Geskiedenis Podcasts

Standbeeld van Idrimi

Standbeeld van Idrimi


Standbeeld van Idrimi - Geskiedenis

Ek gaan voort deur John Van Seters ’ Op soek na geskiedenis. Hier is twee items:

1. Op bladsye 190-191 vergelyk Van Seters die historiografie oor Idrimi met die van David en Salomo. Idrimi was in die vyftiende eeu die koning van Alalakh, 'n stadstaat in die huidige Turkye. Die verhaal oor Idrimi is egter 'n paar eeue na Idrimi se tyd saamgestel, voer Jack Sasson aan. Volgens Sasson het Sarruwa, die skriba, hierdie gesimuleerde outobiografie oor Idrimi geskep. Vir Sasson het Sarruwa nie veel geweet van Idrimi nie, en hy het die grootste deel van sy verhaal uitgevind en die koning verheerlik as 'n held en stigter van die dinastie deur die media van folklore en legendes (Van Seters ’ woorde). Sasson baseer sy argument op dinge soos die ooreenkoms van die inskripsie en die standbeeld waarop dit is met items in die laat bronstydperk, sowel as die onverenigbaarheid tussen die teks en die historiese konteks van Idrimi.

Van Seters sê: “ Die verhaal van Idrimi suggereer dat 'n skriba op 'n hoë plek 'n lewensgetroue voorstelling van 'n dinastiese stigter in 'n historiese teks kon uitdink en dit in die belang van nasionalisme en politieke propaganda kon doen. Die verhaal was beslis bedoel om deur die bevolking as 'n werklikheid beskou te word, en die koning is ongetwyfeld baie vereer weens die bedrywighede wat dit bevat. ”

Ek het dit interessant gevind omdat dit 'n belangrike vraag rakende geskiedskrywing aanspreek: Het die ou mense gedink dat hulle verhale werklik gebeur het? Volgens Van Seters het die skrifgeleerde wat die verhaal oor Idrimi geskryf het, verwag dat sy gehoor die verhaal as 'n feitelike beskrywing van die verlede sou beskou.

Van Seters sê dat geleerdes probeer het om die historisiteit van die David- en Salomo -verhale te ondersteun deur 'n beroep te doen op hul parallelle met die verhaal oor Idrimi. Maar Van Seters sê dat die vergelyking meer korrek in die teenoorgestelde rigting kan dui, want die ooreenkomste stel voor dat heroïese en folkloristiese elemente maklik op sulke stigters konings toegepas kan word en deel kan word van die historiografiese tradisie. &# 8221

2. Op bladsy 136 sê Van Seters:

Die konstruksie van 'n tydelike kontinuïteit van teogonie en die tyd van helde en eers helde tot latere geskiedenis deur middel van genealogiese verbindings is ook deel van die vroeë Griekse geskiedskrywing. Of Egipte 'n invloed gehad het op hierdie Griekse ontwikkeling, tesame met die Mesopotamiese antediluviaanse tradisie, is moeilik om te sê. ”

Volgens Van Seters het Egiptiese, Mesopotamiese en vroeë Griekse geskiedskrywing die onlangse geskiedenis oorbrug met teogonie en 'n legendariese tyd van helde. Wat Herodotus egter van die Griekse prosaskrywers voor hom onderskei het, was dat hy weggeskram het van mitologiese en legendariese verduideliking in sy geskiedenis (bladsy 24). Volgens Van Seters verwerp Herodotus die hele oorsaak van die heroïese tydperk kortliks (1.1-5) en stel dit die vraag na verantwoordelikheid binne die tyd en omvang van die historiese tydperk self ” (bladsy 24). Boonop assosieer Van Seters Herodotus met die Ioniese verligting, wat 'n kritiese benadering tot [Homerus en Hesiodos] aangemoedig het wat hul wonderbaarlike elemente rasionaliseer en dit ook regstel deur nuwe inligting ” (bladsy 22). As 'n reël was Herodotus 'n rasionalistiese historikus, hoewel daar in sy geskiedenis enkele uitsonderings op hierdie reël kan wees.

Op bladsy 21 haal Van Seters 'n woordeboek se definisie aan van 'n epos: 'n lang, formele, vertellende vorm in verhoogde styl, met tipies heldhaftige prestasies en prestasies of grootse gebeurtenisse. ” Voorbeelde van epos sluit in Ilias en die Odyssee. Van Seters beskou die Hebreeuse Bybelverhale nie as epos nie. Die Yahwist in Genesis beeld die ouderdom van helde en die oorsprong van die beskawing in 'n negatiewe lig uit (dink aan die Kain, die Nefilim en Nimrod). Abrahams se reise is nie avonture soos dié van die nie Odyssee” (bladsy 29). En op bladsye 29-30 sê Van Seters aangaande die verhaal van Moses:

Die verhaal van Moses is skaars nader aan 'n heroïese model of 'n epiese aanbieding. Sy redding as 'n vondeling is 'n volksverhaal wat van 'n held gebruik kan word, maar dit kan ook vertel word van 'n historiese persoon uit die onlangse geskiedenis, net soos van Kores deur Herodotus. Moses se jeugdige poging om sy volk met geweld te bevry, is 'n mislukking, en hy vlug uit vrees vir die bedreiging van die koning. As sy oproep as afleweraar kom, probeer hy baie om homself van die uitdaging te verskoon. Sy stryd met die koning van Egipte is deur die profetiese woorde en slaag wanneer die Israeliete vlug of uit die land verdryf word. Die opstand van die mense in die wildernis en die ander beproewings is amper verwant aan die arbeid van Herakles. En die lang afwyking van die wette pas skaars by die epiese patroon. Selfs die gevegte met Sihon en Og word behandel as berigte op 'n manier soortgelyk aan Israel se eie historiografiese tradisie in Samuel en Kings. ”

Van Seters se agenda om die historiografie van die Pentateug te onderskei van epos, blyk die siening te ondermyn dat daar 'n oorspronklike poëtiese epos is agter die bronne van die Pentateug [wat aanvoer] vir die groot oudheid van sy geskiedenis. 8217 deur 'n lang stadium van mondelinge tradisie ” (bladsy 30). Van Seters ’ wonder waarom poëtiese epos in Griekeland en Mesopotamië oorleef het, maar nie in eertydse Israel nie, as daar wel 'n epiese gedig agter die Pentateug was. Van Seters lewer dus kritiek op tradisionele kritiek.

Wat my verwar, is dit: Onderskei Van Seters epos van historiografie? Op bladsy 29 ontken Van Seters dat Genesis 'n epos is, en sê dan: "Ons het meestal 'n genealogiese opvolging waarin die aartsvaders vol is met volksverhale, etiologiese motiewe, staaltjies en novelles. Daar is verhale wat handel oor die oorsprong van naburige mense en 'n paar aanvullende genealogiese afwykings. Dit alles behoort tot die historiografiese tradisie. ” Hier lyk dit of Van Seters historiografie van epos onderskei.

Tog, op bladsye 200-201, blyk dit dat Van Seters die Ilias as 'n voorbeeld van geskiedskrywing noem. En in die aanhaling van bladsy 136 sê Van Seters dat Egiptiese, Mesopotamiese en vroeë Griekse geskiedenis teogonies en 'n legendariese tyd van helde gehad het.


Idrimi

Idrimi (Ek id-ri-mi) Mukis (Szíria) uralkodója (kormányzója) i. e. 15. század közepén, 1470-1440 körül. A mitannibeli Parattarnával egyidőben élt. Apja a lázadó I. Ilim-ilimma. [1] A lazadást követően Idrimi elmenekült a városból Emarba. Kánaánban gyűjtött hadsereget és tért vissza, majd Mitanni segítségével foglalta el örökségének egy részét. Ons kan Halapból kormányozta országát, Idrimi már csak Alalah városát szerezhette vissza, ezzel került át Jamhad ősi székhelye Alahtumba (ma Tell el-Acana). A korábbi Jamhad, amelynek fővárosa Halap (vaag Khalab, ma Aleppó) volt, a hurrik támadásai következtében összeomlott, helyébe annak déli részén a II. Jarimlím által kialakított mukisi territóriumon alakult új amorita állam.

Uralkodása végén ülőszobra törzsére vésette feliratát, amelyben száműzetésének és trónra való visszakerülésének történetét meséli el. A szöveg hibákkal teli akkád nyelven íródott, itt-ott gondolatritmusokat alkalmaz, a szíriai történeti elbeszélő próza egyik legkorábbi emléke. Ons het 'n baie goeie manier om 'n kerk toe te pas. Történetileg páratlan értékű forrás az alig ismert kor eseményeihez, en ons kan 'n Kánaánban élő habiru (héber) törzseket említi, illetve Mukisba telepedő kánaánita földművesekről is beszél.

Daar is 'n aantal nuwe newezies: „Idrimi, a Viharisten szolgája, Alalah Hölgyeinek, Hebatnak és IŠTARnak szolgája ”. As IM logogrammal is dit 'n waardevolle teks Tessub helyi változata, Haddu, IŠTAR pedig and helyi Ishara (Išḫara) lehet.

Idrimi a hurrita Mitanni fénykorában élt, Parattarna király és Alluvamnasz hettita király kortársa. Ons gee 'n goeie beskrywing van Mitanni. 'N Hurrita állam ez időben in 'n Földközi-tenger-partjaiig terjeszkedett Észak-Szíria városállamain keresztül, miközben en térség másik potenciális nagyhatalma, en Hettita Birodalom súlyos belső problémákk. Idrimi önéletrajza a kelet-anatóliai és észak-szíriai térség korabeli politikai állapotának képét vázolja fel, és betekenisintést enged a történelem egy érdekes, de máig kevéssé ismert periódusá.

Idrimi Parattarna kan 'n hele menukaart gebruik, maar dit kan ook 'n spesiale funksie wees. Ons bied 'n ander opsie. Ons het 'n maksimum van 30 dae per dag. Ons kan nie 'n konflik hê nie, maar ons kan ook 'n kizzuvatnai Pillijasszal hê wat ons kan help, maar ook 'n groot probleem met Mitanni fathatalmát.


Hebreeuse Bybel

Die Kanaäniete word gereeld in die Hebreeuse Bybel genoem. Die verhale sê dat God belowe het om die land van die Kanaäniete (saam met grond wat aan verskeie ander groepe behoort) aan die Israeliete te gee nadat hulle uit Egipte ontsnap het.

In die verhale vertel God vir Moses dat ek hulle [die Israeliete] gehoor het as gevolg van hul slawebestuurders, en ek is bekommerd oor hulle lyding. Daarom het ek afgekom om hulle uit die hand van die Egiptenaars te red en uit daardie land op te bring in 'n goeie en ruim land, 'n land wat oorloop van melk en heuning - die tuiste van die Kanaäniete, Hetiete, Amoriete, Peresiete, Hiviete en Jebusiete. ” (Eksodus 3: 7)

Die verhale wat in die Hebreeuse Bybel vertel word, sê dat nadat die Israeliete uit Egipte ontsnap het, 'n reeks oorloë teen die Kanaäniete (en ander groepe) gevoer het, wat daartoe gelei het dat die Israeliete die grootste deel van die Kanaäniete ’ oorgeneem het. Die verhale sê dat die Kanaäniete wat oorleef het, dwangarbeid moes doen. Die verhale sê ook dat hierdie verowerde land opgeneem is in 'n magtige Israelitiese koninkryk wat uiteindelik in twee verdeel het.


Vorige Nuus

Op 9 Mei praat Adam Lowe oor die werk van Factum Foundation by die Warburg Institute, Londen, as deel van die lesingsreeks Die werkswinkel heropen: Middeleeus tot vroeg-modern. Die toespraak bied 'n kontemporêre perspektief op die reeks en fokus op werkswinkels en ateljees vir kunstenaars as plekke vir die oordrag van idees en vaardighede.

In Januarie 2018 hernu Factum Foundation en Strawberry Hill House hul poging om die kunsversameling van Horace Walpole terug te bring na die oorspronklike plek. Factum Foundation het Joshua Reynold's opgeneem Die dames Waldegrave (1780), in opdrag van Horace Walpole, die oom van Laura, Maria en Horatia Waldegrave, die drie sitters wat in hierdie werk uitgebeeld word. Die skildery het oorspronklik in die Walpole -huis in Strawberry Hill gehang, maar dit is in 1842 verkoop en het in 1952 in die versameling van die National Gallery of Scotland gekom.

Factum Foundation se fotografiese manuskripskandeerder is geïnstalleer by die Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography in Mei 2017. Sedertdien het operateurs by die IHAE hierdie skandeerder gebruik om meer as 109 000 manuskripbladsye met resolusies van 800 dpi op 1: 1 op te neem. Hierdie buitengewone projek om die versameling Oosterse manuskripte van die IHAE op te neem en te bewaar, is sedert einde 2015 aan die gang en is ontwikkel in samewerking met die Ziyavudin Magomedov Charitable Peri Foundation (Moskou, Makhachkala), die Juma al Majid -sentrum (Dubai) en die IHAE (Makhachkala).

Lees meer oor die projek op die Factum Foundation -webwerf.

Onlangs het verskeie nuusberigte stories gepubliseer oor die verskillende projekte wat deur die Stigting uitgevoer word. Op 3 Desember het die program Bewaarders van Erfenis van die German History Channel het 'n program uitgesaai oor ons gebruik van tegnologie en vakmanskap om erfenis te red. Newsweek, CNN, PBS en El Pais het ook verslae en video's oor die Foundation & acutes -projekte geskryf. Kyk wat hulle oor ons werk gesê het.

Ferdinand Saumarez Smith en Arthur Prior het teruggekeer van 'n ekspedisie van drie weke in die Tibesti -streek in Noord -Tsjaad, en het voortgegaan met Factum Foundation se samewerking met die Trust for African Rock Art (TARA) om prehistoriese rotskunswerwe in die streek te dokumenteer. Vir meer inligting oor Factum Foundation se werk met TARA, sien: http://africanrockart.org/

As deel van ons eerste praktiese samewerking met Iconem in Pakistan, het Factum Foundation & acutes Ross Davison en Luke Tchalenko die opname van 'n versteende voetafdruk in hoë resolusie uitgevoer. Die afdruk is vasgelê met behulp van 'n kombinasie van stelsels, insluitend fotogrammetrie en drone -opname. Die inligting met 'n hoë resolusie sal gebruik word om 'n presiese faksimilee te maak vir die Pakistan Museum of Natural History in Islamabad. Terwyl die span hierdie voetspore in Pakistan aangeteken het, het die BBC berig dat vandale 'n ou voetspoor van die dinosourus in Australië beskadig het. Hierdie hartseer nuus toon die duidelike behoefte aan om plaaslike spanne op te lei en tegnologieë oor te dra om erfenis in gevaar op te teken.

Factum Foundation & rsquos Pedro Mir & oacute en Otto Lowe het na Jeddah (Saoedi -Arabië) gereis, as deel van 'n loodsprojek met Art Jameel wat volksargitektuur dokumenteer en Saoedi -studente oplei in fotogrammetrie vir die behoud van kulturele erfenis. Gedurende hul tyd daar het hulle die oppervlak van drie tradisionele geboue in die ou stad aangeteken deur meer as 3000 foto's op elke plek te neem met behulp van beide fotogrammetrie en die Faro Focus laserskandeerder. Voorlopige verwerking toon die presisie en aanpasbaarheid van hierdie twee tegnologieë aan. Hulle het ook opgeleide studente van die Jameel House of Traditional Arts in Al Balad, Jeddah opgeneem en oefen om argitektoniese besonderhede by hulle op te neem.

Die Foundation, wat saam met Art Jameel werk, het 'n opsporingsmissie onderneem wat die opname van enkele van die oorblywende voorbeelde van die delikate en diskrete qut -muurskilderye behels. Hierdie beeld van Rijal Alma is opgeneem net voordat die herbouing sou plaasvind. Namate die land moderniseer en bou, is die behoud van die oorblywende bewyse van sy diep kulturele geskiedenis van groot belang. Ali Moghawi was die gids vir die besoek. Soos altyd is diepgaande plaaslike kennis van kritieke belang vir die begrip van die spesifieke uitdagings wat die beskerming van kulturele erfenis in die streek in die gesig staar. Die kunstenaar Ahmed Mater vergesel Adam Lowe, Gabriel Scrapa en James Macmillan Scott en gee 'n unieke insig in die behoeftes van kontemporêre kunstenaars in die streek.

Die standbeeld van Idrimi, 'n vlugteling uit Aleppo wat 3 500 jaar gelede opgedaag het om die koning van Alalakh in die suide van Turkye te word, is verlede Februarie in die British Museum opgeneem en geskandeer. 'N 3D -model van die aangetekende data is nou beskikbaar op Sketchfab. Die Factum Foundation sal 'n faks van die standbeeld maak en dit skenk aan die Britse liefdadigheidsorganisasie Making-Light om deel te wees van die uitstalling Sirië in die verlede en die hede. Die standbeeld van Idrimi het die Britse museum nog nooit verlaat nie weens kommer oor die bewaring.

Klik op die skakel om 'n oorsig te lees van die projek wat op Current Archaeology gepubliseer is.

Adam Lowe het 'n toespraak gehou by Project Space Art Jameel in Dubai met die titel Tradisionele en digitale ambagsmanne ontmoet, ondersoek die maniere waarop nuwe tegnologie gebruik word in beide argitektoniese bewaring en kontemporêre kuns. Die bespreking fokus op die belangrikheid van volhoubare toerisme deur gebruik te maak van Stoppela & eumlre House in Egipte as 'n gevallestudie in die oordrag van tegnologie, opleiding en die gebruik van nie-indringende bewaarmiddels. Die toespraak beskryf ook 'n meer onlangse samewerking met Art Jameel, wat studente aan die Jameel House of Traditional Arts (Jeddah) tegnieke oplei om die argitektoniese erfenis van Al-Balad, 'n UNESCO-wêrelderfenisgebied, te skandeer en te dokumenteer.

Die uitstalling Nineveh: Heart of an Ancient Empire in die Rijksmuseum van Oudheden het twee Lamassu wat deur die Stigting herverwerklik is, besigtig. Die oorspronklikes is opgeneem in die British Museum in 2014. Die Lamassu sal na die uitstalling aan die Ashurbanipal -biblioteek aan die Universiteit van Mosul geskenk word, as 'n geskenk van die British Museum, die Rijksmuseum en Factum Foundation om die gips wat in 2014 geskenk is, te vervang en vernietig of verkoop deur IS. Kyk hoe hierdie gevleuelde leeus gedigitaliseer en weer gematerialiseer is.

Jeffrey Brown van PBS NewsHour het Factum verlede Maart besoek om meer te wete te kom oor ons werk by Factum Arte en die Stigting. Sy stuk fokus op ons benadering om die integriteit van kulturele voorwerpe en erfenis te verstaan ​​en te bewaar. Klik hier om na die video te kyk.

Na 'n lang reis na 'n landskap van ongerepte mere en woude in die noorde van Rusland, was die 11de Mei die begin van 'n opnamesessie van drie maande by die Ferapontov-klooster, 'n werelderfenisgebied van UNESCO. Spanne van Factum en die Peri-stigting werk elke aand in die katedraal van die geboorte van die Maagd om meer as seshonderd vierkante meter fresco's wat in 1502 deur die beroemde ikonskilder Dionisy geskilder is, te fotografeer. Hoog op 'n wielplatform, wat uiteindelik meer as tien meter sal bereik vir die opname van Christus in die koepel, het Peri en Factum -fotograwe reeds 'n aantal tonele van die suidelike muur vasgelê, waaronder die wonder van Sint Nikolaas wat die duiwel uitdryf 'n fantastiese boom in helder oker en rooi, en ligte groen. Na die verwerking van data sal die hoëresolusie-opname die klooster-museum help met sy voortdurende bewaringspoging om die delikate toestand van die fresco's te behou en sal dit ook 'n waardevolle bron wees vir historici van Russiese en Bisantynse kuns regoor die wêreld.

'N Span van Factum Foundation het pas teruggekeer uit die boonste Xingu -streek in die deelstaat Mato Grosso, Brasilië, waar hulle deelgeneem het aan die samewerking van People & rsquos Palace Projects met die inheemse filmmaker Takuma Kuikuro. Factum & rsquos -span het 'n volledige LiDAR -skandering van die dorp Takuma & rsquos, Ipatse, fotogrammetriese opnames van menslike artefakte en kenmerke van die natuurlike omgewing met behulp van 'n hommeltuig gemaak. Die werk is bedoel om 'n bydrae te lewer tot die vervaardiging van Takuma en rsquos en die beplande kultuursentrum van Ipatse en rsquos in die naaste dorp, Canarana.

Factum Foundation se Ferdinand Saumarez Smith het 'n nuwe artikel geskryf waarin hy die konseptuele agtergrond van die uitstalling & Soen's Ark: Building with Symbols ' as the Think Piece ' vir die uitstalling ondersoek. Argitektoniese oorsig. Klik hier om dit te lees.

Die uitstalling sluit op 21 Januarie.

Op 1 Oktober 2017 is die faksimilee van alle bekende panele van die Griffoni Polyptych geïnstalleer in die St. Vincent Ferrer -kapel in die Basiliek van San Petronio in Bologna, hul oorspronklike ligging. Die altaarstuk keer terug na San Petronio na 'n afwesigheid van 200 jaar betyds vir pous Franciscus se besoek aan die basiliek. Die panele is in die 18de eeu uit die kapel verwyder en as afsonderlike skilderye verkoop. Die oorspronklike panele van hierdie altaarstuk word nou bewaar in verskillende versamelings, waaronder die National Gallery, Pinacoteca di Brera, die Palazzo Cini, die Vatikaanmuseum en die National Gallery of Art. Vir meer inligting oor hierdie projek, klik hier.

Factum Foundation sal hierdie September deelneem aan die & ldquoReproduksie van kunswerke en kulturele erfenis en rdquo (ReACH) rondetafel by die Hermitage Museum met die V & ampA en Peri Foundation. ReACH vier die 150ste bestaansjaar van Henry Cole 1867 Konvensie vir die bevordering van universele reproduksies van kunswerke tot voordeel van museums in alle lande deur 'n opnamestrategie op te stel wat plaaslike instellings bevoordeel, terwyl openbare toegang tot erfenisdata verseker word. ReACH organiseer 'n reeks internasionale simposia om nuwe benaderings tot die digitalisering en reproduksie van kulturele erfenis te bespreek. Tristam Hunt, direkteur van die V & ampA, het tydens die tweede geleentheid by die Smithsonian gepraat en Adam Lowe & rsquos -aanbieding voorgestel.

Scanning Seti: Die wedergeboorte van 'n faraoniese graf word uitgestal in die Antikenmuseum Basel en sal tot 6 Mei 2017 te sien wees. Skandeer Seti is 'n voorstelling van die evolusie van die graf van Seti I sedert sy ontdekking in 1817 deur Giovanni Battista Belzoni tot vandag toe. Die uitstalling bevat 'n volledige weergawe van die Hall of Beauties soos dit in 1817 gelyk het, gebaseer op Giovanni Battista Belzoni en beroemde beroemde waterverf. Die publiek kan ook deur 'n 1: 1 -faksimile van kamers I en J. loop. Hierdie replika bevat die faksimile van fragmente wat uit die oorspronklike graf verwyder is in die XIX eeu en nou bewaar word by die Louvre, die British Museum, die Argeologiese Museum in Florence, en die Pergamon Museum.

Ontdek die uitstalling Scanning Seti: Die wedergeboorte van 'n faraoniese graf. of klik hier om te leer hoe hierdie faksimilees gemaak is.


Sommige opleiding in die geskiedenis ” vir Craig A. Evans, Richard Bauckham, et al.

In my laaste pos op Jesus vervaardig Ek het Craig Evans se uiteensetting van skeptiese gevolgtrekkings bespreek op grond van die feit dat niemand wat in die geskiedenis opgelei is, sulke twyfel sal hê oor die vraag of ons enigsins iets histories oor Jesus kan weet nie, of selfs as hy het bestaan. Evans is nie die enigste Bybelwetenskaplike wat so 'n opmerking gemaak het nie, en my laaste pos was nie my laaste woord oor die onderwerp nie. Sal 'n bietjie uitgebrei word oor die vorige pos hier. Ek het Bauckham in die opskrif ingesluit, want sy historiese rekonstruksie van die evangelies in 'n ander reeks poste wat ek hier ingedien het, toon ook 'n afgrond van die mees basiese historiese “opleiding ”. Sedert my laaste pos met von Ranke begin het, sou 'n natuurlike aspek 'n bespreking wees van Niels Peter Lemche in Die Israeliete in geskiedenis en tradisie. Ook hy begin met von Ranke. (Sien vorige pos vir bespreking van een van Von Ranke se bydraes tot historiografie.)

Fundamentaliste sal Lemche ontslaan omdat sy metodes nie lei tot gevolgtrekkings wat hul oortuigings ondersteun nie, maar ek daag hulle uit om historiografiese, of selfs logiese, redes te vind vir die omverwerping van die historiese beginsels waarvolgens hy werk. Maar Lemche is geensins 'n eenmalige saak nie. Nadat ek klaar is met Lemche, hoop ek om 'n lys met ander name uit my notas uit te grawe en dit te wysig om dit hier te plaas met soortgelyke besprekings oor geldige historiese metodologie, uit die antieke sowel as die moderne geskiedenis.

Primêre en sekondêre bronne

Volgens Leopold von Ranke moet die historikus wat die verlede wil herskep, altyd konsentreer op die erkende hedendaagse bronne en alle ander soort inligting na 'n tweede plek delegeer. ” p.22

'N Bekende kontemporêre bron staan ​​ook bekend as 'n primêre bron.

'N Primêre bron is een wat:

  1. kan sonder probleme gedateer word
  2. behoort fisies tot die tydperk waaroor dit as eerstehandse inligting beskou word

Voorbeeld 1: 'n Klipbeeld met 'n opskrif gevind waar dit oorspronklik deur iemand geplaas is om gebeure in sy eie tyd te herdenk.

Voorbeeld 2: 'n Inskripsie wat in die tempel van Augustus in Ankara gevind is, en wat staatmaak op 'n amptelike dokument uit die dae van Augustus (die Res Gestae), en wat kort na sy dood in die tempel geplaas is, kan as 'n primêre bron beskou word .

Voorbeeld 3: 'n Inskripsie uit die dae van Kamose, die laaste farao van die sewentiende dinastie van Egipte, sal 'n eerstehands bron wees van die verdrywing van die Hyksos.

Hier moet op gelet word dat die evangelies en Handelinge nie sonder probleme gedateer kan word nie ”. 'N Geleerde kan sterk beweer dat Handelinge geskryf is deur 'n metgesel van Paulus wat nie sy rekening voltooi het voordat Paulus verhoor en tereggestel is nie. Maar hy kan niks anders doen as stry en argumenteer nie. Daar is eenvoudig te veel ander argumente vir 'n latere datum. Daar is niks anders nie as vermoedens en hoop en geloof en een van die vele interpretasies van die gegewens om 'n kontemporêre datum te staaf.

Sekondêre bronne:

'N Teks wat dieselfde standbeeld beskryf as in voorbeeld 1 hierbo, is nie 'n primêre bron as die teks byvoorbeeld in 'n latere generasie geskryf is nie.

Die geskiedenis van Livy van die Puniese oorlog is nie 'n primêre bron nie, want Livy het ongeveer 200 jaar na die gebeure geskryf.

Suetonius se lewe van Augustus Caesar is nie 'n primêre bron nie, want dit is ongeveer 100 jaar na Augustus geskryf.

Die beskrywing van Manetho oor die uitsetting van die Hyksos is 'n sekondêre bron, wat ongeveer 1200 jaar na die gebeurtenis verwyder is, en selfs eeue later in bronne bewaar is (Josephus, Africanus, Eusebius).

Dokumente uit die agtiende dinastie van Egipte is nader aan die uitstootgebeurtenis van Hyksos, maar is nog steeds nie kontemporêre bronne daarvoor nie.

Evangelies oor Jesus word algemeen beskou as 'n geslag of meer na Jesus.

Verwar die primêre en sekondêre bronne

Soms verskyn 'n sekondêre bron wat sê dat dit 'n dokument bevat, byvoorbeeld 'n brief, wat tot 'n baie vroeër tyd behoort. (Dit is die geval in die boeke Esra en Nehemia.) Is daardie brief 'n primêre bron? Nee. Die enigste manier waarop so 'n brief wat in 'n sekondêre bron ingebed is, tot die primêre bronvlak verhoog kan word, is as daar bevestiging is uit hedendaagse bronne dat dit ongetwyfeld werklik tot die vorige tydperk behoort.

Dit is 'n feit wat dikwels deur Bybelgeleerdes oor die hoof gesien word wat soms dink dat laatboeke soos [Handelinge (my voorbeeld, nie Lemche ’s)] primêre dokumentêre materiaal bevat wat teruggaan na [Jakobus van Handelinge 15 of Claudius Lysias van Handelinge 23]. ” (p.29)

Watter bronne verseker ons “wat werklik gebeur het ”?

Dit kan 'n truukvraag wees. Dit vra nie hoe of hoekom iets gebeur het nie. Maar wat. Die verskil is groot.

Primêre bronne kan afkomstig wees van 'n voorskrif van die koninklike hof. Hulle kan van 'n generaal in die veld kom. Of van 'n handelaar wat 'n brief skryf. Dit maak nie saak of die getuienis van 'n keiser of 'n boer is nie. Beide 'n koning sowel as 'n boer skryf, met 'n spesifieke doel voor oë, as hy 'n brief of opskrif vir 'n ander persoon skryf. Ons kan verwag dat die doeleindes en inligting in elke geval anders sal wees. Die inslag en standpunt sal anders wees.

Maar steeds, “kontemporêre dokumente kan waarskynlik verwys na gebeure wat in die een of ander vorm werklik gebeur het. '” (p.23)

Dit wil nie sê dat die primêre bronne en hedendaagse dokumente onfeilbaar is nie. Af en toe ontdek historici dat hulle verkeerd inlig. Lemche verwys na 'n kontemporêre dokument uit 1167 v.G.J. verkondiging van die stigting van Kopenhagen in daardie jaar. Maar argeoloë het sedertdien gevind dat die stad honderd jaar tevore daar was. Dus moet selfs hedendaagse — primêre — bronne met analitiese sorg gebruik word.

Die Evangelies en tree op as historiese bronne

Dit is nie die primêre bronne van Jesus of die stigting van die kerk nie, aangesien dit nie bewaar word in 'n toestand wat fisies teruggaan na daardie tye nie.

Die gebeure en persone in die Evangelies en Handelinge in die Nuwe Testament, in teorie, het moontlik almal werklik gebeur of bestaan, maar dit is 'n heeltemal aparte vraag uit die status van die bronne self: is dit primêr of sekondêr?

Historici vind inderdaad dikwels dat 'n sekondêre bron 'n meer betroubare bron vir 'n gebeurtenis is as 'n primêre bron. Soms rek 'n koning wat 'n monument oprig om sy dade te herdenk 'n bietjie die waarheid. Lemche verwys as voorbeeld na die standbeeld van koning Idrimi (ongeveer 1500 v.C.). Die inskripsie is 'n meer sprokiesverhaal en vertel hoe 'n stereotipiese manlike held, die jongste broers, sy gesin verlaat, 'n koninkryk en prinses wen. . . Historiese heropbou het lankal bewys dat Idrimi regtig 'n buitelandse usurpator was.

“Dit is. . . byna altyd die moderne historikus en slegs hierdie persoon wat beskik oor die metodologiese middels om 'n verhaal soos Idrimi's te ontleed en historiese inligting te onttrek en te onderskei tussen hierdie en. . . 'n ‘ skerm ’ wat deur die ou skrywer opgestel is om die wrede en onwelkome feit van die aanvaarding van mag deur 'n tiran van twyfelagtige oorsprong te verberg ” (p.25). Fundamentaliste let op: die kritiese insig en metodologie word net so toegepas op sekulêre navorsing en onderwerpe as op bewerings uit die Bybelse geskiedenis!

Lemche bespreek dan die verleentheid van sommige moderne historici wat kontemporêre bronne op sigself geneem het, sonder om die realiteite te erken wat propagandistiese boodskappe uitgelok het. Bybelse historici het wel 'n onderneming in ander geskiedenisdepartemente.

Natuurlik kan 'n laat teks werklik historiese inligting bevat, selfs nadat 'n reeks redakteurs dit reggekry het. “Die kriteria wat nodig is om te bepaal of so 'n laat teksgetuie inligting mag verskaf, moet egter streng wees, aangesien dit onwaarskynlik is dat die vervaardiger van 'n laat geskrewe bron uit die oudheid 'n soort sistematiese korrekte beeld van die verlede. Ten minste moet so 'n voorbeeld nog gevind word. ” (p.25)

Die klagtes van Evans en Bauckham (et al)

Craig A. Evans let op. So ook Richard Bauckham. Hier is 'n historikus, Lemche, wat 'n “severe ” kriteria van historisiteit regverdig in 'n laat dokument op die gebied van sekulêre geskiedenis. Evans kla oor buitensporige metodes. Bauckham kla oor 'n “hermeneutiek van agterdog ”. Wat hulle werklik wil hê, is die vryheid om ware en egte historiese opleiding en metodes opsy te gooi en vry te wees om te verklaar dat bonatuurlike gebeure en sekondêre bronne net so geldig is as natuurlike gebeure en primêre bronne. Hulle wil mite en legende op dieselfde status as geldige geskiedenis plaas, maar slegs as die mite en legende handel oor dinge wat hulle glo nie mite en legende is nie.

Evans en Bauckham kla werklik oor metodologiese standaarde. Hulle hou nie van die standaarde wat vir sekulêre geskiedenis toegepas word nie, want as dieselfde geld vir hulle Bybelse geskiedenis, sal hulle hul grondslag vir hul oortuigings verloor. Dit wil voorkom asof hulle die historiese metode wanvoorstel en dit daarvan beskuldig dat dit te oordrewe “suspious ” — is, maar slegs as dit sonder vrees of guns toegepas word op hul troeteldieronderwerpe.

Hulle wil historiese strengheid vervang met 'n “hermeneutiek van vertroue ” (lees “Faith! ”) —, dit wil sê 'n sigwaarde-lees van tekste. Maar slegs as die tekste ter sprake die is waarin hulle godsdienstig glo. Nie die ou ketters wat ook as evangelies en dade van apostels voorgee nie.

Quaintly, Evans and Bauckham subscribe to the common hypothesis that the Gospels in particular are composed by authors drawing on oral or hand-me-down “traditions” that were born with eyewitnesses. Trouble is, there is no evidence for this hypothesis. It is an assumption. The evidence that does exist shows modern readers that many of the gospel narratives have echoes in Old Testament and other narratives. The simplest explanation would therefore seem to be that there was literary borrowing going on. But of course scholars who object to this call down their own “hermeneutics of suspicion” and “rigid” criteria to “show” that a few differences mean that all possibility of borrowing is completely out of the question. (Of course, if there were no differences at all, there would be no borrowing or adaptation, only 100% copying, names and settings and all.)

Applying the standards consistently, without fear or favour

To paraphrase Lemche (pp. 29-30):

Although it certainly creates problems for the assumption that the Gospels are sources for the historical Jesus, this verdict has nothing to do with denying the historicity of the events narrated by the Gospels. Everything narrated by them may in principle be historical, but the biblical text cannot in advance be accepted as a historical source or documentation it has in every case single to prove its status as a historical source. Although it is sometimes maintained that a certain part of New Testament scholarship is at the present characterized by a negative attitude toward the biblical texts as a historical source, this opinion is false. The texts of the Gospels and Acts are, for the simple reason that they are old documents, historical sources. The question is only about what. It might be that the description of the mission of Jesus contained in the Gospels is historically correct, as seen from the perspective of their late authors. It cannot be excluded. However, it has to be proved that the narratives in the Gospels are historically reliable as far as the period and generation in question is concerned. It is not something that can be assumed in advance.

It is traditionally believed to be a respectable enterprise to try to show that a certain event narrated in the Gospels or Acts really happened and that the narrative is for that reason a valuable source. It is at least as respectable, however, to try to show that the text does not carry any information about the period worth speaking about. In both cases the scholar should employ an identical set of methods and proceed from the same basic assumption, that the text of the Gospels and Acts is not a primary source of the history of Jesus and the church. These are later than the events mentioned in them and therefore secondary sources to the past, the historical value of which has to be demonstrated and not accepted in advance of the historical analysis.

To assume the historicity of a biblical narrative in advance is unscholarlyand cannot escape influencing the analysis in a negative direction.

(paraphrase of a paragraphs pp. 29-30)

.
Two opposing but classic starting texts on the nature and practice of history that are essential reading for anyone wishing to seek a “training in history”.


The urban development of the region followed that in Egypt and Mesopotamia. Exceptions were Jericho and En Esur . The first other cities in the southern Levant are believed to have been around 2100 BC. It was founded and abandoned again, but trade routes between the high cultures remained. Already at this point in time the Amurites are mentioned in Sumerian sources as residents of the Levant.

The oldest archaeological find that literally mentions Canaan is the statue of Idrimi , King of Alalach in what is now Hatay . This tells the life story of Idrimis, who moved to Canaan as a political refugee. “Ammija is in Canaan. In Ammija there were also people from “the homeland of Idrimi, who called him their leader and finally sailed to Alalach and conquered the city. The king and the inscription are generally dated around 1450 BC. Dated. The Apiru are mentioned as residents of Canaan .

An important source for the region are the Amarna letters , which date from around 1350 BC. BC under King ( Pharaoh ) Akhenaten (Amenophis IV.) By different governors. A letter from Labaju of Shechem , a vassal of the Pharaoh, has survived from the Canaan area . He writes: “The king has sent a message concerning (the extradition) of my son. I did not know that my son was moving around with the ḫapiru men. ”(Letter EA 254) The semi-nomads, referred to as“ outlaws ”in the letters, were a powerful force at this point in time who threatened the vassal city states of the Pharaoh. The letter also shows that the vassals cooperated with the Apiru when it seemed convenient.

In letter EA 8 Burna-buriaš II of Babylonia demands compensation from King Akhenaten for an attack on a trade embassy that was attacked in Canaan because it "belongs to Egypt".

Text documents about Canaan are also known from Ugarit , Aššur and Ḫattuša , which make it clear that the local rulers were vassals of the Egyptian pharaohs.

The most important Canaanite cities are likely to have been Hazor , Megiddo and Lachish . Hazor could have been inhabited by the Amurites. To the north of the Canaanite city-states was the loosely controlled Amurru . The Canaanite languages formed a dialect continuum of the Northwest Semitic languages .

In the 2nd millennium BC BC Canaan was largely under Egyptian rule until the Egyptians with the appearance of the " sea ​​peoples " from the 12th century BC. Chr. Gradually lost control of the Levant. The new geographical allocation by Egypt at the time took into account the changed political conditions . While under Pharaoh Merenptah Canaan was still mentioned as an independent area, under Ramses III. the political assignment to the suzerainty of the Philistines : "Messenger to Canaan in the land of Palastu".

The Aramaeans advanced south from Syria a little later . At the same time, “new” groups appeared in the Egyptian sources in Canaan itself: the Israelites ( conquering the land ) in central Israel and other peoples on the periphery of the cultivated land such as the Moabites . In a time of decreasing external pressure, several native states were able to develop, which was subsequently associated with a pronounced ethnogenesis . The Phoenicians and Philistines did not oppose the Israelite state of the early kings with a comparable trend towards the "area state", where city-states continued to form the largest political units.


Daftar isi

Patung Idrimi diketemukan oleh Woolley dalam puing-puing sebuah kuil di situs Tell Atchana, yaitu lokasi kota kuno Alalakh di provinsi Hatay, Turki. Patung itu rusak berat, kemungkinan pada zaman perang saudara sekitar tahun 1100 SM. Kepala dan kaki patung dipecah dan sengaja digulingkan dari landasannya.

Patung ini dipahat pada batu putih dolomit magnesite dan alis, kelopak mata serta bola mata dihiasi dengan batu kaca dan batu hitam. Sang raja, yang duduk di atas tahtanya, mengenakan mahkota yang atasnya bulat dengan tali pengikat, pelindung leher dan pakaian dengan batas sempit. Raja Idrimi digambarkan melipat lengan kanannya di atas lengan kiri. Suatu tulisan atau inskripsi menutupi sebagian besar badannya.

Tulisan atau inskripsi pada patung ditulis dalam bahasa Akkadia, menggunakan tulisan kuneiform. Menggambarkan petualangan Raja Idrimi dan keluarganya. Inskripsi itu menyatakan bagaimana setelah suatu pertikaian Idrimi dan keluarganya dipaksa lari dari Iamhad (Aleppo) ke tempat keluarga ibunya di Emar (sekarang en:Meskene) di tepi sungai Efrat.

Dengan tekad memulihkan kejayaan wangsanya, Idrimi meninggalkan Emar dan berkelana ke Kanaan di mana ia membuat perjanjian dengan raja Umman-Manda, memimpin tentara dan melancarkan serangan dari laut untuk mengambil kembali wilayah yang hilang dari orang Het. Akhirnya ia menjadi raja taklukan Raja Barattarna yang mengangkatnya menjadi raja di Alalakh, di mana ia memerintah selama 30 tahun. Inskripsi itu berakhir dengan kutukan bagi barangsiapa yang menodai atau menghancurkan patung itu.


The decision to take back Alalakh …

After seven years living among the Habiru in Canaan c. 1497 BC [sic], seeking an opportunity to take back his throne, Idrimi found his chance. Edward Greenstein and David Marcus’ translation of the inscription on lines 29–34 revealed that following the storm-god Teshub’s advice in a dream, Idrimi “made ships and had auxiliary troops board them and proceeded via the sea to Mukishe (Mukish). Now, when my country heard of me, they brought me large cattle and small cattle, and in one day, in unison, the countries of Ni’i (Niya)…, Mukishe (Mukish), and my own city Alalah (Alalakh) became reconciled with me…they concluded a treaty and established them truly as my allies.”. [16] This newfound alliance with local rulers, created by cattle exchanges, was just the beginning of the gradual restoration of Idrimi’s royal status as the king of Alalakh. ….

Parratarna of Mitanni

[A] lack of due information for Parratarna and other early Mitannian kings has compelled the likes of professor Gunnar Heinsohn and Emmet Sweeney to look for alternative explanations.

Inleiding

The kingdom of Mitanni, estimated to have coincided with the Old Babylonian Kingdom [OBK], is considered to have become a superpower by the time of Egypt’s Eighteenth Dynasty.

Yet there is a disturbing lack of archaeology, and also of documentation, for the Mitannians.

Mirko Novák, following a conventional line that would well separate in time OBK from Eighteenth Dynasty Egypt, tells of the generally perceived archaeological situation for Mitanni:

MITTANI EMPIRE AND THE QUESTION OF ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY: SOME ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

When the Hittite king Hattušili I started his forays to Northern Syria, a certain “King of the Hurrians” appeared as one of his main opponents. Nowadays it is widely accepted that this person must have been one of the first rulers of the political entity later known as “Mittani” …. Therefore, the formation of this powerful kingdom must have taken place

during the latest phase of the Old Babylonian Period and predated the sack of Babylon by the Hittites under Hattušili’s grandson Muršili I by at least two generations …. From an archaeological point of view there must be a significant overlap of what is called “Old Babylonian” and “Mittani” Periods in Northern Mesopotamia, although they appear in nearly all chronological charts as succeeding one the other with a distinctive break in between.

Still, until today archaeology has failed in establishing a stratigraphical and chronological sequence of late Old Babylonian and early Mittanian layers on sites in the core area of the kingdom, the so-called Habur-triangle”. …. One reason for that may be that none of the major urban capitals of the Mittani Empire has been excavated or investigated in a serious degree. Even the locations of its political centres Waššukanni … Ta‘idu … and Irride … are still uncertain. ….

Mitanni’s great king, Parratarna (or Parshatar), Idrimi’s contemporary, has apparently left us pitifully few records (https://wikivisually.com/wiki/Idrimi):

…. Parshatatar – Parshatatar, Paršatar, Barattarna, or Parattarna was the name of a Hurrian king of Mitanni in the fifteenth century BC. Very few records of him are known as sources from Mitanni are rare, most information we have about the kingdom, especially its early history and kings come from records outside of the state. Dates for the kings can be deduced by comparing the chronology of Mitanni and other states, especially ancient Egypt, at a later date, information is found in the biography of Idrimi of Alalakh. Parshatatar conquered the area and made Idrimi his vassal, Idrimi becoming king of Aleppo, Mitanni in his time probably extended as far as Arrapha in the east, Terqa in the south, and Kizzuwatna in the West. Parshatatar may have been the Mitannian king the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmosis I met at the Euphrates River in an early in his reign. Information about his death is mentioned in a record from Nuzi dated to the death of king Parshatatar, possibly around 1420.

This lack of due information for Parratarna and other early Mitannian kings has compelled the likes of professor Gunnar Heinsohn and Emmet Sweeney to look for alternative explanations.

Connecting with Assyria

Emmet Sweeney, for example, has explained in his article, “Shalmaneser III and Egypt”: http://www.hyksos.org/index.php?title=Shalmaneser_III_and_Egypt):

We see that, without exception, the Mitannian levels are followed immediately, and without any gap, by the Neo-Assyrian ones and the Neo-Assyrian material is that of the early Neo-Assyrians, Ashurnasirpal II and his son Shalmaneser III. Now, since the last Mitannian king, Tushratta, was a contemporary of Akhenaton, this would suggest that Ashuruballit, who wrote several letters to Akhenaton, was the same person as Ashurnasirpal II, father of Shalmaneser III.

The end of the Mitannian kingdom is documented in a series of texts from the Hittite capital. We are told that Tushratta was murdered by one of his sons, a man named Kurtiwaza. The latter then feld, half naked, to the court of the Hittite King, Suppiluliumas, who put an army at his disposal with which the parricide conquered the Mitannian lands. The capital city, Washukanni, was taken, and Kurtiwaza was presumably rewarded for his treachery.

The region of Assyrian was a mainstay of the Mitannian kingdom. A few years earlier Tushratta had sent the cult statue of Ishtar of Nineveh to Egypt. So, if Kurtiwaza was established as a puppet king by Suppiluliumas, it is likely that his kingdom would have included Assyria.

The “Middle Assyrians” were a mysterious line of kings who ruled Assyria before the time of the Neo-Assyrians and supposedly after the time of the Mitannians. Yet we know of no Assyrian stratigraphy which can give a clear line from Mitannian to Middle Assyrian to Neo-Assyrian. On the contrary, as we saw, the Mitannians are followed immediately by the Neo-Assyrians of Ashurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III. This can only mean that the Middle Assyrians must have been contemporaries of the Mitannians, and were most likely Mitannian kings using Assyrian names. We know that ancient rulers often bore several titles in accordance with the various nations and ethnic groups over which they reigned. Since the Mitannian royal names are Indo-Iranian, and therefore meaningless and probably unpronounceable to the Semitic speakers of Assyria, it is almost certain that they would also have used Assyrian-sounding titles.

That the Middle Assyrians were in fact contemporary with the Mitannians is shown in numberless details of artwork, pottery, epigraphy, etc. (See for example P. Pfalzner, Mittanische und Mittelassyrische Keramik (Berlin, 1995) ….

Emmet’s conclusion about Idrimi’s powerful Mitannian contemporary, Parratarna – that he was the ‘Assyrian’ king Shamsi-Adad I (our biblical Hadadezer contemporary of David’s) – would now appear to make chronological – and probably geographical – sense.

And it is also now likely that, as we read above: “[Parratarna] Parshatatar may have been the Mitannian king the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmosis I met at the Euphrates River in an early in his reign”. For, according to this present series, pharaoh Thutmose [Thutmosis] I was a late contemporary of king David’s.

Whilst Shamsi-Adad I is quite well known, I have wondered why we know so little about his long-reigning son, Ishme-Dagan I (c. 1776 BC – c. 1736 BC, conventional dating). Sweeney has duly suggested that Ishme-Dagan I was the Mitannian, Shaushtatar, son of Parratarna. Conventional date figures given for the reign of Shaushtatar are c. 1440 BC – 1415 BC.

As we would expect, if Parratarna was Shamsi-Adad I (= David’s for, Hadadezer), then the Mitannian king would be no ally of Idrimi (= David’s ally, Adoniram = Hiram). And, indeed, we learn of Parratarna’s (initial, at least) “hostility” towards Idrimi, with possible “warfare”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Idrimi

…. Edward Greenstein’s and David Marcus’s translation of the inscription on lines 42-51 revealed that despite Parratarna’s hostility to Idrimi while he was in exile in Canaan, he actually respected Idrimi’s coalition, maybe submitting to Idrimi out of fear that his social outcast army could overthrow him. Idrimi said that King Parshatatar for “seven years … was hostile to me. I sent Anwanda to Parrattarna, the mighty king, the king of the Hurrian warriors, and told him of the treaties of my ancestors … and that our actions were pleasing to the former kings of the Hurrian warriors for they had made a binding agreement. The mighty king heard of the treaties of our predecessors and the agreement made between them and … read to him the words of the treaty in detail. So on account of our treaty terms he received my tribute … I … restored to him a lost estate. I swore to him a binding oath as a loyal vassal.”. [16] Here, possibly influenced by the nature of Hittite oaths, Idrimi swore loyalty to Parshatatar after seven years despite him overthrowing his father on the throne in Aleppo. He made his request to the throne peacefully by restoring [Parattarna’s] estate and swore him an ultimate Hurrian loyalty oath, which was the first step to Idrimi regaining his power again.

The inscription in lines 42-51 of Greenstein and Marcus’s translation described Idrimi’s capture of Alalakh as a peaceful effort to appease Parrattarna with tributes of restoring his estate and swearing a loyalty oath unto him rather than using warfare to capture the city. Marc Van de Mieroop mentioned that Idrimi “captured” Alalakh implying a warfare approach that the inscription doesn’t give. Author Paul Collins described Idrimi’s maneuver as a “greeting-present, the traditional form of establishing and maintaining friendly relations between rulers, even those of different rank, and reminded him (Parrattarna) of earlier oaths sworn between the kings of Halab (Aleppo) and the kings of Mitanni.” Also, Collins mentioned that Parratarna had accepted Idrimi’s tribute to him as a loyal vassal ruler. He only allowed Idrimi limited independence of making his own military and diplomatic decisions just as long as it didn’t interfere with Mitanni’s overall policy. This further allowed Idrimi to set his sights on his diplomatic and military aims in Kizzuwatna and act as an independent ruler. [17] Idrimi’s “capture” of Alalakh was evidenced in his statue inscription and Collins’ analysis as a peaceful movement rather than a military movement”.


‘Is This Not the Carpenter?’ reviews continued. Chapter 10

Continuing my series of posts on ‘Is This Not the Carpenter? The Question of the Historicity of the Figure of Jesus I look here at Thomas L. Thompson‘s chapter ten, ” “Psalm 72 and Mark 1:12-13: Mythic Evocation in Narratives of the Good King”.

Thompson (TLT) is asking readers to become more savvy to the literary tropes of the ancient world and to understand the biblical literature, including the Gospel narratives of Jesus, within these literary conventions. One might compare the way the unflattering realities of America’s Wild West have been romanticized through the literary visions of Sir Walter Scott’s novels. The white knight, or cowboy in the white hat, is a literary construct that exists as a tool that authors apply either to characters entirely of their own imagination or to historical persons which they recreate as myths.

The point is that once we recognize these literary tools for what they are, we will not read the ancient literature — gospels included — naively. We will learn to recognize the cultural myths or ideologies underlying the words we are reading.

TLT’s discussions on the way biblical and other ancient authors used these sorts of literary artifices are not the easiest of reads for the uninitiated. Though I have read his works on ancient literature for some years now I still find myself having to re-read his paragraphs in arduous efforts to grasp the structure of his arguments. (Does there come a point where some scholars attain such a high reputation — no doubt well earned — that there is no-one to monitor and advise on the editing of their work? Another I have similar stylistic difficulties with is Karl Kerenyi.) I will attempt here to cut to what I understand is his core point in relation to Mark’s scene of Jesus in the wilderness.

If we take the stories of Job, Abraham, Esau, David and Solomon to be mythical, then we can see that the same “building blocks” used to create those allegorical or mythical tales were used to create the story of Jesus in the Gospels. That’s quite a bird’s eye generalization, but Thompson is saying that much ancient biography in the narratives of the Near Eastern and Mediterranean worlds does indeed serve an allegorical function.

TLT rightly implies that these literary tropes themselves ought not to be interpreted literally, even when they are applied to historical persons. One of the examples he has used in other works (The Bible As History/Our Mythic Past The Messiah Myth) — but not here in this chapter — is the Syrian inscription of Idrimi. Earlier scholars took this as a genuine biographical account of a king but subsequent analysis (particularly literary analysis) has demonstrated it is a cluster of fictional tropes.

Photo of a statue of Idrimi (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Biblical historians have too often embarrassed themselves by seizing upon any source that “sounds like history” to rationalize the past, and when the Idrimi statue and inscription [PDF] was discovered Albright declared it to be of “revolutionary” importance for historians in their recreation of fifteenth-century Syria. It reads like a genuine biography of a famous king so that has been good enough for “lazy historians” (Liverani).

Conveniently for this post, however, the details of the literary analysis exposing it as fiction can be found online in Tremper Longman’s Fictional Akkadian Autobiography. Its fictional details are familiar to anyone who knows the Bible’s narratives:

  • the younger son is destined, in preference to his older brothers, to be the rightful heir
  • his life phases are marked by figurative spans, seven years, thirty years
  • he flees from injustice to live in the wilderness/exile
  • where he is recognized as the legitimate ruler and leads a band of outcasts
  • he follows the direction of the gods in choosing his moment of return
  • at his return he restores the rightful rule and the proper forms of worship of the correct gods
  • he restores peace and prosperity to his subjects

It is quite likely that the Idrimi statue and his fictional story was commissioned to honour the (mythical) ancestor of a much later king.

If biblical scholars could only learn to study the literary nature of the Gospels they would begin to realize they have made the same gaffes as Albright did in relation to the Idrimi statue as a source for historical reconstruction of ancient Syrian politics.

TLT begins chapter ten of ‘Is This Not the Carpenter?’ with a discussion of just one small cluster of building blocks in the narrative of Jesus from the earliest of our gospels:

And immediately the spirit driveth [Jesus] into the wilderness. And he was there in the wilderness forty days, tempted of Satan and was with the wild beasts and the angels ministered unto him.

Summary of an Untold Story

TLT reminds readers that this all-too-brief narrative of Mark 1:12-13 really is too short to be a proper narrative in its own right. It serves to alert the reader to some other narrative more fully known but that is not being told here. (My own comparison would be to those enigmatic passages in Genesis such as the one that speaks of “sons of god” mating with “daughters of men” to produce giants on the earth.)

However incomplete Mark 1:12-13 is as a narrative in its own right, it still contains “four clearly presented and distinct thematic elements of a plot-line”:

  1. the spirit who drives Jesus into the desert
  2. the forty days he is tempted by Satan
  3. he lived with the wild animals
  4. and angels cared for him. (p. 186, my formatting)

The Gospel of Mark’s sparse sequence of images that bear no obvious relationship to the rest of the gospel narrative contrasts strikingly with the comparable scenes in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. In those later gospels the point of the story is clear: each author spells out the temptation scene with Jesus being challenged three-fold to prove his allegiance to God. But in the Gospel of Mark there is no such point to the story. It is this sparseness of Mark’s narrative in contrast to those accounts found in Matthew and Luke that prompts TLT

to look more closely at the interactive symbol-system which can be identified with these elements in the hope of evoking something of the relevant meaning of what are obviously significant elements introducing Mark’s Jesus. (p. 186. In simpler words, to understand the symbolic meaning of this scenario and why the author wrote it in the first place.)

TLT itemizes several of these “significant elements introducing Mark’s Jesus”: Mark’s scene is certainly an echo of the Elijah narrative of 1 Kings 19:7-8 where angels similarly cared for Elijah in the wilderness:

And the angel of the Lord came again the second time, and touched him, and said, Arise and eat because the journey is too great for thee. And he arose, and did eat and drink, and went in the strength of that meat forty days and forty nights unto Horeb the mount of God.

This allusion is well enough recognized. A central theme of the Old Testament’s Elijah-Elisha narrative is “life’s victory over death” and this is “reiterated throughout the miracle stories of [Mark’s] gospel.” (Some of those miracle stories are clearly based on the miracles performed by Elijah and Elisha, too.)

We can go further, and notice with TLT that the scene of Jesus in the wilderness is tied to the opening lines of the gospel that declare Isaiah’s prophecy of the good news of the coming Kingdom of God being declared from the wilderness:

The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ. . . . Even as it is written in Isaiah the prophet, Behold, I send my messenger before thy face, Who shall prepare thy way. The voice of one crying in the wilderness, Make ye ready the way of the Lord, Make his paths straight . . .

We note, also, that the author of the Gospel of Mark evokes the theme of the inauguration of the divine kingdom by assigning John the Baptist to the role of the converting angel of Malachi (i.e. Elijah) who brings reconciliation to Israel so they can avoid the judgmental terror of Yahweh. In the wilderness Jesus evidently qualifies to replace John and to continue his mission of preaching the kingdom and repentance after John is imprisoned.

TLT at various points in his essay points to other disparate themes, too, and no doubt many who have read the gospels are well aware of them:

  • Jesus being “driven” by the spirit into the wilderness brings to mind verses from the book of Judges that “drive” Samson to perform his remarkable feats, and that TLT says are “well recognized in motifs implied in Pss. 3:10 6:34 and 18:2, 21” (sic — half these verses do not exist and the relevance of at least one of the others is difficult to discern. Where was the proof-reader?)
  • The forty days Jesus lives in the wilderness reminds us of the testing of Israel for forty years in the wilderness Israel’s generation of testing failed while Jesus succeeded.
  • We are also reminded of Moses spending forty days with God on Mount Sinai.

But these associations still leave the passage in Mark without any meaningful place within the Gospel. They are interesting reminders of Old Testament details, and Jesus is exalted by being compared with them, but what is the significance or meaning of these “significant elements” within the entire episode itself for the gospel’s narrative as a whole?

TLT notes that all he has done so far is to explain the relevance of Jesus being driven by the spirit and, like Elijah, being cared for by angels. We still have to explain:

  • why it was the wilderness that Jesus was driven into
  • why he was there forty days
  • why and in what way Jesus was tested by Satan
  • what was the role of the wild animals
  • and why did Jesus need the care of the angels in the desert?

What is the meaning of the four-fold cluster of elements — being driven into the desert, being tested by Satan, being with the wild animals and being cared for by angels — for the larger gospel narrative? How does this scenario advance the plot?

What is the “untold story” evoked by this summary cluster?

Two Biographical Tropes

There are two central ancient Near Eastern tropes, related to the development of biographical portraits of royal savior figures, which I believe are identifiable in the introductory narrative of Mk 1:1-13 and which, in their reiteration through biblical literature, appear in ways that evoke an implicit mythic narrative. (p. 192)

The first trope is implied in the opening words of Mark’s Gospel.

Royal saviour figures typically are announced as “good news” who come to reverse fortunes. The opening line of the Gospel of Mark declares Jesus to be the saviour promised in Isaiah to prepare the way of Yahweh in the desert (Isaiah 40:3). He is thereby identified as the promised messenger of Exodus (Exodus 23:20-33 cf. Malachi 3:1) and as the one sent to lead Israel in its eschatological war against the nations (Exodus 23:20-24 cf. Psalm 2).

The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God. Even as it is written in Isaiah the prophet, Behold, I send my messenger before thy face, Who shall prepare thy way. The voice of one crying in the wilderness, Make ye ready the way of the Lord, Make his paths straight . . .

(TLT also states that Mark introduces Jesus as both saviour and Son of God. I wish TLT consulted with New Testament scholars and students who could have told him that “the Son of God” is not original to this Gospel but is a later insertion. Such oversights will surely be pounced upon by NT critics.)

This opening sentence is but one more instance of such proclamations — TLT points out that Mark introduces Jesus as the Christ and Son of God — that are found in a ubiquitous literature dating back at least to New Kingdom Egypt. The good news is that the new king has come to reverse fortunes. This is not stated explicitly in Mark but it is the theme of the ensuing miracles and messages of Jesus.

The following table presents elements of this trope from both biblical and Egyptian literature, including the importance of the bestowal of the spirit in the related biblical works. The Gospel of Mark is re-using this very ancient inaugural proclamation of the kingdom to illustrate Isaiah’s announcement of the dawning of Zion’s utopian new world:

Isaiah 6:1-7 Isaiah 61:1-6
In the year that king Uzziah died I saw also the Lord sitting upon a throne, high and lifted up, and his train filled the temple. 2 Above it stood the seraphims: each one had six wings with twain he covered his face, and with twain he covered his feet, and with twain he did fly. 3 And one cried unto another, and said, Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of hosts: the whole earth is full of his glory. 4 And the posts of the door moved at the voice of him that cried, and the house was filled with smoke. 5 Then said I, Woe is me! for I am undone because I am a man of unclean lips, and I dwell in the midst of a people of unclean lips: for mine eyes have seen the King, the Lord of hosts. 6 Then flew one of the seraphims unto me, having a live coal in his hand, which he had taken with the tongs from off the altar: 7 And he laid it upon my mouth, and said, Lo, this hath touched thy lips and thine iniquity is taken away, and thy sin purged. The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me because the Lord hath anointed me to preach good tidings unto the meek he hath sent me to bind up the brokenhearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound 2 To proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord, and the day of vengeance of our God to comfort all that mourn 3 To appoint unto them that mourn in Zion, to give unto them beauty for ashes, the oil of joy for mourning, the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness that they might be called trees of righteousness, the planting of the Lord, that he might be glorified. 4 And they shall build the old wastes, they shall raise up the former desolations, and they shall repair the waste cities, the desolations of many generations. 5 And strangers shall stand and feed your flocks, and the sons of the alien shall be your plowmen and your vinedressers. 6 But ye shall be named the Priests of the Lord: men shall call you the Ministers of our God: ye shall eat the riches of the Gentiles, and in their glory shall ye boast yourselves.

This trope is not uniquely biblical. It dates at least to New Kingdom Egypt’s inaugural songs of the pharaohs Merneptah and Ramses IV (pp. 326-327, The Messiah Myth):

Be glad of heart, the entire land. The good times are come.

A lord — life, prosperity and health — is given to all lands and normality has returned to its place. The King of Upper and Lower Egypt . . . crushes with festivity . . .

All you righteous, come that you might see.

Right has banished wrong

evildoers have fallen on their faces

all the rapacious are ignored.

The water stands and is not dried up the Nile lifts high.

Days are long, nights have hours and the moon comes normally.

The gods are satisfied and content of heart.

One lives in laughter and wonder. May you know it.

Oh Happy Day! Heaven and earth are in joy.

They who had fled have returned to their homes

they who were hidden live openly

they who were hungry are filled and happy

they who were thirsty are drunken

they who were naked are clothed in fine linen

they who were dirty are dressed in white

they who were in prison are set free

they who were chained rejoice

the troubled of the land have found peace. . . . The homes of the widows are open (again), so that they may let wanderers come in. Womenfolk rejoice and repeat their songs of jubilation . . . saying, “Male children are born (again) for good times, for he brings into being generation upon generation. You ruler, life, prosperity, health! You are for eternity!”

The second literary trope relates directly to Mark’s scene of Jesus in the wilderness.

“Good kings” are typically introduced with opening scenes of past suffering. The people of the kingdom themselves have suffered terribly, and/or the future king has suffered a personal injustice and been forced to endure suffering through which he must prove himself worthy of being raised to power. The timing of this rescue is in the hands of the gods.

This theme of ‘past suffering’ typically opens when the future king was a young man. His life is threatened and he is forced to flee or is driven into the desert, where he lives with the wild animals in exile for a determined period of time where he is tested: most typically in a duel between the heroic future king and a giant or great warrior, representing evil. It closes, most frequently, with signs of divine protection and care for the chosen saviour, who is then called from the wilderness to enter his kingdom and inaugurate his reign, bringing a reversal of fortune to his people. . . .

As plot elements of story . . . this tale-type is ubiquitous, expressed both by a testing of the future king in the desert and a duel with a hero or giant.

The tale type goes at least as far back as the Egyptian story of Sinuhe in the Middle Bronze Age and the segmented tales of Gilgamesh and Enkidu’s meeting with Humbaba.

In biblical tradition, it is most clearly and fully developed in the stories of David, involving both his duel with Goliath in 1 Samuel 17 and his exile and flight into the desert in 1 Samuel 20-27. . . .

This literary narrative about David’s flight into the desert and his duel with the evil giant, Goliath, which also includes the well-known fairy-tale pattern of David’s three-fold trial to win a princess for his bride, directly reflects the theme from ancient Near East royal ideology of the divinely chosen king, known from royal biographies. (pp. 194-195, my formatting and emphasis)

TLT footnotes references to several of these royal tales known from Syria and Mesopotamia, including the Idrimi biography I addressed at the beginning of this post. He then discusses in some depth Job 29 and Psalm 72 as further illustrations of the use of these tropes in the biblical literature.

So much is packed into this chapter, much more than I can address in any detail in this post.


Kyk die video: Zwevende standbeelden op de Dam in Amsterdam (Januarie 2022).