedia Commons

Karre vol lyke word na die begraafplaas geneem.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1941-1942. Wikimedia Commons

'N Joodse polisieman, wat deur die Nazi's opgedra is om die vryhede van sy eie mense te beperk, staan ​​by 'n deur dop.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Kar vol klere rol deur die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1942-1943. Wikimedia Commons

Gevange Jode word weggetrek vir deportasie.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Jode sit en wag vir deportasie na die doodskampe.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Man kom uit die skuilplek met sy hande omhoog.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Joodse rabbi's word afgerond deur SS -offisiere.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

SS -beamptes gaan Warskou binne om 'n opstand te beëindig.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Die werkers van 'n dwangarbeidsfabriek, waar Joodse slawe gedwing was om helms vir die Nazi's te maak, leer dat hulle nie gespaar sal bly nie.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Poolse gesinne word na die Warskou Ghetto gedeporteer.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1940-1942. Wikimedia Commons

Nazi's patrolleer die brandende getto van Warskou.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Poolse polisiebeampte kyk na die ID's van twee Joodse mans.

Krakow, Pole. Omstreeks 1939-1945. Wikimedia Commons

Joodse arbeiders werk in 'n sweetwinkel.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1942-1943. Wikimedia Commons

Binne in 'n sweetwinkel in 'n Joodse ghetto.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1939-1945. Wikimedia Commons

'N Joodse dokter vervang sy teken, op bevel van die Nazi's, met een in Hebreeuse skrif wat die Dawidster vertoon.

Krakow, Pole. Mei 1941. Wikimedia Commons

'N Visstalletjie in die ghetto van Warskou gedurende die vroeë dae van die Holocaust.

Warskou, Pole. Mei 1941. Wikimedia Commons

Die Nazi's probeer smokkel om voedsel nie in die ghetto's te beland nie.

Krakow, Pole. Mei 1941. Wikimedia Commons

SS -offisiere ondervra mans binne die ghetto van Warskou.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Man word uit die skuilplek gesleep terwyl die SS inkom om die mense van die ghetto van Warskou in die doodskampe te dwing.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Jode het dwangarbeid aan die spoorweg gedoen.

Minsk, Wit -Rusland. Februarie 1942. Wikimedia Commons

Die SS maak die ondergrondse bunkers oop waar sommige weggekruip het om te verhoed dat hulle uit die ghetto en in die doodskampe gesleep word.

Warskou, Pole. Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Inwoners van die ghetto van Warskou sit op die randsteen en wag op hul lot.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N SS -luitenant ondervra 'n man in die Warschau -getto.

Warskou, Pole. Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Nazi -soldate bespreek hoe hulle die beste Joodse werkers binne 'n fabriek kan ontruim en deporteer.

Warskou, Pole. April 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Gesin gee oor aan die SS.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Mans dra 'n karretjie weg met die uitgeteerde, uitgehonger lyke van kinders.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1941-1942. Wikimedia Commons

'N Man bedek sy mond met 'n sakdoek en sukkel om deur die rook asem te haal.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Jode wat tydens die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou gevange geneem is, word na 'n aanhoudingsgebied opgeruk vir deportasie.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Massagraf buite 'n ghetto, waar mense uitgesleep en geskiet is.

Lenin Zhitkovich, USSR. Augustus 1942. Wikimedia Commons

Twee mans word kaal uitgetrek en deur Nazi -SS -soldate afgeneem. Die Nazi -offisier wat die foto geneem het, het dit die titel gegee: "The Dregs of Society."

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Nazi -offisiere kyk hoe die ghetto van Warskou brand.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Die lyke van tereggestelde Jode lê in die ruïnes van die Warskou -getto.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Fabriek word deur die SS in die ghetto van Warskou aan die brand gesteek.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

'N Tram wat met die Davidster gemerk is. Die Joodse bevolking van Warskou is nie toegelaat om op hierdie tram te ry nie.

Warskou, Pole. Omstreeks 1941-1942. Wikimedia Commons

Die Jode van Krakow word afgerond en na uitwissingskampe gedeporteer.

Krakow, Pole. Maart 1943. Wikimedia Commons

Gevange Jode word deur die brandende getto in Warskou gelei. Hulle sal na die doodskampe gestuur word.

Warskou, Pole. April of Mei 1943. Wikimedia Commons

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'Daar is geen geregtigheid in die wêreld nie', het 'n jong meisie in haar dagboek geskryf en sukkel deur hongersnood en gevangenisstraf onder Nazi -bewind, "om nie te praat in die ghetto nie."

Die lewe in die Joodse ghetto's van die Holocaust was inderdaad marteling. Na hul inval in Pole in 1939, het die Nazi's begin om Joodse ghetto's op te rig in die land en in Europa. Joodse burgerlikes is gebrandmerk en met geweld gedeporteer na klein, beknopte kwartiere, wat dikwels met mure of doringdraad van die res van die stad geskei is. Daar het hulle gewag, gehoop en gebid, die meeste onbewus daarvan dat dit niks meer was as die eerste stap in die Nazi -komplot vir die stelselmatige uitroeiing van die Joodse bevolking van Europa nie.

Voordat hulle selfs na konsentrasiekampe gestuur kon word, is baie gevangenes van die Joodse ghetto's uitgehonger. Hulle het min of niks te ete gekry nie, wat hulle deur pynlike hongersnood laat ly het. Sommige sterf aan hongersnood, en nog vele meer aan die siektes wat toegelaat is om woes binne die ghetto -mure te versprei.

En daar was min wat iemand kon doen om dit te stop. Die mense aan die ander kant van die mure is streng verbied om voedsel in die Joodse ghetto's in te smokkel - met die doodstraf.

Tog het die meeste ghetto -inwoners net hul bes gedoen om te oorleef. Hulle het min besef watter gruwels die Nazi's hulle voorberei, en baie kon net besluit om deur die moeilike tye te sukkel en te bid dat die Nazi's die oorlog sou verloor en dat iemand hulle sou kom bevry.

Die vryheid het egter te laat gekom. Teen 1942 het die Nazi's die volgende fase van hul plan begin: om elke persoon binne die ghetto -mure stelselmatig uit te roei. Sommige ghetto's, veral in gevange gedeeltes van die USSR, is eenvoudig omskep in 'uitroei -ghetto's', waar die mense na die bos gesleep en geskiet word. In ander ghetto's word die mense na doodskampe soos Auschwitz gestuur om te vergas en verbrand te word.

Toe die mense in die Joodse ghetto's begin besef dat die dood op hande was, het sommige begin terugveg. Daar was opstande in ghetto's regoor die kontinent, met Joodse versetstryders wat alles wat hulle kon kry gryp en desperaat probeer om die Nazi's wat hul huise gesteel het, af te weer. Die bekendste opstand was die opstand in die ghetto in Warskou, waar Jode en Pole saamgewerk het om te probeer keer dat die SS hul gesinne na die doodskampe sleep.

Maar net so hard as wat hulle geveg het, kon 'n paar versetstryders die Nazi -oorlogsmasjien nie vir altyd weerhou nie. Die SS het eenvoudig harder teruggeslaan. 'N Groot deel van die Warschau -getto is tot op die grond afgebrand, die mense is uit die skuilplek gesleep, en die manne en vroue is saamgevat en na Treblinka, een van die mees brutale doodskampe van die Holocaust, gestuur.

Mettertyd het bevryding uiteindelik aangebreek. Eind 1944 tot 1945 het die Geallieerde leërs deur Europa opgeruk, die Nazi -magte afgeweer en die mense wat dit alles gely het, bevry. Vir miljoene mense het hulp egter te laat gekom.

Miljoene gevangenes van die Joodse ghetto's is aan die hand van die Nazi's dood - maar die foto's oorleef 'n waarskuwing wat ons wys hoe die lewe aan die begin van 'n volksmoord lyk.

Na hierdie blik in die Joodse ghetto's van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, sien 'n paar van die kragtigste foto's van die Holocaust wat ooit geneem is. Lees dan oor die berugte Nazi -eksperimente van dr. Josef Mengele.


Kosher restaurante

Een van die beste besienswaardighede van die kwartaal is die kosher -restaurante.

Giggetto al Portico d'Ottavia

Giggetto al Portico d'Ottavia in die middel van die Joodse getto. Boonop is dit 'n deur 'n familie bestuurde restaurant wat sedert 1923 bestaan. In die spyskaart vind u 'n verskeidenheid kosjergeregte, waaronder bekende carciofi alla guida en 'n wye verskeidenheid plaaslike wyne.

  • Adres: Via del Portico d'Ottavia, 21 / a
  • Werksure: Dinsdag - Sondag: 12:30 - 15:00, 19:30 - 23:00
  • Webwerf:www.giggetto.it

Ba’Ghetto

Ba'Ghetto is bekend vir die kosher -geregte, insluitend gebraaide artisjokke. Die plek bied uitstekende diens en kwaliteit van die kos. Boonop is die atmosfeer warm en vriendelik.

  • Adres: Via del Portico d'Ottavia, 57
  • Werksure: Maandag-Donderdag: 12:00-23:00, Vrydag: 12:00-15:00 Saterdag: 18:00-23:00, Sondag: 11:30-23:00
  • Webwerf:www.baghetto.com

Pane Vino en San Daniele

Pane Vino e San Daniele is 'n mengsel tussen 'n wynbar en 'n osteria. Daar is 'n wye verskeidenheid wyne, en dit is 'n wonderlike plek om beide middagete of aandete te besoek. Die voedsel wat aangebied word, word gemaak van vars produkte van hoë gehalte.


Vervoer, 1974, deur Roman Halter

Die Lódz-getto is in Februarie 1940 gestig. Dit was die tweede grootste getto in die Nazi-besette Pole. Meer as 165 000 Jode is in 'n gebied van minder as 4 vierkante kilometer gedwing. Deportasies uit die ghetto's begin in 1942. Lódz was die laaste getto wat gelikwideer is toe die oorlewende inwoners in die somer 1944 na Auschwitz-Birkenau gestuur is. .

Jode het min kos gekry en die ghetto's was oorvol. Siektes soos tifus en tuberkulose kom gereeld voor. Toestande het versleg toe Jode uit klein dorpies en ander lande ingedruk is. Daar word geskat dat 500 000 Jode in die getto's aan siektes en hongersnood gesterf het. Baie het ook omgekom in nabygeleë slawe -arbeidskampe, waar die toestande nog erger was.

Die Sowjet-besette gebied van Pole het in Duitse hande geval ná die Nazi-inval in die Sowjetunie in Junie 1941. Doodsgroepe het Einsatzgruppen het Joodse mans, vroue en kinders, sowel as kommunistiese amptenare en ander wat as ras- of ideologies gevaarlik beskou word, geskiet. Oorlewende Jode is in ghetto's gedwing.

In Maart 1942 het die Nazi's begin om die inwoners van die ghetto te deporteer as deel van Operasie 'Reinhard', die plan om stelselmatig Jode te vermoor in die deel van die Duits-besette Pole wat nie volledig opgeneem is in die Ryk nie, bekend as die Algemene Regering. Van 1942 tot 1944 is die ghetto's gelikwideer en hul Joodse inwoners het óf geskiet óf na uitwissingskampe vervoer.


Inhoud

Die oorsprong van die naam ghetto (ghèto in die Venesiaanse taal) betwis word. Die volgende teorieë is voorgestel:

  • ghetto kom van "giotto" of "geto", wat "gieterij" beteken, aangesien die eerste Joodse wyk naby 'n gieterij was wat eens kanonne gemaak het. [3] [4]
  • ghetto voorheen 'straat' bedoel (soos DuitsGasse, Sweedsgata, en Gotiesgatwo)
  • ghetto, uit Italiaans getto, wat die gevolg is van of die gevolglike voorwerp van die giet van gesmelte metaal in 'n vorm, [5] aangesien ou staatsgieterye in hierdie stadswyk bestaan ​​[6]
  • ghetto vandaan kom borghetto, verkleinwoord van borgowat "klein dorpie" beteken
  • ghetto hou verband met die Hebreeuse woord kry, wat 'n egskeidingsdokument beteken.

Die etimoloog Anatoly Liberman van die Oxford University Press het in 2009 voorgestel dat al vier die teorieë spekulatief is, maar die eerste is die waarskynlikste om waar te wees. [7]

Donatella Calabi, fakulteitslid van die IUAV Universiteit Venesië, argitektuur, konstruksie en bewaring, het in die dokumentêr aangevoer Venesië en die Ghetto (2017, Klaus T. Steindl) dat ghetto kom van die Italiaanse woord kry [dʒet · ˈta: · re] wat "weggooi" beteken, want die gebied was voorheen 'n vullishoop vir gieters. Die eerste Joodse aankomelinge was Duits en hulle spreek die woord [ˈɡɛto] uit - die spelling het gevolg ("h" na "g" verander [dʒ] in [ˈɡ]). Dieselfde mening is in haar boek gepubliseer Venezia e il ghetto. Cinquecento anni del "recinto deli ebrei". [8] Net so het die skrywer van Ghetto: Die geskiedenis van 'n woord, Daniel B. Schwartz, voer aan dat die term ghetto het nie na vore gekom as gevolg van die segregasie van die Joodse inwoners nie, maar eerder dat die woord 'n oorblyfsel is van 'n geskiedenis wat die aankoms van die Joodse inwoners voorafgegaan het. Schwartz sê dat die sterkste argument ter ondersteuning hiervan is hoe die oorspronklike gebied waarby Jode beperk was, die Ghetto Nuovo genoem word, en nie die Ghetto Vecchio nie. "As dit anders was, sou 'n mens verwag dat die eerste plek van die Joodse omhulsel bekend sou staan ​​as die 'Ou Ghetto' en die daaropvolgende toevoeging as die 'New Ghetto'." [9]

Die Ghetto is 'n gebied van die Cannaregio sestiere van Venesië, verdeel in die Ghetto Nuovo ("New Ghetto"), en die aangrensende Ghetto Vecchio ("Ou Ghetto"). Hierdie name van die ghetto -afdelings is misleidend, aangesien dit verwys na 'n ouer en nuwer perseel ten tye van die gebruik deur die gieters: wat die Joodse woning betref, is die Ghetto Nuovo eintlik ouer as die Ghetto Vecchio. Die ghetto is verbind met die res van die stad deur twee brûe wat slegs gedurende die dag oop was. Hekke is die oggend oopgemaak by die lui van die Marangona, die grootste klok in St. Mark's Campanile, en in die aand gesluit. Permanente, deurlopende toesig oor die hekke het op koste van die Joodse inwoners plaasgevind. [10] Elke Joodse inwoner wat buite die buitekant vasgevang is, moes streng strawwe opgelê word. [10] Gebiede van Ghetto Nuovo wat oop was vir die kanaal, moes met mure afgesluit word, terwyl kaaie na buite gerig sou word om ongemagtigde toegang of uitgang moontlik te maak. [10] Die gebied wat beskou is as Ghetto Vecchio later was dit eers 'n gebied waar Christene gewoon het en sodra die Christene verhuis het, het die gebied beskikbaar geword vir nie-Venesiaanse Joodse handelaars om tydelik in die stad te bly. [11]

Alhoewel dit die tuiste van 'n groot aantal Jode was, het die bevolking wat in die Venetiaanse getto woon, nooit geassimileer om 'n duidelike 'Venesiaanse Joodse' etnisiteit te vorm nie. Vier van die vyf sinagoges was duidelik verdeel volgens etniese identiteit: aparte sinagoges bestaan ​​vir die Duitser (die Scuola Grande Tedesca), Italiaans (die Scuola Italiana), Spaans en Portugees (die Scuola Spagnola) en Levantynse Sefardiese gemeenskappe (die Scuola Levantina). Die vyfde, die Scuola Kanton, is moontlik as 'n privaat sinagoge gebou en dien ook die Venesiese Ashkenazi -gemeenskap. Vandag is daar ook ander bevolkings van Ashkenaziese Jode in Venesië, hoofsaaklik Lubavitchers wat 'n kosher voedselwinkel, 'n yeshiva en 'n Chabad -sinagoge bedryf.

Tale wat histories in die Ghetto-gebied gepraat word, sluit Venesiaans, Italiaans, Joods-Spaans, Frans en Duits in. [ aanhaling nodig ] Boonop is Hebreeus tradisioneel (en word dit nog steeds) gebruik op bordjies, inskripsies en vir amptelike doeleindes, soos troukontrakte (sowel as natuurlik in godsdienstige dienste). Vandag word Engels wyd gebruik in die winkels en die museum vanweë die groot aantal Engelssprekende toeriste.

'N Groot deel van die kultuur van die Venesiese getto was die stryd wat Jode ondervind het om buite die getto te reis, veral vir werksdoeleindes. Die lewe in die Venesiese getto was baie beperk, die beweging van Joodse individue buite die getto was moeilik. Geïnspireer deur die lewens van Joodse handelaars buite Venesië, het Rodriga, 'n prominente Joodse Spaanse handelaar, die rol aangeneem om te pleit dat Venesiese Jode op verskillende plekke soortgelyke regte het. Rodriga meen dat Jode 'n rol gespeel het in die Italiaanse ekonomie wat nie geïgnoreer kon word nie. In ruil vir die verandering van die Joodse beperkings, belowe Rodriga dat die Ventiese ekonomie en handel sal toeneem. [12]

Vandag is die Ghetto steeds 'n sentrum van die Joodse lewe in die stad. Die Joodse gemeenskap van Venesië, [13] wat ongeveer 450 mense tel, is kultureel aktief, hoewel slegs 'n paar lede in die Ghetto woon omdat die gebied duur geword het. [14] [15] [16]

Elke jaar is daar 'n internasionale konferensie oor Hebreeuse Studies, met spesiale verwysing na die geskiedenis en kultuur van die Veneto. Ander konferensies, uitstallings en seminare word deur die loop van die jaar gehou.

Die tempels dien nie net as aanbiddingsplekke nie, maar bied ook lesse oor die heilige tekste en die Talmoed vir kinders en volwassenes, asook kursusse in Moderne Hebreeus, terwyl ander sosiale fasiliteite 'n kleuterskool, 'n ouetehuis, die kosher -gastehuis insluit. Giardino dei Melograni, die kosher restaurant Hostaria del Ghetto, en 'n bakkery. Saam met sy argitektoniese en artistieke monumente, spog die gemeenskap ook met 'n Museum vir Joodse Kuns, die Renato Maestro -biblioteek en argief en die nuwe infopunt in die Midrash Leon da Modena.

In die Ghetto -gebied is daar ook 'n yeshiva, verskeie Judaica -winkels en 'n Chabad -sinagoge wat deur Chabad van Venesië bestuur word. [17] Alhoewel slegs enkele van die ongeveer 500 Venesiese Jode nog in die getto woon, [18] kom baie gedurende die dag daarheen terug vir godsdiensdienste in die twee sinagoges wat nog steeds gebruik word (die ander drie word slegs gebruik vir begeleide toere, aangebied deur die Jewish Community Museum).

Chabad van Venesië bedryf ook 'n gebakwinkel en 'n restaurant met die naam "Gam Gam" in die Ghetto. Sabbatmaaltye word bedien by die restaurant se buitetafels langs die Cannaregio -kanaal met uitsigte oor die Guglie -brug naby die Grand Canal. [19] [20] [21] [22] In die roman Baie opgewonde oor Jesse Kaplan die restaurant is die plek van 'n historiese raaisel. [23] Elke jaar vir die fees van Sukkot word 'n sukkah gebou op 'n kanaalboot wat deur die stad toer, 'n groot menorah toer tydens 'n kanaalboot tydens 'n kanaalboot tydens Hanukkah. [24]

Bekende inwoners van die Ghetto het Leon van Modena, wie se familie uit Frankryk ontstaan ​​het, asook sy dissipel Sara Copia Sullam ingesluit. Sy was 'n bekwame skrywer, debatvoerder (deur middel van briewe) en het selfs haar eie salon aangebied. Meir Magino, die beroemde glasmaker, kom ook uit die ghetto.


Wie het die ghetto's beheer?

Binne die ghetto is 'n Joodse polisiemag gewerf om bevel af te dwing. Hier word die Joodse getto -polisie van die Warskou -getto op die foto voorgestel.

Binne die ghetto is 'n Joodse polisiemag gewerf om bevel af te dwing. Hier word die Joodse getto -polisie van die Warskou -getto op die foto voorgestel.

Benewens die SS, het Joodse rade gebel JudenrätOns is ingestel om die daaglikse bestuur van die ghetto uit te voer en te beheer. Die Joodse rade is deur die SS beheer en moes sy eise nakom en uitvoer.


Drie Joodse getto's wat geskiedenis gemaak het

Onlangs het ons 'n vaart geneem vanaf Barcelona, ​​Spanje na Venesië, Italië. Tydens hierdie vaart het ons uitstappies na drie Joodse ghetto's gedoen en baie interessante feite oor die Joodse geskiedenis en kultuur geleer. Die katedraal van Barcelona is byvoorbeeld gebou met gesteelde klippe van 'n Joodse begraafplaas, waarskynlik uit Montjuïc, "Jodeberg."

Klippe van die voet van die katedraal van Barcelona wat uit 'n Joodse begraafplaas gesteel is.

Dit blyk uit die Hebreeuse skrif op die klip. Die oudste sinagoge en mikvah is eintlik onder die moderne straatvlak. 'N Winkel is eintlik gebou oor die antieke mikvah. Jode het nie na Jerusalem gebid nie omdat die tempel voor die Diaspora gebou is. Jode was teenwoordig voordat die Romeine na Barcelona gekom het. From the 11th to the middle of the 14th century Barcelona was home to Jewish artisans, merchants, minters, scholars, and poets who lived in the Jewish quarter near the royal palace. However Jews were not allowed to build a temple bigger than the smallest church. Anti Jewish riots in 1391 swept Spain and Barcelona. King John I condemned 26 rioters to death but Jewish life in Barcelona was at a virtual end by 1400. Many of the Jews moved to Gerona which is nearby. The modern Jewish community of Barcelona is a phenomenon of this century, but it is rooted in the expulsion of 1492. In this 21st century, many Jews are coming back to Barcelona like our tour guide, Adi Mahler, a former Israeli.

We attended Friday shabbat services at Communitat Joeva Atid de Catalunya. Their future rabbi is attending a yeshiva in England. The vast majority of the congregation were young professionals from throughout the Mediterranean and former Spanish colonies where their ancestors had fled. It is a small “store front” reformed temple that dates from 2002. The services were led by a woman cantor with a beautiful voice. It was nice to hear a Sephardic service led by an actual Sephardic person. They translated the D’Var Torah into English and Spanish. There were two policemen stationed in the street and extensive security measures were in place. We were the guests of Marty and Fran Wolfe who obtained advanced permission to attend the synagogue. We really enjoyed the service and elaborate Kiddish that followed.

Our next Jewish stop was the Roman ghetto, where we had a private tour by Romolo Zarfati, who lives there. The Jewish ghetto in Rome is very tight knit and it seemed that everyone knew our tour guide. Only 300 to 400 live there. Most of the 12,000 Roman Jews live in the suburbs. One of the interesting items that Romolo said was that the yellow star that the Nazi made Jews wear actually originated in Rome during the middle ages. The yellow in the star signified urine - “The desire to get waste out of the body” - This is how Jews were viewed for centuries. Many European Jewish ghettos were actually started on garbage dumps according to Romolo. At one of the seven ghetto gates is a plaque commemorating the 2,000 Roman Jews who perished in the Holocaust. The major feature of the Roman ghetto is the synagogue, Tempio Israelitico, completed in 1904. It is very ornate with wooden pews and locked boxes for storing tfillin, siddurim en tallit. Same debate as everywhere - “Does the owner of the box also own the seat and is it for Shabbat or just the holidays?” It still has a daily minyan and Shabbat services.

Image by Trachtenberg

What’s interesting is the ceiling. It is a square. Only churches could have round dome ceilings. This was one of the most beautiful synagogues that we have seen. The seats, the bimah, floor and ceiling were spectacular. The basement contained a chapel and also a museum. This was the site were Pope John Paul II made his historic embrace of Rome’s Chief Rabbi Elio Toaff and declared “You are our dearly beloved brothers and, in a certain way, it could be said that you are our elder brothers.” Romolo, our tour guide, interpreted this as Joseph and his brothers or Cain and Able - He doesn’t trust the Pope. He feels that the Roman ghetto does not get it’s share of city services. However, according to other sources Roman Jews are fully integrated into Roman society and government. Next to the synagogue was a yeshiva. In the back of the synagogue we saw bullet holes from the October, 1982, terrorist attack. We saw police stationed in the ghetto and full security to enter the synagogue. Diagonally across from the synagogue is a church where the Jews were subject to weekly conversion sermons during the Middle Ages and into the19th Century. The Roman ghetto is similar to the rest of Rome where there were Roman ruins built over by Renaissance ruins built over by 19th century buildings. There were Roman palaces for just one family in the ghetto that are now occupied by 20 families tenement style. The Roman statues are still present.

Image by Trachtenberg

Our last Jewish destination was Venice. The word “ghetto” comes from Venice, but it refers to the Italian word, “Geto,” which means foundry. This was the place that all 1,000 Venice Jews were ordered by Venice’s ruling body to go to in 1516. It was a swampy, malaria infested district far removed from the center of Venice. Over 1,000 were forced into this area cut off from the rest of Venice by a network of canals and enclosed by a high wall. All windows facing outward were bricked over. Venice’s Jews were forced to wear distinguishing red hats, and they were barred from every livelihood except trading, moneylending, and selling secondhand clothing. Nor could they own their own land. Paradoxically, the Venetian government that segregated the Jews also protected them from the pogroms and inquisitions of the middle ages. As a result, this ghetto community flourished as one of Europe’s great centers of Jewish culture. Jews from other parts of Italy, Germany, Constantinople, Spain, and other countries flocked to Venice. It was in Venice that the first Jewish book press was invented.

Today there are five surviving synagogues of which two are still in use. Four of the synagogues represent the nations that made up the Jewish community: the Levantine, from the Near East the Spanish, the German composed of Ashkenazim and the Italian. What’s interesting is that the synagogues are not on the first floor and they are next to each other. They are above stores, a Jewish museum, former warehouses, and tenements. They have 5 windows that look out on the square instead of the traditional 4 windows.

The synagogues were designed by the best 16th Century architects, master craftsmen, sculptors, finest silk and leading silversmiths. They were absolutely gorgeous. Opposite the Jewish Museum and synagogues is a wall with barbed wire that the Nazis used to keep the Jews in the Ghetto. It is next to the retirement home where all the inhabitants were killed in the Holocaust. There was a sub police station and extensive security in the area. There is a strong Jewish influence in other parts of Venice such as in St. Mark’s Cathedral and even in the Doge palace. Through art, the Venetians were taught the Bible.

These three areas were major centers of Jewish culture, religion and history. Today they are wonderful tourist areas with fantastic shops, Kosher restaurants, and a wonderful place to walk around. The Jewish communities are getting stronger and growing.

Three Jewish Ghettos That Have Made History

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Historic Photos of a Little-Known Outdoor Jewish Ghetto

The following is a summary of a collection of photos depicting the mass migration to an open-air ghetto outside of the small city Kutno, Poland, in 1940. The summary was written by Julia Werner, an advanced doctoral candidate in history at Humboldt University of Berlin, who discovered the photos at the Jewish Museum in Rendsburg, a small museum in the former synagogue of Rendsburg dedicated to the history of the local Jewish communities and German-Jewish history. The photos were taken by Wilhelm Hansen, a German Wehrmacht soldier who later became a member of the Nazi Party. Werner came to the USC Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research on a fellowship in February 2016 to deepen her understanding of the ghetto by reviewing testimonies of people who were held there. Werner was the 2015/2016 Margee and Douglas Greenberg Research Fellow.

(All photos taken by Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.)

On the day of the ghettoization of the Jews in Kutno in western Poland in June 1940, Wilhelm Hansen, a German teacher and Wehrmacht soldier, took a series of 83 photos. The picture above is one of his last shots of the day.

This shot might be a good starting point - a “punctum” so to say - as the image shows the end result of the ghettoization that happened on that very same day and gives an idea of the desperate situation of the Jewish population: left on the premises of an abandoned sugar factory outside the city center with a good share of their belongings, out in the open with nowhere to live and nowhere to put their furniture in this open-air ghetto. The image challenges how we usually imagine a ghetto, as the setting is very much different from those in known ghettos such as Warsaw or Łódź/Litzmannstadt, where the ghettos were set against the backdrop of cityscapes, with narrow streets, houses, markets and crowded squares.

There has been a lot of research on ghettoization policy, mainly based on perpetrator documents: population policy and the ghettoizations are seen as a form of social engineering and a history of competing institutions, for example the question of what the dominant motives were (such as the prevalence of ideological vs. economic motives). But the actual results of the racist population policies of the Nazis, the effects on the everyday lives of people are usually not central to these debates: what leaving apartments and belongings behind meant and what it looked like – emotionally as well as practically. Also visually, these moments of transfer have not been part of the established group of the same images that are being used in publications and exhibitions over and over again. There are a few publications on the big and rather well-known ghettos in Warsaw in Łódź/Litzmannstadt that look into different aspects of the everyday lives of the inhabitants, using photographs as well as diaries and other documents, but much less so on smaller ghettos and nothing on the ghettoizations, the move itself. There are publications on life in the already established ghettos, but most of the historical research is focused on structural questions like the function of the ghettos in the context of NS-population policy. Therefore photography and the example of Hansen’s collection of images are perfectly suited to really look into this central moment in so many people’s lives, that has been overlooked so far.

On the photographer and the collection

Christmas 1939, Poland. (Hansen is the one standing to the left.) Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Wilhelm Hansen was born on January 9th 1898 in Schleswig, a small town in the north of Germany. The photo above shows Hansen and his fellow soldiers celebrating Christmas 1939 in Poland. (Hansen is the one standing to the left) Hansen lived with his mother in a villa in a small village next to Schleswig. After his mother died, he moved in with his sister. From 1936 he worked as a teacher at the Cathedral school in Schleswig he taught geography, English and French. Wilhelm Hansen was drafted to the Wehrmacht, the German army, right after Germany attacked Poland, on September 5th 1939.

Hansen applied for membership in the National Socialist German Workers Party, or Nazi Party, on July 29, 1941, about a year after he had taken the photos of the ghettoization in Kutno. He was officially accepted on October 1st, 1941.[1]

His former students and colleagues describe him as a loner and somewhat bizarre, but generally friendly. He was a passionate photographer way before his time as a German Wehrmacht soldier in Poland and his students and colleagues remember him with a camera at almost every occasion.

After WWII he discovered super-8-film cameras and started to document the local life around Schleswig, gatherings of the local rifle associations, goat breeders, etc. It is unclear and impossible to reconstruct what his motivations were. What we know for a fact is that he didn’t do much with his filmic and photographic material he archived it and kept it mostly to himself. It is only due to a fortunate coincidence that we have access to these photos today. Jan Fischer, an archeologist and collector who was dealing with Hansen’s sisters house and her belongings after her death, came across his photographic collection and identified their value. Today you can find about 800 of Hansen’s photographs from the Warthegau in the archive of the Jewish Museum in Rendsburg.

Hansen took a series of 83 photographs on the day of the ghettoization of the Jews in Kutno on June 16, 1940. He basically spent all day documenting the forced move and “accompanying” the people who had to move their belongings to an abandoned sugar factory around 3 km outside the city center, where most of the Jews in Kutno lived. Kutno had a Jewish population of 6,700 by the beginning of WWII -- about 25 percent of the overall population. The series gives us an idea of the whole process of the ghettoization. The photos also enable us to reconstruct the way to the ghetto and the stops Hansen made along the way. From these photos, we can infer that Hansen moved around freely and did not try to hide his camera.

[1] Bundesarchiv Berlin, ehemals BDC (Berlin Document Center), NSDAP Zentralkartei, Mitgliedsnummer Wilhelm Hansen: 887502.

Kutno map with Hansen's route

In the city center of Kutno in the morning

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

On the way to the abandoned sugar factory, 3 km outside the city center

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

One of the entrances to the ghetto

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

On the premesis of the abandoned sugar factory "Konstancja"

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Photographer: Wilhelm Hansen. Source: Jüdisches Museum Rendsburg in der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf.

Hansen’s photos give us a good sense of the whole process of the forced move. And as much as his photos do help to bring out new aspects and perspectives, one of the main problems of working with photographs from the time of the German occupation of Poland (1939-1945) is that there are almost no photos that were taken by Jewish Poles or Catholic Poles, because the Nazi occupiers tried to control the means of production and therefore the access to photographic means of production was very asymmetrical: Jews were not allowed to own cameras, and the use for non-Jewish Poles was strictly limited to the private sphere. The German occupiers not only disowned photo labs owned by Poles and banned Polish professional photographers from employment, but also confiscated private cameras.

Ingo Loose, a leading researcher in the field of Holocaust studies, has argued there was a camera ban in all Polish ghettos, as very few photographs exist in which Jews had any influence over the production, motif or distribution. [1] Therefore it is important to keep in mind that the photographical sources that have come upon us today are mostly perpetrator and bystander photographs. This particular set of photos at Kutno was taken by a privileged Reichs-German who was part of the occupying force his perspective is reflective of that.

And the mere act of taking a photo itself in that situation adds yet another layer of violence to the situation. Photography, the creation of a representation of this act of violence, of this forced move, extends this act of violence and humiliation. Even though photography was not a very common practice back then as it is today (in 1939 around 10 percent of the German population owned a camera), it is safe to assume that there was an awareness and understanding of the photographic situation on both sides.

Only going beyond the pictorial frame can bring back the agency of the photographed. This is also why the interviews with survivors in the USC Shoah Foundation Visual History Archive are an enormously valuable source in addition to the photographs – they help to bring back the voices and the individuality of the Jewish men, women and children being ghettoized, in order to be able to see beyond pictorial frame. They help to broaden the perspective on the process and also put the people being ghettoized more in the focus they enable us to see more and help to make certain aspects visible, that would otherwise remain invisible.

For example, Gordon Klasky -- who was born in 1915 in Lubraniec, Poland -- spoke at length about the establishment of the ghetto in a 1995 interview conducted by USC Shoah Foundation:

“It was on a Sunday, June 16 1940. They came out and ordered. It was on a Saturday night, almost Sunday. […] The Germans gave that order to the Jewish population that everybody has to report the next day to a certain place and this was called -- it used to be a factory that made sugar -- and it was called in Polish Konstancja. And over there that Sunday we were allowed to take whatever we could, you know. […]

What were you allowed to take with?

"Furniture, whatever, you know, you couldn’t take any dogs or cats, so furniture you could take along with you, you know, and tools, most things we left. While we were taking our stuff, they used to… the mayor from the city, his name […] his name I remember exactly…he was an SA man […] he used to wear that brown uniform with an Hakenkreuz and his name was Sherman and he was walking through the Jewish homes and he used to beat us and he used to take out everything, you know. Fast, fast, you know. He used to beat us over our heads …and fast fast…you know: schnell.” [2]

The photographs do not only make the individuality of the people being photographed invisible, but also the violence of this forced move. Because of the absence of acts of violence as well as uniformed men and spectators/ bystanders, at first sight the photographs do not convey the impression of a forced move, but more of a self-organized move or process. So the photos help to bring out the importance of the moment of the ghettoization, open new perspectives, like in the case of the Kutno ghetto which shows an – from our perspective today – unusual ghetto, but at the same time, they make the force and violence that happened “invisible."

“So that Sunday they took us to that ghetto. It was a big place, you know, and I was forced, at least somehow I got into that big place, maybe a thousand people. We put the beds close to each other […] there was no place where to walk, just to lay down on the bed. […] There was a lot of people who didn’t have any place any more. I remember that day there were toilets there and they cleaned it out and they lived in that toilets. That’s the truth. And then a lot of people put up like a little house you know, like the Indians have […] like tents, but built from wood and they put blankets on top and they got in over there. It was raining and we were swimming, that’s right. Then you see, they needed barbers and I am a barber and we got together all the barbers and we put up there our mirrors on the walls […] and we used to work, you know, cut peoples’ hair when the weather was nice. When it started raining it was terrible.”[3]

Here, the connection of photographic and oral sources allows the viewer to look beyond the pictorial frame, and gives an idea of what happened outside the picture that day, as well as what happened before and after the photograph was taken. Yet another photograph taken by a German soldier after the establishment of the ghetto shows a barber stand in the Kutno ghetto, maybe even the one that Klasky mentioned.

The photographs of Wilhelm Hansen, a German Wehrmacht soldier, help to bring out aspects about the ghettoization of the Jews in Poland that have often been overlooked. They draw attention to an unusual ghettoization – or at least one very much different from the ones known from popular images of the “big” ghettos in Warsaw, Litzmannstadt and Krakow, which are published over and over again and show ghettos against the backdrop of a cityscape, with houses, crowded streets etc.

The series of 83 images by Hansen makes the ghettoization of the Jews in Kutno tellable. No other sources allow us to talk about the ghettoization in such detail: horse carts, people waiting, the large amounts of things, belongings, furniture, etc. that people were able to take to the ghetto in that particular case, the perception of the ghetto space filled with people and belongings that are – from Hansen’s perspective – almost impossible to distinguish, the desperate situation on the premises of the sugar factory at the end of the day, when around 7000 people were basically just left alone there with their belongings.

On the other hand, the photographs also reproduce the perpetrators’ perspective. The VHA interviews offer a perfect addition here. The two different sources have different qualities: Hansen’s photographs, as they are photos by a German perpetrator or at least bystander, focus on the process of ghettoization, his focus is not on the people being ghettoized, but more interested in the process on a “documentary” level. They de-humanize people – the process of ghettoization does that in the first place of course – but the photos of the ghettoization seen through the eyes of the perpetrators, who keep a distance and do not focus on the people perpetuate that. In the process of ghettoization the Jewish population was forced into being a group and the photos reinforce that: they homogenize a diverse group of people.

The interviews from the Visual History Archive, on the other, help us understand the context of the moment of ghettoization better from the perspective of the Jewish people who were forced to move that day. They help us refine the context and also give us a much better understanding of the concrete situation of the individuals being subjected to this forced move and the diversity of people and experiences. They therefore help to take a much more differentiated look at the situation of the people being ghettoized. The interviews manage to convey a much more complex perspective on the very heterogeneous group of people that the photographs tend to homogenize for the viewer. They bring out the unique and diverse voices of the survivors and help to present a more detailed and multi-perspective historical narrative.

Click here to read a scholarly summary of Werner's work by Martha Stroud, Ph.D., the research program officer at the USC Shoah Foundation Center for Advanced Genocide Research.

[1] An exception is the Getto Łódź: Loose, Ingo, Ghettoalltag, in: Hansen, Imke, Steffen, Kathrin und Joachim Tauber (Hg.), Lebenswelt Ghetto.


What Life Was Like in the World’s First Ghetto

W alking through the streets of the world&rsquos first &ldquoghetto,&rdquo one might come across a variety of sights: the impoverished Jews confined to that quarter rabbis reciting elegant speeches in the Italian vernacular crumbling buildings musicians singing Hebrew psalms.

Although Jewish life has been restricted in cities all over the world for centuries, the first so-called &ldquoghetto&rdquo was declared in Venice in 1516. By and large, its establishment was a response by the Venetian government to the increasing Jewish refugee population, which had begun to arrive following the 1492 expulsion of Jews from Spain. Desiring to keep its communities separate, the Venetian Republic declared that the city&rsquos Jews (who made up 1% to 2.5% of the total population) were to live on the site of a former iron foundry &ndash &ldquogeto&rdquo in the Venetian dialect. By 1642, 2,414 Jews were confined to this small section of the city.

The enclosure was walled off, and its gate was locked at sunset every night. Any Jews who returned to the ghetto after the closing of the gates needed to submit a written explanation to the government&rsquos guards. Outside the ghetto, Jews were forced to wear colored head-coverings to indicate their difference from the rest of the population.

With this distinction emphasized and recorded, the Venetian state had the power to effectively monitor and control Jewish movement, business, trade and life. For this reason, governments throughout the world would later use the term &ldquoghetto&rdquo to designate the always-too-small and always-too-decrepit areas where Jews were segregated. Infamously, the Nazis forced Jews to move into enclosed ghettos in cities all over Central and Eastern Europe, an act that preceded their systematic destruction.

And yet, devastation is not the only legacy of the Venice Ghetto. That was one of the lessons of the academic conference hosted in September by the Center for Jewish History, of which I am the president. The conference, which was co-sponsored by the Medici Archive Project (MAP) in Florence and which is accompanied by an exhibit, which will remain up through the end of the year, offered scholars and the public an opportunity to learn about the experience of living in the early modern Italian ghetto. Indeed, some scholars argued that, while the Venice ghetto obviously restricted the lives of Jews, it also gave them express legal permission to live in the city. Within this structure, the Venetian Jewish community flourished culturally, producing works of art and scholarship that were revered around the world. Indeed, non-Jewish foreigners traveling to Venice rarely left the city without visiting the ghetto.

The ghetto&rsquos Jewish preachers &ndash darshanim &ndash &ldquoreflect a cultural ambiance unique to Jews, emanating from the special characteristics of their cultural heritage and the specific circumstances of their social and political status,&rdquo noted University of Pennsylvania Professor David B. Ruderman, in his keynote address. Many of these rabbis were not only religious sages, but also scientists and philosophers.

In fact, despite their subjugated status, some Jews were permitted to attend the prestigious University of Padua, just a short walk away from the confines of the ghetto, where they studied both medicine and the humanities. As such, their writings often attempted to bridge the gap between human reason and divine omniscience. It was no coincidence that Venice became the world&rsquos center for Jewish book publishing at the time. Other figures, such as Solomone Rossi, became musicians, incorporating the polyphonic techniques of Catholic Church services into Hebrew songs and psalms.

Of course, early modern Venice is not the first association that the word &ldquoghetto&rdquo suggests today. It was not until the 1930s that scholars of demographics and sociology first used &ldquoghetto&rdquo in its newer American sense, to describe the inner-city areas where poor and disadvantaged African-Americans lived. Racist housing policies, poverty and discrimination restricted, and continue to restrict, these communities to specific areas. The use of the term was appropriate: &ldquoghetto&rdquo originally described a walled in physical space, where Jews lived restricted lives under circumstances dictated and controlled by an outside force &ndash often an official governmental body. It is no wonder, then, that sociologists discussed the experiences of African-Americans and European Jews in the same light.

Unlike the Venice Ghetto, contemporary ghettos in the United States are surrounded not by walls, but by the more amorphous and ambiguous historical legacy of inequality and racism. The ghettoes of our inner cities continue to isolate and restrict those who live in them. By giving the ghetto the scholarly consideration it merits, from 500 years ago to today, we can better understand the full impact of that isolation.

Joel J. Levy is President and Chief Executive Officer of the Center for Jewish History