Geskiedenis Podcasts

Comic Scene, Bell-krater, Paestum

Comic Scene, Bell-krater, Paestum


Harvard kunsmuseums / Fogg Museum | Bush-Reisinger Museum | Arthur M. Sackler Museum

Kyk na die ligging van hierdie voorwerp op ons interaktiewe kaart Fisiese beskrywings Medium Terracotta-tegniek Rooi figuur Afmetings 30 cm x 33,5 cm (11 13/16 x 13 3/16 in.) Herkomst Dr. Jacob Hirsch, Genève, (teen 1955). [Adolph Hess AG, Luzern en William H. Schab, New York, veiling in Hotel Schweizerhof, Luzern, 7 Desember 1957, lot 30], verkoop aan die Departement Klassieke, Harvard Universiteit, Cambridge, 1957, oorgeplaas na Harvard University Art Museums, 2007. Verkryging en regte Kredietlyn Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Oordrag van die Alice Corinne McDaniel -versameling, Departement van die Klassieke, Harvard Universiteit Toetredingsjaar 2007 Objeknommer 2007.104.4 Afdeling Asiatiese en Mediterreense kuns Kontak [email protected] harvard.edu Die Harvard -kunsmuseums moedig die gebruik van beelde wat op hierdie webwerf voorkom aan vir persoonlike, nie -kommersiële gebruik, insluitend opvoedkundige en wetenskaplike doeleindes. Om 'n hoër resolusie van hierdie prent aan te vra, dien 'n aanlynversoek in. Beskrywings Beskrywing Pienkerige doek met glansende swart strokie, onder die handvatsels, in die gebied tussen die twee jongmense aan die B-kant van die vaas, en binne die deuropening van die A-sy-toneel. Wit en geel bygevoeg in 'n goeie toestand. Lae, dik, sirkelvormige basis tap baie effens opwaarts tot 'n reserwe band en is plat bo -op. Smal voet buig styf na buite om 'n breë klok te vorm, met 'n breë lip. Horisontale lushandvatsels draai effens opwaarts en na binne aan die ente en strek tot by die lip van die vaartuig. 'N Laurierband loop net onder die lip. Onder A- en B-sytonele is 'n kronkelende rand wat periodiek deur 'n X-vorm binne 'n vierkant gebreek word. Die vaas is in 'n baie goeie toestand, onafgebroke met slegs geringe skeurtjies aan die binnekant, en klein splete, veral om die lip.

Op die voorkant is 'n eenvoudige stadium (tipe I, Trendall, Phlyax) sonder ondersteunende kolomme. 'N Filaks staan ​​aan die linkerkant met 'n Doriese kolom agter hom. Hy dra 'n opgestopte panty en baadjie en 'n swart mantel. In die voue van die mantel is geel en wit voorwerpe versteek. Hy dra 'n kopband en sy hare en baard is wit (tipe L, Phlyax). In sy regterhand hou hy 'n skewe staf vas.

Heel regs is 'n dubbele deur waardeur 'n ou vrou gekom het, wat met uitgestrekte arms na die phlyax beweeg. Sy dra 'n langmou peplos met 'n dik swart rand. Sy het kort wit hare en 'n reguit neus, en haar mond is oop (tipe R, Phlyax). Bo en tussen die twee figure hang 'n komiese masker met 'n goeie hare, kort baard en oop mond (tipe B, Phlyax).

Agterop staan ​​twee jongmense teenoor mekaar. Die een links hou 'n staf in sy regterhand en sy regterskouer is kaal. Die jeug aan die regterkant het albei sy arms in sy naam versteek. Tussen hulle hang 'n paar gewigte, simbool van die paleistra.

Dit is die naamstuk van die McDaniel Painter. Veral kenmerkend van hierdie kunstenaar is die dun lourierblare rondom die rand en die relatief klein kronkel.


Kommentaar In die vierde eeu het Suid-Italiaanse rooivormige ware hewige mededinging gebied vir die aardewerkbedryf op die solder, en dit uiteindelik vervang as die belangrikste keuse in baie markte. Die sogenaamde phlyax-vaartuie, wat in die meeste werke in die werkswinkels van Apulië en Paestum geproduseer word, word algemeen beskou as tonele wat vertoon word óf uit 'n vorm van Suid-Italiaanse komiese drama wat die helde en temas van Attiese tragedie parodieer, óf uit die heropvoering van Solderkomedie in Suid -Italië (kyk Cambitoglu en Trendall 1978. Sien ook S. Douglas Olson, Broken Laughter, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 14ev). Die akteurs, bekend as phlyakes, word uitgebeeld in maskers en gewatteerde pakke, en dra dikwels oordrewe fallusse. Hulle voorkoms op hierdie vase, saam met komponente van verhooggeboue en stel, gee 'n bietjie insig in die antieke Griekse teaterproduksie. Die McDaniel Painter, 'n andersins anonieme Apuliaanse vaasskilder, ontleen sy naam aan die toekenning van hierdie krater aan hom. Sy werk word gekenmerk deur die dun lourierblare onder die rand van die vaartuig en die klein kronkelpatroon op die grondlyn van die toneel.


Andreya Mihaloew, 2008 Publikasiegeskiedenis

Anne Bromberg, "'n Phlyax -vaas in die McDaniel -versameling", Harvard Studies in Klassieke Filologie, Harvard University Press (Cambridge, MA, 1959), Vol. LXIV, pp. 237-245, pp. 237-245, bls. I-II

Dr. Anneliese Kossatz-Deissmann, Medeas Widderzauber as Phlyakenparodie, J. Paul Getty Museum (2000), p. 201, fig. 13

[Slegs reproduksie], Persephone, (Lente 2004).

Stephan Wolohojian, red., Harvard kunsmuseum/handboek (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 2008)

Thomas W. Lentz, red., Harvard University Art Museums Jaarverslag 2006-7, Harvard University Art Museums (Cambridge, 2008), p. 13, t.o.v.

Hersien weer: S422 Antieke en Bisantynse kuns en numerisme, Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, 04/12/2008 - 06/18/2011

32Q: 3400 Grieks, Harvard Art Museums, Cambridge, 16/11/2014 - 01/01/2050

Hierdie rekord is deur die kuratorium hersien, maar kan onvolledig wees. Ons rekords word gereeld hersien en verbeter. Vir meer inligting, kontak die afdeling Asiatiese en Mediterreense kuns by [email protected]

Deur u rekening van Harvard Art Museums te skep, stem u in tot ons gebruiksvoorwaardes en privaatheidsbeleid.


Ou oorblyfsels

Die drie grootste tempels in die argaïese weergawe van die Griekse Doriese orde, wat ongeveer 550 tot 450 vC dateer, is die mees gevierde kenmerke van die webwerf vandag. Almal is tipies van die tydperk, [2] met massiewe kolonnades met 'n baie uitgesproke entase (wat groter word namate hulle daal), en baie wye hoofletters wat lyk soos omgekeerde sampioene. Bo die kolomme behou slegs die tweede tempel van Hera die grootste deel van die gebou, terwyl die ander twee slegs die argitek in plek het.

Dit was opgedra aan Hera, Athena en Poseidon (Juno, Minerva en Neptunus aan die Romeine), hoewel dit voorheen dikwels anders geïdentifiseer is, byvoorbeeld as 'n basiliek en 'n tempel van Ceres (Griekse Demeter), na agtiende eeu se argumente. Die twee tempels van Hera is reg langs mekaar, terwyl die tempel van Athena aan die ander kant van die middestad is. Daar was ander tempels, beide Grieks en Romeins, wat baie minder goed bewaar is. Paestum is ver van enige bronne van goeie marmer. Die drie hooftempels het min klipreliëfs gehad, miskien met skildery. Geverfde terracotta was vir 'n paar gedetailleerde dele van die struktuur. Die groot stukke terracotta wat oorleef het, is in die museum.

Die hele ou stad Paestum beslaan 'n oppervlakte van ongeveer 120 hektaar. Dit is slegs die 25 hektaar wat die drie hooftempels bevat en die ander hoofgeboue wat opgegrawe is. Die ander 95 hektaar bly op privaat grond en is nie opgegrawe nie. Die stad word omring deur verdedigingsmure wat nog steeds staan. Die mure is ongeveer 4750 m lank, 5-7 m dik en 15 m hoog. Langs die muur is daar 24 vierkante en ronde torings. Daar was moontlik 28, maar sommige van hulle is vernietig tydens die aanleg van 'n snelweg gedurende die agtiende eeu wat die terrein effektief in twee gesny het.

Die sentrale gebied is heeltemal verwyderd van moderne geboue en was nog altyd grootliks sedert die Middeleeue. Alhoewel daar baie klip van die terrein gestroop is, bly 'n groot aantal geboue aan hul voetstukke of die onderste dele van hul mure waarneembaar, en die hoofpaaie bly gebaan. 'N Laag geboude heron of heiligdom vir 'n onbekende plaaslike held het behoue ​​gebly, maar die inhoud is in die museum. Talle grafte is buite die mure uitgegrawe.


Komiese toneel, Bell -krater, Paestum - Geskiedenis

Ontwerpe in panele, rooi op swart grond, met bykomstighede van wit en pers. Bo die ontwerpe, lourierkrans onder die handvatsels, paletpatrone onder die ontwerpe, golfpatroon.

(b) Dionysiese toneel: in die middel is Dionysos, wat na regs beweeg en na links kyk, sonder baard, met lang krulle, 'n taenia aan die agterkant, skouergordel met wit kolletjies, chlamys met kolletjies links arm, skoene, thyrsos in linkerhand, waaraan 'n pers taenia in regterhand vasgemaak is, 'n krans waaraan 'n pers taenia hang. Aan weerskante dans 'n Maenad na regs, die een aan die regterkant kyk terug. Die een aan die linkerkant het lang krulle, krans, halssnoer, armbande, lang git-chiton en apoptygma wat tot by die heupe strek, met rande van golfpatroon en kolletjies, vasgemaak met fibulae op die skouers, skoene, thyrsos in regterhand waaraan 'n pers taenia is vasgemaak, linkerhand omhoog. Die een aan die regterkant het lang krulle, waarvan een voor haar gesig hang, krans, halssnoer, armbande, lang deursigtige chiton geborduur met kolletjies, wat van haar regterskouer afgegly het, thyrsos in linkerhand met pers taenia vasgemaak aan dit, krans regs waarna sy kyk. Op 'n hoër vlak word die boonste dele van drie figure gesien: 'n jeugdige Satir aan die linkerkant, 'n jeugdige manlike figuur in die middel en Pan aan die regterkant. Die Satir dra 'n krans en 'n skouergordel van wit krale, en hou 'n tympanon in die linkerhand na die jeug toe wat hom in die gesig staar; hy het 'n krans, 'n skouergordel as die Satir en thyrsos in die linkerhand. Pan is aan die linkerkant, met 'n klein baard en snor, krans en skouergordel, terwyl die ander lyf oor sy hele lyf gestippel is, en 'n deel van die bokvel is sigbaar, sy hande word opgehef asof hulle verbaas is.


Ou komedie oor vase

Die hoofstudies is M. Bieber, The History of the Greek and Roman Theatre, 2de uitg. (Princeton 1961) 129–46 AD Trendall en TBL Webster, Illustrations of Greek Drama (London 1971) en O. Taplin, Comic Angels (Oxford 1993), waarby D. Walsh, Distorted Ideals in Greek Vase-Painting: The World of the Mythological Burlesque (Cambridge 2009) en JR Green, “Greek Theatre Production: 1996–2006,” Lustrum 50 (2008) 185–218 “The Material Evidence”, in metgesel 71–102.

ARV 2 = J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, 2de uitg. (Oxford 1963)

PhV 2 = A. D. Trendall, Phlyax Vases, 2de uitg. (Londen 1967) [BICS Supp. 19]

RVAp = A. D. Trendall en A. Cambitoglou, The Red-Figured Vases of Apulia (Oxford 1978, 1982)

RVP = AD Trendall, The Red-Figured Vases of Paestum (British School in Rome 1987)

Kassel en Austin (PCG VIII 56–68) lys slegs die vase met geskrewe teks, gewoonlik die name van die karakters (maar sien V 5).

V 1 Rooi-figuur-klokkrater op die solder deur die Cleophon-skilder, c. 425. ARV 2 1145 no. 35.

Harvey, in Rivals 91–134, met volledige bibliografie op 116 n. 1 Groen “Produksie” 196.

Die vaas toon twee sangers (met die etiket "] peinikos" en "Pleistias") + "Phrynichus" (gekroon met klimop en dra


Teater in antieke Rome

Vir antieke Romeine was teaterbesoek 'n belangrike vermaaklikheidsaktiwiteit. Hoe weet ons dit?

Kyk hoe die opvoeder Johanna en die kurator Amanda van die National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) ons 'n nader kykie gee na 'n antieke Romeinse klokkrater, versier met 'n toneel.

Wat maak vase soos hierdie so belangrik as u meer wil verstaan ​​oor die antieke Romeinse komedie wat in Suid -Italië opgevoer is?

Wat vertel die versiering op die klokkrater ons oor teater in antieke Rome?

Hierdie klokkrater is ongeveer 350–325 vC in Italië gemaak. Waarvoor is dit gebruik?

Historiese bronne | Argeologie | Oortuigings | Italiaanse geskiedenis | Sosiale geskiedenis | Leefstyle | Klassieke oudheid | Waardes (sielkunde)

Antieke Rome

Antieke kulture

Antieke geskiedenis

Romeinse teater

National Gallery of Victoria (NGV)

Om na die teater te gaan, was 'n ander deel van die lewe in die alledaagse Rome vir antieke Italianers of eertydse Romeine. En ek dink dit is soortgelyk asof ons vandag gaan fliek. Dit was iets wat baie geniet is, dit was lekker vir mense om te doen. Net soos om na die Colosseum te gaan om die gevegte wat daar gebeur het, te sien, was die teater 'n manier vir antieke Italianers om uit die huis te kom en uit te gaan en 'n baie lekker tyd te hê.

Nou, hierdie teaters was dikwels buite. Hulle is amfiteaters genoem. En hulle is op hierdie geboë manier opgestel met sitplekke wat met verskillende tussenposes oorkant sit. Afhangende van u sosiale status in antieke Rome, hang dit af van waar u in die werklike teater moes sit.

Hierdie toneelstukke kan baie hartseer wees, soos tragedies, of dit kan ook baie snaakse komedies wees. En dit is ook baie geïnspireer deur antieke Griekse tragedies en komedies, alhoewel verskillende streke verskillende toneelstukke gehad het wat hulle voorheen opgestel het. Dikwels dra die akteurs kostuums en maskers. En as dit 'n komedie, of 'n komiese toneelstuk was, soos die toneel op die klokklater waarna ons nou net gaan kyk, sou hierdie kostuums dikwels baie snaaks en oordrewe en baie aangenaam wees om na te kyk. So, Amanda, wat gebeur op die toneel op die klokkrater wat ons nou voor ons het?

Wel, Johanna, dit is 'n komedietoneel waarna ons kyk. Dit is afkomstig van 'n toneelstuk wat 'n filakspel genoem word, en ons weet nie eintlik waaroor die toneelstuk handel nie. Ons het geen literatuur oor van hierdie komiese toneelstukke uit Suid -Italië nie, maar ons het wel die vase wat tonele uit hierdie toneelstukke uitbeeld. Dit is dus baie interessant. Die vaas het eintlik die primêre bewys vir hierdie werklike toneelstukke geword. Dit is die enigste bewyse dat hierdie komediespele in Suid -Italië werklik bestaan ​​het.

Maar ons ken nie die volle verhaal nie. Ons kry net 'n momentopname van hierdie vase. En hier het ons hierdie regtig komiese figure. Twee akteurs. En soos u genoem het, dra hulle hierdie baie snaakse kostuums. Hulle het dus 'n kous aan en hulle is amper soos 'n lyfpak, en hulle het ook hierdie opgestopte maag en boude, en 'n fallus wat ook uit die weg geruim is. En hulle het hierdie kort wit tuniek. En dan het hierdie man aan die regterkant ook 'n bietjie mantel, 'n wit mantel met 'n bietjie randjie wat ons hier kan sien. En hy hou 'n sekel en hou goedgunstiglik sy hand teen die lug. Ons weet nie regtig wat hy doen nie. Hy beduie net na die hemel.

Hulle dra albei maskers. Hierdie man dra die masker wat ons kan identifiseer as die masker van 'n slim stadslaaf. En hierdie man, dit is 'n meer goedaardige gesig en hy is waarskynlik 'n plattelandse bult. Heel moontlik kyk ons ​​na 'n toneel waar hy deur die slim stadslaaf bedrieg word. En ons het die slim stadslaaf hier, hy het 'n fakkel voor hom en beduie net na die musikant wat hier staan, links op die verhoog. En dit lyk soos 'n vrou, maar in werklikheid sou dit 'n man gewees het, al was dit in 'n vroulike kostuum. Altyd 'n man en hy speel die dubbele fluit, 'n aulos.

En dan wys ek ook net op die werklike omgewing. Ons is dus buite op 'n hout verhoogstel en ons kan dit baie duidelik op hierdie vaas sien. Dit is wonderlik beskrywend in die manier waarop dit geverf is. So hier is die agtergrond, as u wil. Ons sien dit aan die kant, maar u kan die hele houtraamwerk hier aan die linkerkant sien. Hier hang selfs 'n gordyn. En dan is die hele verhoogvloer van die grond af opgehef. U kan die drie stappe sien wat opgaan, so dit is basies alles daar. Hulle wys ons regtig die volle verhoog. En dan is daar tekstiel wat om die basis gedraai is, waarskynlik om net die basis van die verhoog te versier. En dan is daar ook hierdie kolletjies hier, wat moontlik blommekranse is, wat op 'n manier eintlik 'n soort versiering aan die bokant van die verhoog verskaf het.

En dit is 'n baie groot vaartuig. So waarvoor sou dit gebruik gewees het?

Dit is 'n ander houer vir wyn om wyn te bedien. Ons noem dit 'n klokkrater vanweë sy vorm, dit is soos 'n onderstebo klok. Maar dit is eintlik om wyn te bedien en om wyn en water ook te meng. Dit kon self gebruik gewees het net om die wyn en die water te hou, of dit kon ook as die buitenste houer gebruik word om yswater te hou en dan 'n kleiner interne houer wat die wyn daarin sou gehad het. Dus 'n geleentheid om die wyn binne te hou.


Teater in antieke Rome

Vir antieke Romeine was teaterbesoek 'n belangrike vermaaklikheidsaktiwiteit. Hoe weet ons dit?

Kyk hoe die opvoeder Johanna en die kurator Amanda van die National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) ons 'n nader kykie gee na 'n antieke Romeinse klokkrater, versier met 'n toneel.

Wat maak vase soos hierdie so belangrik as jy meer wil verstaan ​​oor die antieke Romeinse komedie wat in Suid -Italië opgevoer is?

Wat vertel die versiering op die klokkrater ons oor teater in antieke Rome?

Hierdie klokkrater is ongeveer 350–325 vC in Italië gemaak. Waarvoor is dit gebruik?

Historiese bronne | Argeologie | Oortuigings | Italiaanse geskiedenis | Sosiale geskiedenis | Leefstyle | Klassieke oudheid | Waardes (sielkunde)

Antieke Rome

Antieke kulture

Antieke geskiedenis

Romeinse teater

National Gallery of Victoria (NGV)

Om na die teater te gaan, was 'n ander deel van die lewe in die alledaagse Rome vir antieke Italianers of eertydse Romeine. En ek dink dit is soortgelyk asof ons vandag gaan fliek. Dit was iets wat baie geniet is, dit was lekker vir mense om te doen. Net soos om na die Colosseum te gaan om die gevegte wat daar gebeur het, te sien, was die teater 'n manier vir antieke Italianers om uit die huis te kom en uit te gaan en baie pret te hê.

Nou, hierdie teaters was dikwels buite. Hulle is amfiteaters genoem. En hulle is op hierdie geboë manier opgestel met sitplekke wat met verskillende tussenposes oorkant sit. Afhangende van u sosiale status in antieke Rome, hang dit af van waar u in die werklike teater moes sit.

Hierdie toneelstukke kan baie hartseer wees, soos tragedies, of dit kan ook baie snaakse komedies wees. En dit is dikwels ook geïnspireer deur antieke Griekse tragedies en komedies, hoewel verskillende streke verskillende tipes toneelstukke gehad het wat hulle voorheen opgestel het. Dikwels dra die akteurs kostuums en maskers. En as dit 'n komedie was, of 'n komiese toneelstuk, soos die toneel op die klokkrater waarna ons nou gaan kyk, sou hierdie kostuums dikwels baie snaaks en oordrewe en baie aangenaam wees om na te kyk. So, Amanda, wat gebeur op die toneel op die klokkrater wat ons nou voor ons het?

Wel, Johanna, dit is 'n komedietoneel waarna ons kyk. Dit is afkomstig van 'n tipe toneelstuk wat 'n filakspel genoem word, en ons weet nie eintlik waaroor die toneelstuk handel nie. Ons het geen literatuur oor van hierdie komiese toneelstukke uit Suid -Italië nie, maar ons het wel die vase wat tonele uit hierdie toneelstukke uitbeeld. Dit is dus baie interessant. Die vaas het eintlik die primêre bewys vir hierdie werklike toneelstukke geword. Dit is die enigste bewyse dat hierdie komediespele in Suid -Italië werklik bestaan ​​het.

Maar ons ken nie die volle verhaal nie. Ons kry net 'n momentopname van hierdie vase. En hier het ons hierdie regtig komiese figure. Twee akteurs. En soos u genoem het, dra hulle hierdie baie snaakse kostuums. Hulle het dus 'n gepaste panty aan en hulle is amper soos 'n lyfpak, en hulle het ook hierdie opgestopte maag en boude en 'n fallus wat uit die weg geruim is. En hulle het hierdie kort wit tuniek. En dan het hierdie man aan die regterkant ook 'n bietjie mantel, 'n wit mantel met 'n bietjie randjie wat ons hier kan sien. En hy hou 'n sekel en hou goedgunstiglik sy hand teen die lug. Ons weet nie regtig wat hy doen nie. Hy beduie net na die hemel.

Hulle dra albei maskers. Hierdie man dra die masker wat ons kan identifiseer as die masker van 'n slim stadslaaf. En hierdie man, dit is 'n meer goedaardige gesig en hy is waarskynlik 'n plattelandse bult. Heel moontlik kyk ons ​​na 'n toneel waar hy deur die slim stadslaaf bedrieg word. En ons het die slim stadslaaf hier, hy het 'n fakkel voor hom en beduie net na die musikant wat hier staan, links op die verhoog. En dit lyk soos 'n vrou, maar in werklikheid sou dit 'n man gewees het, al was dit in 'n vroulike kostuum. Altyd 'n man en hy speel die dubbele fluit, 'n aulos.

En dan wys ek ook net op die werklike omgewing. Ons is dus buite op 'n hout verhoogstel en ons kan dit baie duidelik op hierdie vaas sien. Dit is wonderlik beskrywend in die manier waarop dit geverf is. So hier is die agtergrond, as u wil. Ons sien dit aan die kant, maar u kan die hele houtraamwerk hier aan die linkerkant sien. Hier hang selfs 'n gordyn. En dan is die hele verhoogvloer van die grond af opgehef. U kan die drie stappe sien wat opgaan, so dit is basies alles daar. Hulle wys ons regtig die volle verhoog. En dan is daar tekstiel wat om die basis gedraai is, waarskynlik om die basis van die verhoog te versier. En dan is daar ook hierdie kolletjies hier, wat moontlik blommekranse is, wat op 'n manier eintlik 'n soort versiering aan die bokant van die verhoog verskaf het.

En dit is 'n baie groot vaartuig. So waarvoor sou dit gebruik gewees het?

Dit is 'n ander houer vir wyn, om wyn te bedien. Ons noem dit 'n klokkrater vanweë sy vorm, dit is soos 'n onderstebo klok. Maar dit is eintlik om wyn te bedien en om wyn en water ook te meng. Dit kon self gebruik gewees het net om die wyn en die water te hou, of dit kon ook as die buitenste houer gebruik word om yswater te hou en dan 'n kleiner interne houer wat die wyn daarin sou gehad het. Dus 'n geleentheid om die wyn binne te hou.


Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, The Nicholson Museum, die Universiteit van Sydney. Rooi figuur en oorgeverfde erdewerk van Suid-Italië, Australië fassil 2

Die tweede Australiese CVA is toegewy aan die versameling van die Nicholson Museum van Suid -Italiaanse vase wat geïdentifiseer is as produkte uit die streke Lucania, Campania, Paestum en Sicilië. Geverfde Gnathia-erdewerk, Teano-ware en 'n enkele St. Valentin-kantharos is ook by die bundel ingesluit. Net soos die eerste fascicule wat gewy is aan Apuliese vase in dieselfde universiteitsmuseum en in 2008 gepubliseer is deur dieselfde geleerdes, bied die huidige voorwerp elke voorwerp in kleurfoto's, met veelvuldige aansigte en enkele besonderhede, en bied ook profieltekeninge vir beide hele vaartuie en fragmente. Trouens, die twee fassikules word die beste as 'n stel beskou, en saam bied hul dekking en kwaliteit 'n handige inleiding tot die vaasskildery van Suid-Italië 1 Die boek is opgedra aan die herinneringe aan sowel AD Trendall as T.B.L. Webster, wat baie bygedra het tot die gekombineerde onderwerp van vase en dramas, en nog baie meer, sowel as tot Noël Oakeshott, 'n "pionier in die studie van Suid -Italiaanse aardewerk" (9), wat verskeie van die Nicholson vase. 'N Waardevolle en ietwat skaars toevoeging tot hierdie CVA is 'n inleidende hoofstuk:' A.D. Trendall en die Nicholson -museum. ” Geskryf deur Turner, die senior kurator van die museum sedert 2005, bevat dit nie net baie besonderhede oor Dale Trendall se betrokkenheid by die versameling in die vorm van kuratorium, verkrygings, toekennings en publikasies nie, maar ook oor biografiese en anekdotiese inligting oor sy lewe en loopbaan, en 'n foto van Trendall (met 'n rooi figuurkrater), Cambitoglou en David M. Robinson aan die Universiteit van Mississippi in 1954. Die uittreksel uit 'n aanbevelingsbrief wat deur Trendall se mentor, sir John Beazley, geskryf is, is veral relevant, aangesien beide geleerdes word vandag onthou as die grootste fynproewers van die 20ste eeu op hul onderskeie gebiede van Suid-Italiaanse en Attiese vaasverf. Trendall se afdruk is duidelik in die bundel duidelik. Baie van die vase is voorheen deur hom bestudeer en aan nuwe artistieke hande toegewys. Sy 'laaste nalatenskap aan die Nicholson' was inderdaad die naamgewing van vier skilders gebaseer op die versameling: The Nicholson Painter (Campanian), the Painter of Sydney 46.54 (Campanian), the Sydney Bottle Group (Sicilian), and the Sydney Painter ( Lucanian, Paestan).

Die vorms wat deur die fascicule gedek word, is wydlopend en weerspieël 'n kombinasie van wat tipies is in die verskillende weefsels en die begeerte om 'n studieversameling vir onderrig en navorsing in 'n universiteitsomgewing te bou. Nie verrassend nie, is klokklaters baie meer as ander vorme en die voorbeelde, almal rooi, is Lucanian, Campanian, Paestan en Sicilian. Sodanige dekking maak dit moontlik om stof en vorms vinnig te vergelyk, en die profieltekeninge is veral welkom vir hierdie doel. Ander vorms wat in veelvuldige voorbeelde voorkom, sluit in die oinochoe, skyphos, hydria en bottel (bombylios), en twee elk van die lekanis -deksel (beide Siciliaans) en Pagenstecher lekythos (beide Siciliaans). Bykomende vorms word in enkele voorbeelde aangetref, waaronder twee askoi van heeltemal verskillende tipes en versierings, een Gnathian met bandhandvatsel en ringbasis en die ander 'n elegante Teano -voël. Ook die noemenswaardige Lucanian nestoris met Herakles en Nike the Gnathian epichysis, 'n vorm wat waarskynlik van metaal afgelei is, en die Campanian -deksel -kemai wat om die skouer versier is met 'n reeks menslike koppe, en wie se moderne naam Beazley geskep het op grond van 'n inskripsie "Op een so 'n pot van Nola" (59). Die datumbereik vir die Suid -Italiaanse en Siciliaanse ware is laat in die 3de - middel 2de eeu vC. Die vroegste voorbeelde is Lucanian (dit wil sê Pisticci Painter, c. 430-410), terwyl aan die einde die Gnathian skyphoid krater, die drie Teano-vase (almal ongeveer 300-275) en die deksel-kemai (c. 320) -270).

Waar van toepassing, bied die inskrywings 'n indrukwekkende hoeveelheid ruimte vir die beeldspraak en versiering van individuele stukke. Daar is 'n gerieflike indeks van "godsdienstige en mitologiese figure" (109), wat egter slegs 'n kort idee gee van die komplekse ikonografie van die vase. Wat onmiddellik duidelik word, is die groot persentasie Dionisiese en verwante onderwerpe, sowel as 'n merkbare verskeidenheid goddelike, tragiese en sterflike vroulike figure (bv. Aphrodite, Electra, "Aura"). Net soos die weefsels self, ontwyk sommige besonderhede van die Suid -Italiaanse ikonografie ons, en 'n standaard beskrywende woordeskat word nie altyd toegepas nie. Dit is die geval met die Paestan-rooi-figuurklokkie wat toegeskryf word aan die Sydney Painter, waar 'n halfgedrapeerde, baardlose 'jong sittende man' 'n draperige vrou bied wat 'n spieël hou. Die afgeronde voorwerpe langs die bokant van die phiale en op die nabygeleë altaar word hier "eiers" genoem, terwyl die frase "eieragtige voorwerpe" in 'n ander toneel op 'n ander vaas gebruik word (35). As een van hierdie afbeeldings van werklike eiers is, kan daar 'n belangrike kultiese of chtoniese betekenis in die tonele wees. 2 Sommige lyk beslis meer eieragtig in die weergawe as ander (bv. Campanian oinochoe, pl. 56). Terselfdertyd lyk die werktuig in dieselfde toneel wat beskryf word as 'n "thyrsus" met sy "klein mirte-agtige blare" meer na die eienskap van Apollo (wat soms 'n phiale in die soldervaasverf het) as die personeel van Dionysos en sy volgelinge op 'n verskeidenheid ander voorbeelde in hierdie samestelling gevind (vgl. pls. 11, 91 95).

'N Ander Paestaanse krater, voorheen in die tweede versameling van Sir William Hamilton, is in 1948 op 'n veiling in Londen vir die som van 13 pond (72) vir die Nicholson Museum verkry. Dit bied ook 'n ikonografiese raaisel wat verskeie geslagte van gewaardeerde vaasliefhebbers van Tischbein tot Trendall ontwrig het. 'N Vroulike figuur rus teen 'n thyrsus terwyl vyf ronde voorwerpe in 'n vertikale ry bokant haar uitgestrekte hand gestapel word. Turner en Cambitoglou beskryf dit as "gekleurde balle en#8230 in die lug gegooi", terwyl vorige identifikasies die volgende insluit: "klein stene en#8230 vir die uitvoer van 'n magiese operasie" (Tischbein) "maanstene" (Hamilton) 'n "vrugtespies" (Tillyard) ) stemoffer wat verband hou met Dionysos (Schneider-Hermann). Alhoewel 'n mens nooit seker kan wees nie, is dit inderdaad moontlik dat die beste idee die duidelikste is. Die sitende vrou in dieselfde toneel wat identies bedek en versier is, en wat ook 'n thyrsus vasklou, hou ook 'n soortgelyke, indien groter, ronde voorwerp reg onder en op die as met die ry "balle bo" vas. Hierdie groter weergawe van waarskynlik dieselfde voorwerp, miskien bloot bedoel deur die skilder om nader aan die kyker te verskyn, lyk soos 'n vrug, soos 'n granaatjie. Die manier waarop dit tussen die vingerpunte vasgehou word, lyk soos die gebaar om vrugte en blomme te bied wat deur wyfies gemaak is in die Griekse beeldhouwerk en vase op die vasteland. Dit gesê, die skrywers sien 'drie wit balle' in die hand van Dionysos op 'n ander vaas, 'n Paestan-klokkrater wat Trendall aan Python toegeskryf het. Die nogal menslike satier op die Hamilton-vaas, wat van die vrou afstap en na hulle terugkyk, bevestig die dubbelsinnige kulties-mitiese omgewing en tref 'n goeie vergelyking met die sogenaamde "horing-satir" (miskien 'n man geklee as Pan? vgl. pl. 106) oor die Lucaanse krater deur die Dolon-skilder (29-30).

Skouspel en teaterlikheid is die steunpilare van die Suid -Italiaanse vaasskildery, letterlik en figuurlik, en beide is hier bewys. 'N Gekostumeerde aulet wat op die fragment van 'n Lucaanse rooifiguur-skyfosfus optree, en 'n satir wat 'n barbiton-lier op 'n ander Lucaanse fragment bevat, word uitgesonder. Komiese parodie is die verklaring vir die unieke toneel op 'n Lucaanse krater, met twee gemaskerde figure in vroulike kostuum. Volgens J.R. Green, wat die vaartuig toeskryf aan die 'vroeë' Creusa -skilder, beeld die toneel Phaedra af, wat lyk asof hy flou word, nadat hy pas die nuus gehoor het van die dood van Hippolytos. 'N Lewendige weergawe van die dood van Niobe op 'n Campanian hydria, wat al dan nie verband hou met teater, ontvang 'n baie verdiende lang bespreking, kompleet met literêre verwysings en artistieke vergelykings. Die bedroefde moeder staan ​​in 'n naiskos, terwyl haar eie vader, Tantalus, kniel en beduie na haar reeds versteende liggaam van bo, kyk Apollo en Leto om die multi-generasie melodrama te voltooi. Nie verrassend nie, onthul verskeie Paestan -vase tekens van die verhoog, waaronder maskers, stewels, musiek en rekwisiete/stelle. Ook uitvoerend op hul manier is voorbeelde van naakte manlike atlete wat met strigils stut, satire wat toesig hou oor drinkspeletjies en sterflike of mitiese komoi.

Onlangse studie oor Suid -Italiaanse vase het die belangrikheid van argeologiese konteks beklemtoon en die probleem van verlore inligting wat veroorsaak word deur onwettige opgrawings en die handel in oudhede. 3 Cambitoglou en Turner ken ongetwyfeld die probleem en het gevolglik ekstra aandag gegee aan die geskiedenis van individuele voorwerpe, waar dit bekend is. Na aanleiding van die voorstel van een resensent van fascicule 1 ( BMCR 2010.09.38), this time the authors have inserted within the entries early drawings of a few vases and provided additional commentary (e.g., Paestan bell krater, 78-80, pls. 106-109). This beautifully produced and thoughtfully written CVA reaffirms that it is no longer acceptable to speak of vase painting of Magna Graecia as “the poor cousin to Attic” (8). Leaving aside subjective judgements about style, artistry, and taste, these vases—or “pots”, as our authors would prefer to say—are extremely valuable in what they can teach us about the history of collecting in Italy and beyond.

1. Alexander Cambitoglou, Michael Turner, Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. The Nicholson Museum, The University of Sydney. The Red Figure Pottery of Apulia. The Nicholson Museum 1, Australia fascicule 1 (Sydney: Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens The Nicholson Museum, The University of Sydney 2008).

2. As has been suggested for Etruscan art see Lisa Pieraccini, “Food and Drink in the Etruscan World,” in J. Turfa (ed.), The World of the Etruscans (New York: Routledge 2013), 816-17.


Given the recent interest in the July 31, 2017 article in the New York Times regarding the Python bell-krater depicting Dionysos with Thyros which was seized by New York authorities from New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art, ARCA has elected to publish Dr. Christos Tsirogiannis' original Journal of Art Crime article, in its entirety.

Originally published in the Spring 2014 edition of the Journal of Art Crime , ARCA's publication is produced twice per year and is available by subscription which helps to support the association's ongoing mission. Each edition of the JAC contains a mixture of peer-reviewed academic articles and editorials, from contributors authors knowledgeable in this sector.

We hope this article's publication will allow ARCA's regular blog readership and the general public to get a more comprehensive picture of this object's contentious origin.

Shortly after the Sotheby’s auction in New York, the vase became part of the antiquities collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (henceforth MET). It was given the accession number 1989.11.4. In the MET publication (Picon et al. 2007:239 no.184), the main scene on the obverse is described as follows:

The MET website gives three sources of publication for the vase two from Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC) and one from Carlos Picon et al. (2007) Art of the Classical World in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (no. 184, pp. 161, 439). The two references to LIMC turn out to be to the same paragraph, in the supplement to vol. 7, found at the end of vol. 8 (1997:1113, Silenoi no. 20a = “Tybron no. 2”). This reads:

In a wider perspective, the Python bell-krater at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York is one of many similar cases. North American museums, recently found to have acquired illicit antiquities, and forced to return those objects, still have in their possession many more. The very museums which advertise their care for transparency, in practice continue to conceal the full collecting history of tainted objects they own, and wait for them to be discovered. In this regard, the story of the Python bell-krater case is absolutely typical.


Pots and Plays. Interactions between Tragedy and Greek Vase-Painting of the Fourth Century B.C

What a welcome book this is. Oliver Taplin has been a key figure in persuading the present generation of scholars that our preserved texts of drama were composed as scripts for performance rather than just the pieces of literature they were for most of our teachers. The point seems obvious now. Syne Stagecraft of Aeschylus of 1977 and Greek Tragedy in Action of the following year were already a remarkable step forward, and, aside from all his other work, his Comic Angels of 1993 had enormous impact in the crusade to persuade colleagues that the comic vases made in South Italy in the first seventy years of the fourth century have a great deal to tell us about Athenian Comedy. This book too is written with a wider audience in mind (note the Glossary), although there is at the same time plenty for the specialist to chew on.

The arrangement is straightforward and to some extent echoes the Trendall and Webster volume of 1971 (hereafter IGD) except that here we have only tragedy. 1 The core, called Part 2, provides pictures of vases with discussions of the scenes and the relevant preserved texts arranged in chapters by their suggested relationship to author: Aeschylus, Sophocles, surviving Euripides, fragmentary Euripides, otherwise unknown tragedies. Before all that comes a Preface, which is vital reading for an understanding of his approach, and a section called “Setting the Scenes”. In the absence of a conclusion, this last is the more important. In explaining what the book is about, he gives a stirring explanation of what he sees as the importance of Tragedy in the ancient world in terms of its themes and their handling, and he attempts to define how we are to know when a tragedy is referred to in an image, whether through costume or other elements such as rocky arches, naiskoi, messenger-figures, or labels in Attic dialect. 2

He selects 109 items Vases? of which 41 were treated in the Tragedy section of IGD. 3 There is not unnaturally some emphasis on the holdings of the Getty, but he several times makes a point of how much material has come to light in relatively recent years, and it is saddening to think how little of it has excavation context. If it had, it would surely have gone to strengthen his enquiry into why so many of these vases seem to have had relevance in graves outside the city of Taranto. When selections are involved, one invariably wonders why some items were omitted. 4 One suspects that the aim towards a wider public brought increased emphasis on pieces that could be associated with the known names at the expense, say, of fourth-century tragedy where there are in fact equally interesting things to be said. There are many instances, however, in which one congratulates him for persisting with out-of-the-way but important pieces.

All this said, the book is not about performance as such in any direct way. It is explicitly not concerned with the question of representations of tragedy on stage. Instead it seeks to isolate images which are best explained and understood through a knowledge of a given tragedy. From there he goes on to explore the meaning and impact of Greek tragedy as evidenced in these reflections of tragic themes, for the most part with pottery produced in Taranto in the late fifth and the first two thirds of the fourth century. Thus it is a valuable essay in cultural history, not least in assessing the spread of Athenian drama outside its point of invention, and then beyond cultures that were strictly-speaking Greek, at least so far as pictures on pots were concerned.

The point at which he has greatest difficulty is in attempting to show that ‘Apulians’ were familiar with Greek theatre, and in particular tragedy, while at the same time avoiding circular argument. It is not an easy problem and yet central to his thesis. He quite properly points out that ‘Apulia’ is an anachronistic concept, reinforced by modern administrative divisions. There can be no doubt that Tarentines were extremely fond of theatre. But then treatment of the areas outside Taranto is beset with difficulties. Perhaps for fear of over-complicating the picture, he seems reluctant to engage with Messapia, Peucetia and Daunia as cultural and perhaps ethnic entities. (One may note in passing the irony that the most hellenised of these, Messapia, with its strong ties to Athens, has provided very little evidence of a taste for theatre.) For Peucetia, one has to rely heavily on Ruvo, quite likely a special case (and for the Jatta Collection, not uncomplicated as to provenience), and it leaves one wondering about all the other Peucetians inland in the direction of Metaponto, or up into the Materano where there have been rich tombs of the relevant period but without very much sign of tragedy. Daunia again seems to look inland for its definitive core. Canosa, findspot of many of the key vases in this question, is for the most part an isolated phenomenon even if, evidently, a wealthy and important one that attracted Daunians from the upland regions to its west.

Again, in arguing for theatre-conscious natives, one has to ask: where are the theatres? where is there other evidence of an interest in and familiarity with theatre, such as terracotta figurines? where is there evidence of a sophisticated familiarity with the Greek language, let alone the Attic of the stage (by contrast with the Doric of the colonies)? Taplin could not be expected to investigate all these problems and one regrets the absence of a good, accessible volume that looks at Greeks and natives in the region and makes an honest assessment of what the situation was at what point in what area. One has to reckon that for the moment, at least, there simply is no good independent evidence. 5

What is clear is that the distribution of ‘tragedy-related’ vases is not the same as that for vases with scenes of comedy. But that may in part be a function of chronology: the comic pots give up cease? Come to an end? before the tragic pots, in fact before the taste for the elaborate red-figure vases in Canosa, for example, really begins.

I would nonetheless have liked to see a more explicit differentiation between vases imported from Taranto to Canosa, and those manufactured locally. The migration of Tarentine potters and painters there was a sudden one, and they did not make red-figure survive for very long, hardly more than a generation but even within that period one sees changes of approach, and, I would argue, some loss of familiarity with the nuances of their Tarentine cultural heritage.

One wonders if there may be any profit in comparing the case of Etruscan cinerary urns of the third century, decorated with representations of scenes from Greek myths. Many of them cover themes central to this book, including the Sacrifice of Iphigeneia, Orestes and Pylades in Tauris, Orestes and Clytemnestra, Telephos on the altar, Orestes and the Erinyes, etc. Here again the difficult questions concern the mechanics of the iconographic transmission and the level of knowledge of Greek tragedy that one might suppose the users of these urns, say in Chiusi, where one also finds scenes of the Death of Aegisthus, actually had. 6

Nevertheless Taplin makes a good attempt to set the investigation in context. At pp. 10-11, for example, and again at 33-35, he remarks on the problem of Satyr-Play in Apulia (sc. Taranto), pointing out that beyond the early phase there is little evidence of either satyr-masks or satyr-players in their distinctive tights. 7 It is indeed curious. There is no obvious explanation beyond supposing that their disappearance was simply a matter of taste—not evidence for the disappearance of Satyr-Play. Beyond the early phase, the only example I know is the bell-krater of ca 360 BC in the Pushkin State Museum, Moscow, CVA (2) pl. 3, on which a satyr-player rather than a satyr pursues a maenad, thus implying the interchangeability of performer and subject in the communal view. Masks of papposilenoi continue commonly as plastic attachments on pots such as situlae. (Note incidentally that Taplin is reluctant to take the Lucanian calyx-krater in the British Museum with a Cyclops scene as reflecting Euripides.)

Some effort has been put into the book’s design, for the most part successfully: it is always difficult to match text and pictures consistently. The illustrations are mostly of good quality and some are outstanding others are poor, sometimes surprisingly (as in the case of some images from Princeton and Boston), and at times reflecting the limits of digital technology (when images have been taken from secondary sources Taplin has so limited his range of references on individual items that one is hesitant to interfere. I have been so bold only when there is particular reason. At the same time I find it a curious decision to omit CVA references, and, in the circumstances, especially to the volumes of the Malibu CVA by Jentoft-Nilsen and Trendall.

It is a book that deserves careful reading, and one’s fear is that some aspects at least may be taken superficially. One should not be misled by the verve and vigour of his written style. At the same time, in making his argument, he can be thoroughly disarming: “I am inclined to tip in favor of the Euripidean connection (but then I would, wouldn’t I?)” (p. 158).This is a challenging book so of course one has questions or further points to make. Here are some of mine. They are intended as a positive response and I do not mention much that I applaud:

nos. 1-11 Scenes from Choephoroi and Eumenides: worth noting the treatment covering a number of the same pieces by C. Isler-Kerényi, “Un mito teatrale: la saga di Oreste. Oreste nella ceramica italiota”, in: G. Sena Chiesa and E.A. Arslan (eds), Miti greci. Archeologia e pittura dalla Magna Grecia al collezionismo (Milan 2004) 274-281.

geen. 6 The Trendall-Webster idea that the Erinys on the right is dancing has the support of the twist given to her drapery, a common convention to convey the notion.

geen. 8 On the Erinyes on the Eumenides Painter’s bell-krater in the Louvre, Taplin notes that they have ‘rather inconspicuous snakes’ on their arms – indeed, they are bracelets of the kind so often worn by Tarentine females, whatever their depicted character.

geen. 9 The Gnathia krater in the Hermitage with the Eumenides: even in an abbreviated bibliography, it would have been worth mentioning Bulle, Festschrift Loeb 24-25, for the quality of his description and the importance of his comments in the history of the subject.

geen. 13 The Lykourgos vase in the British Museum: Taplin notes the absence in the upper register of a prominent Dionysos, as a god vitally interested in the proceedings – but what about the seated figure on the left? Is it really a spear that he holds? Why not a thyrsos of the kind seen on the ground on no. 66? The added white has vanished.

geen. 18 Prometheus Lyomenos in Berlin: Taplin claims he is bound hand and foot to the rock, but I cannot see any shackles or bindings at the ankles. One may note that the Erinys on the lower right (who looks like an inattentive student) has her spears pointed down. I was sad that he could not accept the arguments of Keith De Vries in R.M. Rosen and J. Farrell (eds.), Nomodeiktes. Greek Studies in Honor of Martin Ostwald (Ann Arbor 1993) 517-523, suggesting that the fragments from Gordion also show the scene.

geen. 22 The Oedipus Tyrannus vase in Syracuse: it is a pity that, on a vase of this importance, there is not also an illustration of the right-hand part of the scene — such as was shown a while ago for example in the catalogue of the ‘Medea to Sappho’ exhibition at the National Museum in Athens (1995). The woman turning away at the right is too often ignored. Taplin does not like to think of the children, shown on the vase, as being present on stage at this point, but why not? Certainly in the painting the girl next to Iokasta looks round worriedly at her mother’s sudden tension on hearing the messenger’s news, and so plays a considerable role in the characterisation of the scene. I find Taplin too reluctant throughout this volume to suppose or admit the presence on stage of non-speaking extras, whether or not there is direct reference to them in the text. (Note G.M. Sifakis, “Children in Greek Tragedy”, BICS 26, 1979, 67-80.) But this soon involves the near-impossible topic of implicit stage-directions. See too on the Oedipus at Colonus vase no. 27 and the tragic scene no. 105.

Also on this piece, Taplin notes that the (semi-)columns in the background are used as dividers between the figures. So they are, and they probably reflect a reality of the Syracusan stage and the facade of the stage-building: compare those depicted on Sicilian comic vases of the same period, or for that matter reconstructions of the so-called theatre of Lycurgus in Athens.

geen. 24 Possible Antigone in Taranto: Taplin points out that, at line 441 of Sophocles’ play, Kreon says to her “You, yes you with your face turned down toward the ground”, a famous line, but, first, is it turned down or nodding?—see also A.L. Boegehold, “Antigone Nodding, Unbowed”, in: F.B. Titchener and R.F. Moorton (eds.), The Eye Expanded: Life and the Arts in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Berkeley 1999) 19-23. Second, and more importantly here, how can a vase-painter show someone nodding? How does he distinguish the gesture from the standard modesty-topos applied to young women of having their eyes cast down? (The normal answer is a hand-gesture, but that would be impossible here since her hands are held by her guards.) I fear the angle of her head in the vase-painting does not help us decide whether she is Antigone or not.

geen. 26 Bell-krater in Syracuse perhaps related to a Philoctetes tragedy: Taplin gives this one a good and interesting run. From left field, one might contrast the Attic red-figure column-krater from Montesarchio, probably by the Orpheus Painter and so within the relevant date-range, now discussed in a full article by Gabriella d’Henry (AIONArchStor 11-12, 2004-2005, 53-61). It has a reclining figure supported by two youths and having his ankle or heel attended to by a small bearded daimon together with a young person, while a woman stands by with a container of ointment. It is hardly a standard depiction, especially given the small winged figure doing the surgery. But d’Henry seems persuasive that this is Philoctetes rather than Talos.

geen. 27 Oedipus at Colonus: add (as I have noted elsewhere) that this Oedipus has fine, elaborate and probably clean clothing by contrast with what Sophocles tells us: how is this?

geen. 28 Kreousa at the Zoo: it is impossible on present evidence to know what this is, although the vase was well worth inclusion just to raise the question again.

geen. 30 Thyestes at Sikyon? The young personification of the City cannot comfortably be described as ‘sitting on a pair of columns’, but on an architrave supported by a pair of columns. And (in the final sentence) it is not a necklace on the branch to Pelopeia’s left, but an example of what are elsewhere called ‘sacred chains’, so often seen in sanctuaries and, for instance, on no. 58 or no. 82. And what about the stars above?

nos. 33-36 Medea. There has been so much written around and about her recently that one admires Taplin for the delicacy with which he picks his way through. On no. 36, the amphora in Naples attributed to the Darius Painter, I liked his idea of this non-Euripidean version dropping off children from her chariot to delay her pursuers, although the idea is a visual one and it would have needed a lively messenger-speech to get it across—which is not impossible. And, despite what he says in n. 36, one can just make out a little of Lyssa’s nimbus.

geen. 33 bell-krater in Naples: “An Erinys sits above, as often, with chilling calm.” No, unlike the way it seems to us, she is in the pose shown as hostile and edgy by Nicgorski in A.P. Chapin (ed.), Charis. Essays in Honor of Sara A. Immerwahr (Hesperia Suppl. 33, Princeton 2004) 291-303.

geen. 39 The Laodameia vase in the British Museum: Taplin thinks of the upper part of the scene as possibly related to Euripides’ Hippolytos. Perhaps add a reference to M. Catucci, Taras 16:2, 1996, 47-69, for her detailed discussion and her rather complex argument that it is from Euripides’ Protesilaos (as already Trendall and Webster). She compares Alcestis.

geen. 40 Calyx-krater with a possible Hippolytos: the young man with a lagobolon. Taplin (with Trendall) is surely right in his identification of the instrument (pace Aellen). More seriously, perhaps, I look for an explanation of the thymiaterion shown prominently between the two women. It normally implies a sanctuary and/or religious ritual (as might the tripods on columns), but I cannot see a viable explanation.

geen. 43 Volute-krater by the Iliupersis Painter with Neoptolemos at Delphi: this has now been published in G. Sena Chiesa and F. Slavazzi (eds.), Ceramiche attiche e magnogreche. Collezione Banca Intesa. Catalogo ragionato (Milan 2006) vol. ii, 306-10, no. 110 (M. Dolci).The collection has a useful website, but the unwary should be warned that many of the attributions are in error, as this one is in the catalogue too (given, unaccountably, to the Lycurgus Painter).

geen. 52 On the transformation of Iphigeneia, it is perhaps worth referring to F. Frontisi-Ducroux, L’homme-cerf et la femme-araignée. Figures grecques de la métamorphose (Paris 2003).

geen. 54 Rhesos in Berlin by the Darius Painter: the figure on the lower right is clearly a river-god (as his horns also show) but the reed he holds is not papyrus (nor should it be up in that part of the world).

geen. 55 Adolphseck Painter’s bell-krater with Aigeus: it is a stretch to suggest that the youth (Theseus) is wearing a garland because of his victory over the Marathonian Bull. He wears it because he is involved in a ritual act, pouring a libation at an altar, even if it is possible that that in turn was in celebration of his success. Strange that he should have two hats: one can’t imagine Euripides was responsible for that! (The problem noted already in IGD.) I am not sure that ‘cup’ is really a good translation for ‘phiale’.

It might have been worth mentioning the volute-krater now in the collection of the Banca Intesa (ex Caputi 377) RVAp i, 193, 2 Miti greci (above under nos. 1-11) 231 no. 234 (colour ill) even if the problems it presents are different: Theseus tackles the Bull while Aigeus looks on and even draws attention to him.

nos. 57-58 Alkmene: see now the article by E. Schmidt, AntK 46, 2003, 56-71, with a fragment from the circle of the Darius Painter, not unlike no. 58 here.

It is a pity that the picture of the Taranto calyx-krater (no. 57) is so fuzzy. I have always supposed that the thunderbolt so close to the pyre means that the storm is already in progress and that Amphitryon is starting back in fear and/or surprise.

geen. 68 Melanippe Wise in Atlanta: on p. 195 and in n. 83, Taplin quotes Pollux on Special Masks (IV.141) for the existence of a Hippe/Hippo mask, “Cheiron’s daughter Hippe turned into a horse in Euripides”. Even if Pollux had it right and it was not merely a supposition from the text, it is very difficult to see a production with her as a stage horse—despite the depiction on the lower left here—and not all that easy to envisage them using a real mare (and certainly not on the crane). If we accept it, the mask may have shown a partial conversion (one thinks of Io, or of the Iphigeneia becoming a deer on no. 53). The participle ‘changed’ or ‘turned into’ used by Pollux is a present participle and so it could possibly (but does not certainly) mean ‘in the process of being changed’. If we have to have a crane-rider, I find Athena a more tempting candidate, especially given her position on the vase. Taplin is right (n. 81) that I misconstrued the children.

geen. 71 Oinomaos at the Stable: it should be noted that Aphrodite is spelled with a final alpha, which in Taplin’s (and my) terms would be a counter-indication.

geen. 72 Stheneboia in Boston: “there is a subtle hint of unease conveyed by the reassuring hand that Stheneboia lays on his [Proitos’] arm.” Bellerophon is being packed off to Lycia. Interpretations of ancient gesture are always fraught (see my note on no. 33). I, perhaps having looked at too many scenes from Comedy, see her depicted as sexy (even over-sexed) by the swish of the skirt, and the so-called bridal gesture, and tend to read her arm movement as restraining, an unspoken ‘please don’t do this’, even ‘please don’t do this to me’. But that may not be right either. What I really mean is that, despite some useful recent work, the study of gesture and body-language in the various times, places and regional cultures of the Greek world still has some way to go.

geen. 82 Rape of Chrysippos in Berlin: Taplin does not investigate what is happening on the lower left of this scene. IGD suggested that the figures are Atreus and Thyestes, the older brothers of Chrysippos this may or may not convince, and one imagines that Taplin’s silence is deliberate.

geen. 89 Getty Leda: I find the suggestion that the apple tree here means the Gardens of the Hesperides difficult. Possibly, rather, an implication of a garden of plenty (cf. Eniautos and Eleusis above) and/or the erotic connotation of plucking apples. On the particular treatment of Hypnos here, see Trendall and Jentoft-Nilsen in the CVA. One might add that the dove with sash seems to imply good fortune in love. On Eros and a small deer, see for example Schauenburg, JdI 108, 1993, 221-253. Some will pick on the final paragraph in this item which seems to back away from the idea of Attic dialect as an indicator of theatre.

geen. 92 The Darius Vase: apart from several other recent discussions, see the important article by Boardman in B. Adembri (ed.), Aeimnestos: miscellanea di studi per Mauro Cristofani (Prospettiva Suppl. 2, Florence 2005/6) 134-139. He consulted Margot Schmidt in writing it.

geen. 94 Medea at Eleusis: see now Moret in G. Labarre (ed.), Les cultes locaux dans les mondes grec et romain. Actes du colloque de Lyon, 7-8 juin 2001 (Lyons 2004) 143-151.

geen. 105 The Caltanissetta tragic scene: possibly arising from his reluctance to see more than three actors in any one scene, Taplin supposes that the four figures in this most direct of all depictions are the result of a combination of scenes. It is not difficult to take one of the women as non-speaking, e.g. the one on the far left. Compare, as he does, the case of no. 22.

geen. 106 A possible but unlikely Alkmene on fragments in Entella: the torch in the hand of the male: “I can see nothing to prove that it is not a sword”. Aside from the unlikelihood of a sacred chain attached to a sword here, I seem to see flames. There are of course no logs around the altar on which the female sits. It would be more economical to suppose that this is a night scene indeed I am not convinced that it is not a comic scene (where such a night scene and a discovery at an altar would be less surprising and where altars appear over at the right, a point which Taplin finds bothersome). It seems to me even likely that the male is wearing comic costume (I think I see a seam on his sleeves and a red body-tunic as would be standard in Sicilian). The female seems portly, as she would if comic. (In any case this woman has her mouth closed.) And, of course, the action takes place on an explicitly-drawn stage. The reproduction of the photograph in AntK 46, 2003, pl. 14, 2, is better.

1. Illustrations of Greek Drama (London 1971). Op bl. 23, in looking at the recent history of scholarship on this subject, Taplin is to a degree critical of their approach as exemplified in their use of the word ‘Illustrations’ (equating ‘illustrate’ with ‘show’). Nuances of words change, as does the baggage they carry. For Trendall and Webster, as I happen to know from discussion of this very point with each of them, ‘Illustrations’ was chosen by contrast with ‘Representations’ (which at the time seemed an obvious word), so that they would not be implying pictures of a stage performance. ‘Images’ was not yet popular. The title of the present work, of course, carefully avoids any word of this kind.

2. On the reliability of rock-arches etc. as evidence, see also C. Roscino, “Elementi scenici ed iconografia nella ceramica italiota e siceliota a soggetto tragico: l’arco roccioso”, in A. Martina (ed.), Teatro greco postclassico e teatro latino. Teorie e prassi drammatica. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Roma, 16-18 ottobre 2001 (Rome 2003) 75-100, and the same author’s “L’immagine della tragedia: elementi di caratterizzazione teatrale ed iconografia italiota e siceliota”, in L. Todisco (ed.), La ceramica figurata a soggetto tragico in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia (Rome 2003) 223-357.

3. They had 78 South Italian vases in their section on Tragedy but also included a good number of Attic.

4. I think for example of the ‘Daughters of Anios’ scenes discussed by Trendall in the Schauenburg Festschrift and more recently by Halm-Tisserant in Ktema 25, 2000, 133-142. Note also her Réalité et imaginaire des supplices en Grèce ancienne (Paris 1998), which has general relevance to issues in this book.

5. At 165 and Part 1, section H, he objects to Giuliani’s quite good idea of professional funeral orators who spoke to the pictures on the pots, though his objection is based mostly in terms of their being literate and relying on literature. I would agree with that reasoning but wonder if one should think rather of famous passages recited by out-of-work or second-grade actors?

6. Among a number of treatments, see recently D. Steuernagel, Menschenopfer und Mord am Altar. Griechische Mythen in etruskischen Gräbern (Wiesbaden 1998) or A. Maggiani, “‘Assassinari all’altare’. Per la storia di due scheme iconografici greci in Etruria”, Prospettiva 100, 2000, 9-18.


Kyk die video: Paestum (Desember 2021).