Geskiedenis Podcasts

Hoe het Porfirio Diaz Mexiko na Europa verlaat?

Hoe het Porfirio Diaz Mexiko na Europa verlaat?

Soos ek dit verstaan, vertrek Porfirio Diaz uit Mexiko na Europa kort nadat hy die presidentskap oorgegee het, iewers omstreeks 1911. Dit lyk asof ek onthou dat hy op 'n Duitse passasierskip vertrek het. Kan dit bevestig word, en kan die naam van die voering en bestemming verstrek word?


Die skip was die SS Ypiranga, wat inderdaad 'n Duitse skip was (hoewel dit op daardie stadium 'n vragskip was, nog nie 'n passasierskip nie). Díaz vertrek op 31 Mei 1911 uit die hawe van Veracruz met die stop Havana na die Franse hawe Le Havre. Die gebeurtenis is berig in die 1ste uitgawe van die New York Times:

VERA CRUZ, 31 Mei-Oudpresident Porfirio Diaz vaar vanaand uit die hawe op die stoomboot Ypiranga, op pad na Havre. Die stoomboot gaan deur Havana, en genl. Diaz se uiteindelike bestemming is Spanje. Die skip was net 'n entjie uit toe die soeklig van die vesting wat die hawe bewaak, daarop gerig is. Met 'n bril in die hand, tussen 'n klein partytjie in die agterstewe, staan ​​Diaz, effens uitmekaar, naby die spoor. Hy was duidelik waarneembaar en het sy afskeid gekyk na sy geboorteland.

Dit het 2 dae later in Havana aangekom met die generaal aan boord, weer soos berig deur die New York Times op 4 Junie:

HAVANA, 3 Junie - Die stoomskip Ypiranga, wat op 1 Junie van Vera Cruz af weggevaar het, in ballingskap na genl. Genl. Porfirio Diaz, het om 06:30 in hierdie hawe gegaan, wat by die Custom House veranker het. Die Ypiranga was vinnig omring deur 'n groot vloot sleepbote, lanseer- en hawe -bote, met 'n menigte prominente Kubane en verteenwoordigers van die buitelandse missies wat hulde wou bring aan die gesiene besoeker.

Uiteindelik kom hy op 20 Junie in Le Harve aan, na kort tydjies in Santander en La Coruña in Spanje en Plymouth, Engeland. Die onderstaande prentjie blyk te wees van die Ypiranga die hawe van Le Harve binnegaan met Díaz aan boord.

Dit sou eintlik maar net een van die bande wees wat die skip met die Mexikaanse revolusie sou hê. In April 1914 was dit betrokke by wat bekend sou staan ​​as "die Ypiranga -voorval" toe dit aangehou word terwyl hy in Veracruz wou dok om 'n vrag wapens af te laai vir die Huertistas.


Porfiriato

Die Porfiriato is 'n term wat gegee word aan die tydperk toe generaal Porfirio Díaz Mexiko aan die einde van die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu as president regeer het, geskep deur die Mexikaanse historikus Daniel Cosío Villegas. [1] [2] [3] Toe hy in 1876 tydens 'n staatsgreep die mag inneem, het Díaz 'n beleid van "orde en vooruitgang" gevoer, en buitelandse beleggings in Mexiko genooi en sosiale en politieke orde gehandhaaf, indien nodig. Daar was geweldige ekonomiese, tegnologiese, sosiale en kulturele veranderinge gedurende hierdie tydperk. Toe Díaz sy 80ste verjaardag in 1910 nader, nadat hy sedert 1884 deurlopend verkies is, het hy nog steeds geen plan vir sy opvolging opgestel nie. Die bedrieglike verkiesings van 1910 word gewoonlik beskou as die einde van die Porfiriato. Geweld het uitgebreek, Díaz moes noodgedwonge bedank en in ballingskap gaan, en Mexiko beleef 'n dekade van plaaslike burgeroorlog, die Mexikaanse Revolusie.


Las Gorras kondig hul analise -platform van 1890 aan

Volgens goewerneur Pease "... is ons wette voldoende vir die beskerming van lewe en eiendom, maar as burgers en owerhede van 'n provinsie onverskillig raak oor die uitvoering daarvan, is dit nutteloos" (Vargas 179). Daar was geen geregtigheid nie, selfs nadat die kwessies aan die bewindhebbers gebring is. Mexikaanse Amerikaners het net mekaar, want niemand anders was bereid om oop te maak vir die idee van volle gelykheid nie. Mexikaanse Amerikaners is nie behandel met die respek en gelykheid wat die verdrag genoem het nie. Hulle moes veg vir hul eie eiendom, bekommerd wees oor rassistiese geweld en die ongelykheid wat die arbeidsmag en die regstelsel betref. & Hellip


Hoe het Porfirio Diaz Mexiko na Europa verlaat? - Geskiedenis

Diaz en die Porfiriato 1876-1910

Toe Porfirio Diaz (1830-1915) (volle naam: Jos & eacute de la Cruz Porfirio D & iacuteaz Mori), wat 'n Mestizo was, van Mixtec en Japannese afkoms aan sy moeder se kant, het in 1876 die beheer oor Mexiko oorgeneem, met 'n leë skatkamer , groot buitelandse skuld en 'n groot burokrasie waarvan die salarisse agterstallig was. Ten spyte van die pogings van die liberale mynbou, het die belangrikste motor van die ekonomie nog steeds nie herstel van die chaos van die voorafgaande dekades nie. Boerderymetodes het min verander vanaf koloniale dae. Soos Juarez voor hom, het Diaz gevoel dat die sleutel tot die modernisering van die land was om dit te kalmeer sodat buitelanders daarin sou belê. Mexiko was nog steeds ontsteld oor bandiete, agrariese opstand en opstand ten gunste van die afgedankte president Lerado aan die Amerikaanse grens. Tese Diaz het kragtig omgegaan en die leiers laat teregstel kort nadat hulle gevang is en die mag van die plattelanders . Die era van die Porfirio D & iacuteaz & rsquos-regering van 1876-1911 staan ​​bekend as die Porfiriato en sy leuse was ' Order and Progress. ' Gedurende sy bewind van 33 jaar het Mexiko die industriële era betree.

Weaving the Past: Mexiko in die era van Porfirio Diaz

Binne 'n paar jaar nadat hulle die bewind oorgeneem het, het die meeste Europese en Latyns -Amerikaanse lande die regering van Diaz erken, maar die VSA het uitgehou dat die VSA verskeie eise teen Mexiko gehad het oor skuld en bandiete wat die Amerikaanse gebied binnedring. Hierdie aanvalle het amper gelei tot oorlog met die VSA in 1877 Diaz het 'n ooreenkoms met die Amerikaners bereik en ingestem om meer as 14 miljoen se vorderings terug te betaal. Aan die einde van sy eerste termyn was Diaz getrou aan sy belofte om nie herverkies te word nie en het hy nie 'n ander termyn gesoek nie. Mexiko het 'n vreedsame magsoordrag gehad en buitelandse regerings het begin glo dat die Mexikaanse politiek volwasse word. Diaz gooi sy steun agter Manuel Gonzalez, wat die verkiesing met 'n groot meerderheid in 1880 gewen het.

'N Nuwe biografie van die omstrede Mexikaanse diktator wat deur die 1910 -rewolusie omvergewerp is

President Gonzalez 1880 - 84

Gonzalez het sy regterarm tydens die beleëring van Puebla in 1867 verloor

Gonzalez het probeer om die land te moderniseer, maar die spanning was te veel vir die tesourie. Tydens sy administrasie is die spoorweg van Mexico -stad na El Paso, Texas ingehuldig en die Banco Nacional de M & eacutexico gestig. terugbetaling en spoorwegkonstruksie, sodat hy die salarisse van staatsamptenare verlaag het. Die administrasie van Gonzalez is beskuldig van korrupsie en graft en Gonzalez self is beskuldig van seksuele ongerymdhede. Diaz het weer in 1884 as president gehardloop en maklik gewen. In die toekoms sou hy nie gepla word deur sy voormalige belofte nie-herverkiesing. D & iacuteaz het die grondwet gewysig, eers om twee ampstermyne toe te laat en daarna alle beperkings op herverkiesing te verwyder.

Die terugkeer van Diaz en ekonomiese vooruitgang

Diaz het sy moderniseringspoging voortgesit en die land het groot ekonomiese groei beleef. Jose Limantour, sekretaris van die tesourie, het ekonomiese veranderinge aangebring, soos om tariewe te verander, Mexiko oor te skakel na die goudstandaard en om gunstiger buitelandse lenings vir Mexiko te kry en korrupsie te verminder. Teen 1890, die Mexikaanse skatkis loop in die swart.

Een van Jose Posada calaveras (skedel) tekenprente , satiriserende lewe onder die hoër klasse

Die werk van Jos & eacute Guadalupe Posada (1852-1913), belangrike Mexikaanse satirikus tydens die Porfiriato.

Daar was 'n merkbare toename in die spoorwegbou tydens die Diaz 's -bewind, van 400 myl spoor in 1876 tot 15 000 teen 1911 en het baie gehelp om die land van sy agterstand te verander. , soos silwer- en koopermyne, het baie meer produktief geword. Die silwerproduksie het toegeneem van 24.000.000 Pesos in 1877 tot 85.000.000 Pesos in 1908. Na die begin van die eeu het olie -ondersoek ernstig begin, wat groot olievelde in Tampico en Tuxpan ontgin en binnekort was Mexiko een van die grootste petroleumprodusente ter wêreld.

Die weermag is gemoderniseer en waarnemers is na Amerika, Frankryk en Duitsland gestuur. Soldate het moderne uniforms en meer moderne wapens gekry, en die weermag is verminder.

Die prys van vrede en ekonomiese vooruitgang

Diaz het die land vry van burgeroorlog gehou, maar teen 'n koste. Daar is verkiesings gehou, maar dit was grotendeels skyn, gemanipuleer deur die magtiges. Vanaf 1892 was D & iacuteaz se meerjarige teenstander Nicol & aacutes Z & uacute & ntildeiga y Miranda, wat elke verkiesing verloor het, maar altyd bedrog beweer het en homself as die wettig verkose president van Mexiko beskou het. Die pers was streng gesensor. generaals is van een militêre gebied na 'n ander verskuif om te keer dat hulle politieke mag versamel. Kragtige Mexikane wat met die Diaz -regime saamgewerk het, is beloon met winsgewende kontrakte en toegewings. Dit lyk nie asof Diaz self 'n persoonlike fortuin ophoop nie.

Die gevolge van die D & iacuteaz -regime is grootliks onder die agrariese grondhervorming waargeneem en grond word toenemend in die hande van bevoorregtes gekonsentreer. Teen 1910 het slegs 2 persent van die bevolking eiendomsreg gehad. Slegs 10 persent van die Indiese gemeenskappe het grond besit. Baie boere is genoodsaak om te oorleef. Grond is gekonfiskeer van gewone eienaars en grond waarop baie beslag gelê is op die kerkhervormingswette of as 'n openbare grond vir 'n klein bedrag aan Diaz se gunstelinge verkoop is.

Die hacendado -eienaars het hul uitgestrekte stukke land gebruik om uitvoergewasse te verbou, en teen 1910 was hulle minder mielies geproduseer as in 1877. Pryse het gestyg en baie Mexikane het begin honger ly. 16 persent van die bevolking was haweloos.

In 1910 was die lewensverwagting 30, in teenstelling met 50 destyds in die VSA. Boereopstande het algemeen geword en genadeloos neergelê. Die Yanqui -Indiane van Sonora het jare lank die regering beveg, maar is uiteindelik verslaan en gedwing om op groot plantasies te werk. as kettingslawe .Diaz is aangeraai deur cientificos, wat 'n wetenskaplik gebaseerde sosiale Darwinistiese agenda bevorder het. Hulle het wetenskap bevorder, maar baie van die cientifico adviseurs het die Indiërs as onopvanklik beskou en 'n belemmering vir die samelewing. Dit was 'n vermorsing om hulle op te voed of om hul lot beter te maak.

Onder Porfirio D & iacuteaz is wette geïmplementeer wat buitelandse beleggers die titel gegee het van groot stukke grond en gekonsentreerde grondbesit en baie van die armes is uit hul grond gedwing. Sommige Hacienda -eienaars het groot grondbesit opgedoen, soos Don Terrazas in Chihuahua. gegewe eienaarskap van groot gebiede van Mexikaanse hulpbronne om dit te ontwikkel.

Hierdie skildery deur Alfaro Siqueiros toon hoe Diaz die Grondwet vertrap

Die ekonomiese depressie van 1907-08

Die stadiger Amerikaanse ekonomie en hoë inflasie veroorsaak dat die ekonomie teen 1907 in 'n depressie beland. Pryse vir die basiese beginsels van die lewe het gestyg terwyl die lone dieselfde gebly het of gedaal het. In sommige gebiede het die lone met 20 % gedaal terwyl die lewenskoste met 80 % gestyg het. die laissez-faire-beleid van die Porfiriato het weinig hulp verleen. Die middel- en hoërklasse het die Porfiriato ondersteun toe die ekonomie goed was. Nou het hulle swaar gekry omdat buitelandse banke krediet verskerp het en die regering belasting verhoog het. Hulle het die armes en die Indiërs aangesluit om die regering se toenemende getalle te verander.

Teen die vroeë 1900's was daar meer teenstanders teen die heerskappy van Diaz, soos die broers Flores Magon Regenerasie wat die buitensporighede van die Diaz -regering blootgelê het. Hulle is in ballingskap gedwing en na San Anontio gegaan, waar Diaz 'n sluipmoordenaar gestuur het om hulle stil te maak. Daarna het hulle verder na die binneland in die VSA gegaan vir veiligheid na St. Louis, waar hulle voortgegaan het om te publiseer Regenerasie en dit na Mexiko gesmokkel, wat die anti-Diaz-beweging gehelp het. Hulle het 'n revolusionêre party gereël. In 1906 het hulle in St. Louis 'n plan uitgereik wat weerspieël is deur baie Mexikane wat in Mexiko toeslaan.

In 'n 1908 -onderhoud met die Amerikaanse joernalis James Creelman, het D & iacuteaz gesê dat Mexiko gereed is vir demokrasie en verkiesings en dat hy sal uittree en ander kandidate toelaat om vir die presidentskap mee te ding. Baie liberale ondersteun die goewerneur van Nuevo Le & oacuten, Bernardo Reyes as kandidaat vir die presidentskap, hoewel Bernardo Reyes onder bevel van D & iacuteaz nooit sy kandidatuur formeel aangekondig het nie. Ondanks Reyes se stilte het D & iacuteaz hom egter steeds as 'n bedreiging beskou en hom op 'n sending na Europa gestuur, sodat Reyes nie in die land was vir die verkiesing nie.

Francisco Madero, 'n hoër klas politikus wat geraak is deur die lot van die peons onder die diktator Porfirio D & iacuteaz, het die invloedryke boek oor die presidensiële opvolging geskryf en aangevoer dat Mexiko na die Grondwet van 1857 moet terugkeer met vrye pers en vrye verkiesings. 'n lid van die hoër klas wie se familie groot landgoedere besit het. Hy het gedink dat politieke, nie sosiale hervorming die land se probleme sou oplos nie, en sosiale en grondhervormings was nie deel van sy platform nie. Madero hou nie van die afhanklikheid van Diaz van buitelandse kapitaal en die groeiende oorheersing van Amerikaanse ondernemings nie. het die aanklagte by San Luid Potosi tydens die verkiesing in 1910 met baie ander teen-herverkiesers in Mexiko oortref.

Ten spyte van wat hy vir Creelman gesê het, besluit hy om weer vir president te wees. Toe die regering die amptelike uitslae bekend maak, word verklaar dat D & iacuteaz byna eenparig herkies is. Dit het wydverspreide woede veroorsaak. Diaz het planne begin vir sy laaste hoera. In September sou hy 80 wees, sowel as die 100ste herdenking van die Mexikaanse Onafhanklikheid, en daar is groot feesvieringe gehou waarin meer bestee is as vir onderwys in daardie jaar.

By sy vrylating en die daaropvolgende vlug na die VSA, het Madero sy Plan de San Luid Potosi uit San Antonio, wat 'n beroep op die land gedoen het om in opstand te kom op 20 November Viva la Revolucion ! Die guerrilleros is ook op die platteland ondersteun.

Rebelle skiet op federale posisies in Ciudad Juarez af

Diaz was nie bereid om op te gee nie en het weermageenhede oral in Mexiko gestuur om die opstand te beheer. In Chihuahua het die rebellie steeds gegroei onder leiding van Pascual Orozco en plaaslike leiers soos Pancho Villa het hulle onder sy bevel geplaas. Op 2 Januarie 1911 vernietig die rebelle 'n groot federale leër wat teen hulle gestuur is.

Eind 1911 het Orozco en Villa Madero oortuig dat die rebelle die grootste deel van hul mag moet gebruik om Ciudad Juarez in te neem. Op die laaste minuut het Madero van plan verander en die aanval ontbied, want bang dat verdwaalde skulpe in die nabygeleë El Paso kan beland, wat die VSA in die konflik bring. Orozco het hierdie bevel geïgnoreer en 'n aanval geloods. Op 10 Mei het die getal federale bevelvoerder oorgegee. Na die oorwinning in Ciudad Juarez, val ander dorpe soos Tehuacan, Durango en Cuatla op die rebelle. Die pers begin teen Diaz draai en baie federale troepe begin verlaat. Diaz het besef sy tyd is verby en het onderhandelaars gestuur om met Madero te praat. In die volgende verdrag van Ciudad het Juarez ingestem om te bedank en vertrek na Frankryk. Diaz is omvergewerp, maar die revolusie het pas begin.

In 1915 sterf D & iacuteaz in ballingskap in Parys. Daar was geweldige ekonomiese vooruitgang gedurende die Diaz -jare, maar tog is daar geen Ciudad Diaz vandag of selfs 'n straat wat na hom vernoem is nie. Sy bewind het verband gehou met sosiale en politieke misbruik wat te groot was. Die vordering wat die hoër klasse geniet, kom ten koste van die massas.

Daarna het Mexiko tien jaar gevegte gehad, bekend as die Mexikaanse Revolusie, waar opeenvolgende leiers probeer het om 'n stabiele regering te skep.


Voordele van die Porfiriato

-Ons het 19 000 kilometer spoorweë gebou met buitelandse beleggings en die telegraafnetwerk geskep om die hele land te kommunikeer.

Deur buitelandse beleggings aan te moedig, het dit verbeteringe in onder meer mynbou, landbou, olie meegebring. Dit het gelei tot die skepping van 'n nasionale bedryf.

-In 1891 is die wet gereguleer wat onderwys as gratis, sekulêr en verpligtend stel.

-Die Militêre Vlootskool is gestig en die Mexikaanse maatskappye Navigation, Transatl & aacutentica Mexicana en Naviera del Pac & iacutefico is gestig.

Namate die maritieme verkeer verskeie hawens toegeneem het, soos Veracruz, Manzanillo, Salina Cruz en Tampico. Deur die kopligdienskantoor is kopligte en bakens op verskillende plekke geïnstalleer waar nodig.

- Openbare uitgawes is verminder, met behoorlike administrasie. Groter beheer oor inkomste is uitgeoefen. Die nuwe belasting wat geskep is, het die handel nie belemmer nie.

- Dit is geskep op direkte bevel van dieselfde Diaz, die National Autonomous University of Mexico, (UNAM). Dit het die ontwikkeling van kuns en letterkunde, veral skilderkuns, bevorder.


Mexikane van Europese afkoms - Europese immigrasie na Mexiko

Mexikane van Europese afkoms hou sterk verband met die geskiedenis van die Spaanse in die land, aangesien Mexiko nie die geskiedenis van massa -immigrasie gehad het wat ander lande in die nuwe wêreld, soos die Verenigde State en Argentinië, gehad het nie. Die criollos het begin as afstammelinge van die veroweraars, wat aangevul is deur verdere immigrasie uit Spanje in die koloniale era en daarna uit verskillende dele van Europa en Europese afstammelinge van ander plekke in die tweede helfte van die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu - die Die term "criollo", wat verwys na mense met 'n ligte vel, het tot in die 20ste eeu gebly. Na onafhanklikheid het die Criollos politiek oorgeneem en ekonomiese gebiede wat voorheen vir hulle verbied is, soos mynbou. Sedertdien het hulle steeds dominant gebly, veral in Mexico -stad. Die uitsetting van die Spaanse tussen 1826 en 1833 het die Europese etnisiteit as 'n persentasie laat toeneem, maar hierdie uitsetting het nie gelei tot 'n permanente verbod op Europese immigrante nie, selfs nie uit Spanje nie.

Immigrasie na Mexiko in die 19de en 20ste eeu kom meestal uit Europa en ander lande met Europese afstammelinge, soos Argentinië en die Verenigde State. Op sy hoogtepunt het die totale immigrantebevolking in Mexiko egter nooit een persent oorskry nie. Een rede hiervoor was dat die land groot uitgestrekte bewerkbare grond op sy bergagtige terrein ontbreek het, en wat bestaan ​​het, was stewig in die hande van die criollo -elite. 'N Ander een was dat Europese immigrasie na die Mexikaanse onafhanklikheidsoorlog verwelkom en gevrees is, 'n kombinasie van xenofilie en xenofobie, veral vir Europeërs en ander "blankes" wat tot vandag toe bestaan.

Die xenofilie teenoor Europese en Europese immigrante kom uit die land se samelewing van beskawing met Europese eienskappe. Na onafhanklikheid het liberale onder die elite van Mexiko die inheemse erfenis van die land die skuld gegee vir die onvermoë om tred te hou met die ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die res van die wêreld. Dit was egter nie moontlik om slegs die Europese erfenis van Mexiko te omhels nie. Dit het gelei tot 'n poging om Europese immigrante aan te moedig. Een van hierdie pogings was die onteiening van groot stukke grond van die Katolieke Kerk met die doel om dit aan immigrante en ander wat dit sou ontwikkel, te verkoop. Dit het egter nie die gewenste uitwerking gehad nie, meestal as gevolg van politieke onstabiliteit. Die Porfirio Díaz -regime van die dekades voor die Mexikaanse Revolusie het weer probeer en wou uitdruklik dat Europese immigrasie modernisering bevorder, die Protestantse werksetiek inboesem en wat uit die noorde van Mexiko oorgebly het van verdere Amerikaanse ekspansionisme. Díaz het ook 'n begeerte uitgespreek om Mexiko se sterk ras -gemengde bevolking te "wit", hoewel dit meer te doen gehad het met kultuur as met biologiese eienskappe. Die Díaz -regime het egter meer sukses behaal om beleggers te lok wanneer permanente inwoners, selfs in landelike gebiede ondanks regeringsprogramme. Gedurende hierdie tydperk is daar nooit meer as veertig buitelandse boerderykolonies gevorm nie, en slegs 'n paar Italiaanse en Duitse het dit oorleef.

Van die 19de tot die vroeë 20ste eeu was die meeste Europese buitelanders in Mexiko in stedelike gebiede, veral die hoofstad van die land, wat in enklawe gewoon het en betrokke was by die sakewêreld. Hierdie Europese immigrante sou vinnig aanpas by die Mexikaanse houding dat "witter beter was", en hulle afsonderlik van die gasheerland hou. Dit en hul status as buitelanders het hulle aansienlike sosiale en ekonomiese voordele gebied, wat enige neiging tot assimilasie afgestomp het. Daar was weinig aansporing om met die algemene Mexikaanse bevolking te integreer, en dit was beperk tot die criollo -hoër klas. Om hierdie rede kan u tot vandag toe nie-Spaanse vanne onder die elite van Mexiko vind, veral in Mexico-stad.

Selfs wanneer algemene vermenging wel plaasgevind het, soos met die Cornish -mynwerkers in die Hidalgo -staat rondom Pachuca en Real de Monte, bly hul kulturele invloed sterk. In hierdie gebiede kan huise in Engelse styl gevind word, en die kenmerkende gereg is die "plak" 'n variasie van die Engelse deeg. In die vroeë 20ste eeu het 'n groep van ongeveer 100 Russiese immigrante, meestal Pryguny en sommige Molokane en Kosakke, naby Ensenada, Baja California, kom woon. Die hoofkolonie is in die Valle de Guadalupe en plaaslik bekend as die Colonia Rusa naby die stad Francisco Zarco. Ander kleiner kolonies sluit in San Antonio, Mision del Orno en Punta Banda. Daar is na raming 1000 afstammelinge van hierdie immigrante in Mexiko, byna almal wat in die huwelik getree het. Die oorspronklike nedersettings is nou onder die bewaring van die Mexikaanse regering en het toeriste -aantreklikhede geword.

Teen die einde van die Porfiriese era was Amerikaners, Britte, Franse, Duitsers en Spaans die opvallendste blankes in Mexiko, maar hulle was beperk tot Mexikostad in enklawe, maar het nie die gewenste "bleikende" effek gelewer nie. Hierdie geskiedenis sou beteken dat Mexiko nooit 'n land van immigrante sou word nie, maar eerder 'n plek waar 'n paar goed gekoppelde nuwelinge 'n groot impak kon hê. Ondanks Diaz se vroeë pogings om buitelandse immigrasie aan te trek, het hy die koers teen die einde van sy regering omgekeer en nywerhede genasionaliseer wat oorheers word deur buitelanders, soos treine. Buitelanders het die skuld gekry vir baie van die land se ekonomiese probleme wat tot beperking gelei het. Dit sal veroorsaak dat baie buitelanders vertrek. In die 20ste eeu, veral na die Mexikaanse revolusie, is die mestizo geïdealiseer, maar dit word steeds as minderwaardig as die Europese beskou.

Een van die redes vir die xenofobie van Mexiko was dat Europeërs en Amerikaners dikwels vinnig die verskillende nywerhede en handel in die land oorheers het. Teen die middel van die 19de eeu was daar slegs 30 000 tot 40 000 blanke immigrante in vergelyking met 'n totale bevolking van meer as agt miljoen, maar die impak daarvan is sterk gevoel. Byvoorbeeld, die Spaanse en Franse het die tekstielbedryf en verskillende handelsgebiede oorheers, en was die pioniers in die industrialisering van die land. Verskeie Europeërs en Amerikaners het ook die mynbou-, olie- en kontantgewaslandbou oorheers. Baie van hierdie immigrante was glad nie regtig immigrante nie, maar eerder 'handelsoorwinnaars' wat net lank genoeg in Mexiko gebly het om hul lot te verdien om na hul tuislande terug te keer om af te tree. Groot getalle Amerikaners in Texas sou uiteindelik tot die opvolging van daardie gebied lei. Hierdie twee ervarings sou tot vandag toe die immigrasiebeleid van Mexiko sterk beïnvloed, alhoewel die totale buitelandse bevolking van Mexico in die dertigerjare nog nooit een persent van die totaal oorskry het nie.

Wetlike oorblyfsels van pogings om die bevolking te "wit", het geëindig met die "Ley General de Población" van 1947, tesame met die vervaging van die lyne tussen die meeste immigrantekolonies in Mexiko en die algemene bevolking. Hierdie vervaaging is versnel deur die opkoms van 'n Mexikaanse middelklas, wat hul kinders by skole vir buitelanders en buitelandse organisasies soos die Duitse klub met 'n meerderheid Mexikaanse lede ingeskryf het. Hierdie assimilasie was egter steeds meestal beperk tot die mense met 'n ligter vel. Massakultuur het die Spaanse taal bevorder en die meeste ander Europese tale het afgeneem en amper verdwyn. Beperkende immigrasiebeleid sedert die sewentigerjare het die assimilasieproses verder gestoot. Sedertdien was daar baie min immigrasie, met die oorweldigende meerderheid buitelanders die land met tydelike visums.

Beroemde aanhalings met die woorde european, immigration and/or mexico:

& ldquo Europees die samelewing was nog altyd verdeel in klasse op 'n manier wat die Amerikaanse samelewing nog nooit was nie. A Europees skrywer beskou homself as deel van 'n ou en eerbare tradisie van intellektuele aktiwiteite, van briewe, en sy keuse van 'n beroep laat hom nie ongemaklik wonder of dit hom al sy vriende gaan kos nie. Maar hierdie tradisie bestaan ​​nie in Amerika nie. & rdquo
James Baldwin (1924 �)

& ldquo Die toelating van Oosterse immigrante wat nie met ons mense saamgesmelt kan word nie, is onderhewig aan verbode klousules in ons verdrae en statute of aan streng administratiewe regulasies wat deur diplomatieke onderhandelinge verseker word. Ek hoop van harte dat ons kan voortgaan om die onheil wat daaruit voortspruit, tot die minimum te beperk immigrasie sonder onnodige wrywing en deur wedersydse toegewings tussen regerings wat hulself respekteer. & rdquo
& mdashWilliam Howard Taft (1857 �)


Demokraat tot outokraat: Die transformasie van Porfirio Diaz

Dit is 'n ou beginsel van die politiek dat 'n revolusie sy kinders verslind. Danton en Robespierre het begin as rebelleiers teen Frankryk se ou tyd, maar Robespierre het geëindig deur die kop van Danton af te sny - en dan van sy eie geskei te word. Kerenski het die burgerlike rewolusie gelei wat die tsaar omvergewerp het - net om vervang te word deur 'n meer radikale revolusie onder leiding van Lenin, Stalin en Trotski. Lenin sterf en daarna laat Stalin Trotsky vermoor en al sy volgelinge suiwer in die opspraakwekkende vertoningsproewe van die dertigerjare.

Dit is die verhaal van 'n “ kind ” wat sy revolusie verslind het - een wat as aktivis begin het teen reaksie en voorreg en eindig as 'n jarelange diktator en standvastige verdediger van die kragte wat hy eens teëgestaan ​​het. As 35-jarige heerser van Mexiko was Porfirio Díaz 1876-1880 en 1884-1911 president. In die tussentyd van vier jaar is die pos van president beklee deur 'n Diaz -marionet met die naam Manuel González.

Net soos Benito Juárez, sy eensgesinde bondgenoot en later vyand, was Díaz 'n Indiër uit Oaxaca. Gebore in 1830, was hy die seun van José de la Cruz Díaz en Petrona Mori. Sy pa is dood toe hy drie was en die jong seun het vreemde werk gedoen om sy ma te help onderhou. Hy het sy vroeë opleiding ontvang by dieselfde kweekskool wat Juárez bygewoon het en daarna gematrikuleer aan die Institute of Science and Art in Oaxaca. Toe die Amerikaanse-Mexikaanse oorlog uitbreek, studeer Díaz regte. Hy het by die National Guard van Mexiko aangesluit, maar die oorlog het geëindig voordat hy 'n aksie gesien het.

In Maart 1854 het 'n groep dissidente in Ayutla, Guerrero, vergader om die ondergang van die flambojante en korrupte diktator Antonio López de Santa Anna te beskryf. Die samesweerders was onder andere Ignacio Comonfort, 'n doeanebeampte van Acapulco met liberale standpunte, en generaal Juan Alvarez, op wie se vergadering die vergadering plaasgevind het. Alvarez was kwaad omdat Santa Anna 'n aantal staatsamptenare wat sy vriende was, willekeurig verwyder het. Daar het hulle die Plan de Ayutla bekendgestel, 'n manifes wat roep om die ontsetting van Santa Anna.

Die nuus oor die plan het in Mexiko versprei, en binnekort was die land in opstand. Juárez en Díaz, wat deur Santa Anna verban is, keer terug na Mexiko en het entoesiasties by die opstand aangesluit. Kersvader Anna het sy gewone taktiek probeer om sy vyande af te koop, maar hierdie keer het hy te kampe gehad met 'n groep idealistiese liberaliste wat ondraaglik was vir omkoopgeld. Santa Anna het in Augustus 1855 uit die land gevlug en Alvarez het as voorlopige president oorgeneem. Juárez het minister van justisie geword en Díaz, slegs vyf-en-twintig, is aangewys as subprefek van die stad Ixtlán in Nayarit.

'N Nuwe grondwet wat op 5 Februarie 1857 aangeneem is, bevat bepalings wat die mag van die Kerk beperk. Hierdie het geestelikes en konserwatiewes woedend gemaak en sodoende begin die bloedige Hervormingsoorlog van 1858-61, so genoem as gevolg van die “Reform Laws ” wat so vieslik was vir vurige Katolieke.

Gedurende beide die Hervormingsoorlog en die oorlog tussen 1864-67 teen Maximilian en die Franse ingryping, onderskei Díaz hom as 'n sterk regterarm van die liberale saak. Hy is twee keer gewond, drie keer ontsnap uit gevangenskap, en tussen 1864-1867 leidende magte wat die imperialiste nege nederlae toegedien het. Hy het ook 'n reputasie as eerlikheid gekry en 'n oorskot van 87,232 peso aan die regering teruggestuur wat nie tydens die veldtog teen Maximilian bestee is nie. Aan die einde van die twee oorloë was hy 'n generaal en 'n huishoudelike naam in Mexiko.

Díaz en Juárez was standvastige bondgenote gedurende die twee bloedige konfliktydperke. Die voorval wat hulle vervreem het, het plaasgevind op 15 Julie 1867, toe Juárez sy triomfantelike intog in Mexico -stad gemaak het. In 'n briljante uniform en gemonteer op 'n wit perd, ry generaal Díaz uit om sy ou vriend en mentor te ontmoet. Maar Juárez knik net bondig en beduie vir sy koetsier om verder te ry.

Die snuif was nie soveel persoonlik as 'n uitdrukking van die beginsel nie. Juárez was anti-militaristies en ná die nederlaag van Maximilian ontslaan hy twee derdes van die weermag. Díaz bedank sy kommissie in Februarie 1868 en tree terug na La Noria, 'n hacienda in Oaxaca wat sy dankbare staat hom op 27 Desember 1867 toegeken het.

Juárez het in 1871 vir herverkiesing gehardloop en geseëvier in 'n smal drierigtingwedstryd teen Díaz en Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada. Díaz het ook 'n onsuksesvolle stryd teen Juárez in 1867 uitgevoer. Nadat hy in 1871 verloor het, het hy 'n manifes uitgereik, genaamd die Plan de La Noria, vernoem na sy boedel. Deur te beweer dat die verkiesing bedrieglik was, het dit gevra dat Juárez omvergewerp word. Veral ironies, met die oog op die latere loopbaan van Díaz, was die bepaling in die manifes dat Juárez verwyder moet word omdat hy homself probeer beklee het deur nog 'n termyn te speel. Dit is ook belangrik dat Díaz in opstand gekom het teen Juárez as 'n liberale populis eerder as 'n algemene poging om 'n putsch op te stel.

Die opstand misluk en Díaz moes wegkruip. Op 16 Julie 1872 sterf Juárez aan 'n hartaanval. Under the constitutional process, he was succeeded by Lerdo de Tejada, chief justice of the supreme court. Though Lerdo was a liberal and anticlerical, he was disliked in many quarters because he never flinched from using the power of the state to enforce his goals. In addition, it was widely believed that he had granted excessive concessions to U.S. railway interests. In January 1876, Díaz again went into revolt. This time his proclamation was called the Plan de Tuxtepec. As with Juárez, he portrayed himself as a liberal reformer rather than as an incipient military dictator. The Plan called for more democracy at the municipal level and once more attacked the principle of reelection. After initial reverses, the rebels prevailed and Díaz entered the capital on November 21. The porfiriato — Díaz’s 35-year stranglehold on Mexico — had begun.

Díaz had come to power as a champion of liberal principles — more municipal democracy, no reelection, etc. Once he assumed the presidency, it soon became clear that his main concerns were internal stability and foreign investment. To be fair, a law and order program was desperately needed in the country. Two bloody wars had taken their toll and banditry was pandemic. This unstable situation was scaring away foreign business and Díaz was anxious to create a climate of confidence for investors. He addressed the problem of internal security with a simple solution: by co-opting the most notorious bandits and putting them into the dreaded Rurales (“Rural Police”), a paramilitary force that was far better trained and paid than the unwilling conscripts dragooned into the army. The bandit problem disappeared overnight and, as time went by, the Rurales served as an effective force against peasant revolts.

Having brutally achieved domestic tranquility, Díaz next opened the country up to foreign capital, both U.S. and European. William Randolph Hearst acquired vast tracts of cattle country, the Guggenheim-controlled American Smelting and Refining Company set up ore smelters, and such big oil companies as William Doheny’s Mexican Petroleum Company and the Waters Pierce Company, with links to Standard Oil, dominated in the petroleum producing regions of the Gulf Coast. So eager was Díaz to attract foreign capital that he adopted the odious policy of paying foreign employees more than Mexicans for the same work. This was the main reason for the bloody strike, ruthlessly suppressed, at the Cananea Mining Company in Sonora. Díaz also cleverly played one side against the other, encouraging British and European capital as a counterbalance to its U.S. counterpart.

If you go by one set of statistics, the porfiriato was a howling success. Kilometers of railroad track increased from virtually zero to 14,000, silver production from 607,037 kilograms in 1877-78 to 1,816,605 in 1900, copper from 6,483 tons in 1891-92 to 52,116 in 1910-11 and henequen (sisal) from 11,283 tons in 1877 to 128,849 in 1910.

But here’s another set of porfiriato statistics. In 1893 infant mortality (death before the age of one) was 323 per thousand in Mexico City as opposed to London’s 114 and Boston’s 120. In 1895 life expectancy was 30 years and the 1910 census classified 50 percent of Mexican houses as unfit for human habitation. A 1900 survey in Mexico City showed that 15,000 families (16 percent of the population) were homeless. Wealth was being created but it certainly wasn’t trickling down.

Keeping his promise not seek reelection, Díaz didn’t run for president in 1880. As his successor he handpicked Manuel González, considered the most corrupt and incompetent of his inner circle. Gonález, living up to his reputation, gave Mexico such a wretched administration that the way was instantly paved for don Porfirio’s return to power. After that, all talk of “no reelection” died — until Francisco Madero raised his standard in 1910.

What toppled Diaz in the end was not a popular revolution but a quarrel between two ruling elites over whom Diaz had for a long time exercised a successful policy of divide and conquer. One was made up of a circle of European-educated intellectuals in Mexico City, known as científicos because they believed in the “scientific” positivist doctrines of Auguste Comte. The other comprised a provincial coalition of landowners, businessmen and generals who believed that the científicos, with their European orientation, were excessively subservient to foreign capitalists at the expense of Mexican entrepreneurs. The provincial power structure was strengthened when it managed to attract a considerable portion of the middle class to the anti-Diaz cause, small businessmen and professionals who had been hurt by the 1907 panic.

When the aging Diaz, who celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1910, came increasingly under the influence of the científicos, the provincial leaders began to balk. Organizing a group they called the Democratic party, they urged Diaz to accept General Bernardo Reyes, governor of Nuevo León, as his vice presidential candidate in 1910. Diaz refused and sent Reyes on a military mission to Europe to get rid of him. Then he nominated a highly unpopular científico, Ramón Corral, to be his running mate.

This is what set the stage for the Madero revolution of 1910. Madero came from one of Mexico’s richest families — a family in the northern state of Coahuila that typified the provincial elite that Diaz managed to alienate late in his career. Madero believed in honest government but he was no social or economic radical. Though the revolution attracted such populist rebels as Pancho Villa, Emiliano Zapata and Pascual Orozco, only Villa remained loyal to Madero. Zapata broke off from this upper middle-class rebellion to the left because he thought Madero was dragging his feet on land reform. Orozco broke off from the right — selling out to the Terrazas-Creel family of Chihuahua cattle barons who were completely identified with the científico faction.

Díaz would probably never have fallen if he had continued to control both elites that kept him in power so long. By favoring one over the other, he sealed his doom.


Press censorship, the role of the rurales, and foreign investment during the Porfiriato

Díaz would continue to govern Mexico until 1911. The focus of a growing cult of personality, he was reelected at the end of each term, usually without opposition. Constitutional processes were assiduously maintained in form, but in reality the government became a dictatorship. Díaz’s rule was relatively mild, however, at least in contrast to 20th-century totalitarianism. Nonetheless, by the mid-1880s the Díaz regime had negated freedom of the press through legislation that allowed government authorities to jail reporters without due process and through its financial support of publications such as El Imparcial en El Mundo, which effectively operated as mouthpieces for the state. Meanwhile, the army was reduced in size, and order was maintained by an efficient police force. In particular, the Díaz regime increased the powers of the rurales, the federal corps of rural police, which became a kind of praetorian guard for the dictatorship and intimidated Díaz’s political opponents.

Until near the end of his rule, Díaz seems to have retained the support of most literate Mexicans. The benefits of the Díaz regime, however, went mostly to the upper and middle classes. The mass of the population, especially in rural areas, remained illiterate and impoverished. Díaz’s principal objective was to promote economic development by encouraging the introduction of foreign capital, most of it from Britain, France, and especially the United States. By 1910 total U.S. investment in Mexico amounted to more $1.5 billion. Foreign investment financed the construction of some 15,000 miles (24,000 km) of railroads. Industries, especially textiles, also were developed, and a new impetus was given to mining, especially of silver and copper. Moreover, after 1900, Mexico became one of the world’s leading oil producers.


25 years of Porfiriato (1884 -1911)

Díaz regained the presidency after González's interval. It was in 1884 and he would not leave the post until 1911.

At first, the economic news brought great joy to the government and helped maintain peace and stability. The infrastructures continued to grow and mining and agricultural production were promoted.

However, at the same time discontent was growing. The authoritarianism of Díaz and the inequality in the distribution of the wealth created turned a large part of the population against him. The army's actions in the Cananea and Río Blanco strikes expanded discontent.

To this must be added the effects of the international economic crisis that emerged in 1907, which also affected Mexico. This recession caused discontent to escalate further. Thus, in 1910 the Mexican Revolution broke out and, after defeating Díaz's supporters, the Porfiriato was terminated.


People of Mexican History: Porfirio Díaz

When you’re an expat, it can be difficult joining in discussions when the conversation turns to the people of Mexican history. Therefore, WeExpats decided to release a series on these individuals to better help prepare those expats living in Mexico. In our second article in the series, we decided to cover the controversial figure: Porfirio Díaz.

*To read the first article in this series on Maximilian I, click here .

People of Mexican History – Introduction:

One of the most famous people in Mexican history, Porfirio Díaz was a general and political figure who served as the president of Mexico for a total of 31 years. He has come to dominate political discussions in Mexico due to his prominence during a tumultuous part of Mexican history—and throughout his time in Mexican politics, he has engendered an unresolved controversy in the minds of the Mexican population. This period is one of the most romanticized periods of Mexican history, and it has come to be known as the Porfiriato .

People of Mexican History – The Early Life of Porfirio Díaz:

Though the actual date of Porfirio Díaz’s birth is unknown, he was baptized in the Mexican state of Oaxaca on the 15th of September, 1830. He was born the sixth of seven children to a woman who was the child of a Spanish immigrant and an indigenous woman. His father was a criollo —or a Mexican whose lineage was almost entirely of European descent—making Porfirio Díaz a castizo . His father was a modest innkeeper who died when Díaz was three years old.

Though Porfirio Díaz was raised in poverty, the family managed to send him to school from the age of 6. Due to his family’s deeply religious views, Porfirio Díaz began studying to be a priest at age 15. He attended El Colegio Seminario Conciliar de Oaxaca. Despite being offered a position as a priest in 1846, instead, Porfirio Díaz decided to join a religious student’s organization dedicated to volunteering as soldiers during the Mexican-American War . He would see no action, however, this position solidified Porfirio Díaz’s future in the Mexican military.

By 1849, Porfirio Díaz had abandoned his religious career to pursue his studies in law. During this period, he began to find himself drawn to radical liberal ideology—at a time when Santa Anna had begun to persecute liberals. Porfirio Díaz managed to evade arrest and fled to the northern mountains of Oaxaca where he joined the rebels under Juan Álvarez . He would continue fighting until Santa Anna’s government was overthrown and Anna was forced into exile in Cuba in 1855. For his loyalty, Porfirio Díaz was awarded a position as an administrator in Ixtlán, Oaxaca.

People of Mexican History – The Military Career of Porfirio Díaz:

As you may recall from our article on Maximilian I or our article on Cinco de Mayo , the French invaded Mexico in hopes of establishing an empire in the Americas. During this period, Porfirio Díaz had managed to attain the rank of general and he was instrumental fighting off the French at the Battle of Puebla. He disobeyed direct orders from General Ignacio Zaragoza, and instead defended his position centered directly between forts Guadalupe and Loreto. After successfully repelling the attack, he pursued the battered French forces and was in the end commended for his “brave and notable” actions.

In 1863, he was captured by the French Army, but he managed to escape. Upon his arrival with the Mexican forces, the Mexican president Benito Juarez appointed him as Secretary of Defense—a position that would have effectively made him commander of the Mexican army. He declined the position, instead, he accepted a lesser position as the commander of the Central Army. That same year, he was promoted to Division General.

Though Porfirio Díaz was offered a position in Maximilian I’s loyalist army, he declined. In 1865 he was captured again, and yet again managed to escape incarceration to fight battles in Piaxtla, Tulcingo, Tehuitzingo, Comitlipa, Nochixtlán, La Carbonara, Miahuatlán, and finally the battle to retake Oaxaca. Time and time again, he was offered positions of power by the loyalist army—even being offered full command of Maximilian I’s imperial army—yet every time he declined. On April 2nd, 1867, he led the rebel forces to retake the city of Puebla in the final battle of the war.

People of Mexican History – The Early Political Career of Porfirio Díaz:

In 1868 after the war, Porfirio Díaz returned to his home state of Oaxaca—completely resigning his military career. Though Díaz had helped secure Benito Juárez’s return to the Mexican presidency, he began to openly condemn the Juarez administration. Soon, Porfirio Díaz’s ambitions of power turned his eye toward politics.

By 1870 he was actively running for president against Juárez and another candidate named Lerdo de Tejada . Porfirio Díaz lost the election in what he proclaimed publicly to be rigged elections. The following year, in response, Porfirio Díaz called for revolution and several people took up arms—including General Manuel González of Tamaulipas. However, Díaz’s supporters were defeated by early 1872. A few months after that, in mid-1872 Juárez would die of natural causes and Lerdo de Tejada would become President.

Lerdo’s time in office was filled with his own opposition and by 1874, Lerdo was facing a major rebellion by tribal leaders in the north of Mexico. Meanwhile, Porfirio Díaz had decided to move to Veracruz and he was soon elected to Congress there. Instead of running for election again, instead, Díaz decided to do what he did best. In January of 1876, he launched a military insurrection from his home state of Oaxaca. Though his forces were initially defeated—and Díaz was even forced to flee to the US for a short time—by November of 1876 Porfirio Díaz defeated Lerdo’s forces in the Battle of Tecoac and went on to occupy Mexico City.

Porfirio Díaz would condemn Lerdo to exile in New York, and in his place, he instilled an interim president for less than a year. In 1877, he would hold elections where he ran on the platform that there should be no re-elections. During these elections, Díaz emerged victoriously. He was finally president of Mexico.

People of Mexican History – El Porfiriato – Díaz’s First Term as President:

Díaz’s first years in office were characterized by the struggle with the United States in officially recognize Porfirio Díaz’s presidency—which would officially secure his legitimacy internationally. However, the United States was reluctant to recognize Mexico until issues had been settled.

The first of these issues was one of Apache raids that were taking place along the border. Apaches were given sanctuary in Mexico, thus they would cross the border, raid American border towns, and then flee back to Mexico in safety. The second issue involved a previous $300,000 USD debt that had been incurred, and that negotiations with Lerdo’s presidency had resolved. Porfirio Díaz promised to patrol the border against Apache raiders. In addition, Díaz’s presidency paid back the debt. By 1878, his presidency was officially recognized by the United States culminating in a visit by then US president Ulysses S. Grant to Mexico City.

In addition, Porfirio Díaz had to overcome the rebels that still supported Lerdo’s government. Lerdo’s supporters continued to launch insurrections across the country, however, they would eventually fail. In addition, Díaz secured his position through financial incentives and rewards for his continued political support from prominent politicians and influential figures in Mexican society. In the end, he sought reconciliation with many other people of Mexican history after his years as a radical liberal in Oaxaca. In this, Porfirio Díaz would achieve what was called the Paz Porfiriana —a term alluding to the Pax Romana , or the period of relative peace established by the Roman Empire from when Augustus founded the Roman Principate in 27 B.C.E. to the death of Marcus Aurelius in 180 C.E.

True to his campaign promise, Porfirio Díaz stepped down after his presidency and his long-time right-hand man Manuel González took up the banner and the vision. Though historically, González is seen as a puppet of Porfirio Díaz, in many respects it can be argued that Manuel González was his own autonomous leader in his own right.

In particular, Manuel González would go on to forge his own political alliances with many people who had not been open supporters—or even flat out opponents of Porfirio Díaz. During the Gonzales Presidency, immigration and colonization legislation was passed, as well as changes to subsoil rights and rights to land ownership. Much of this was to facilitate extending lucrative railway concessions to US investors.

During this period, Porfirio Díaz would officially return to his long-term home in Oaxaca where he served as governor. This period was punctuated by his marriage to the 17-year-old daughter of Manuel Romero Rubio —who had long been a political rival. Their honeymoon took place through the United States visiting New Orleans, St. Louis, Washington D.C., and New York.

Accompanying them on their honeymoon was Mattias Romero—a Mexican politician who had worked for Díaz and Benito Juarez as Ambassador to the US, as well as Secretary of Finance—and his American wife. Porfirio Díaz would use the honeymoon to secure, both Mexican connections of Mattias Romero, and American political and financial allies like Ulysses S. Grant. In turn, his marriage and honeymoon ended up being a bit of a public relations stunt to help promote American and Mexican relations to spur American investment in Mexico.

People of Mexican History – El Porfiriato – the Second Term and Beyond:

Perhaps it is in the context above that we can understand Porfirio Díaz’s ire when Manuel González’s presidency ran into financial problems—so much so that the government went into bankruptcy. This brought political opposition to González where his political opponents were convinced that the administration’s failings were due to Manuel González’s personal corruption. Porfirio Díaz took the opportunity to run for president a second term.

Naturally, considering that he had run on a platform of no re-election, Porfirio Díaz’s critics were quick to bring up the former president’s hypocrisy. Díaz had the constitution amended to allow a second term (and then later had it amended again to allow for no restrictions whatsoever). Porfirio Díaz would serve for another 26 years as president and would be re-elected four more times—every time with ludicrously-high margins. Once, he even claimed to have won unanimously.

– Porfirio Díaz’s Presidential Style –

Though in Díaz’s early military career, he had been an ideologue siding with radical liberals in the mountains of Oaxaca, once he took power he displayed a shrewd, pragmatic approach to politics—a matter with which he took great pride. He was not opposed to securing power through patronage to his political allies.

However, he always kept force as an option—which was a serious thread considering Díaz’s military talents. Similar to Pablo Escobar’s motto of “plata o plomo” (meaning “silver or lead”—alluding to lead bullets), Porfirio Díaz would resolve conflict through “ pan o palo ” (meaning “bread or the bludgeon”).

His authoritarian style came to create the kind of stable climate that is necessary for industry to take root and thrive. His efforts to lure American investment and build an industrial infrastructure drew Mexico into the 20th Century. In the end, this policy of defensive modernization was another manifestation of his pragmatic approach to all issues. If you’re weak compared to the United States, you might as well take advantage of that fact—in effect, selling Mexican influence for American investment.

People of Mexican History – El Porfiriato – Controversy:

Porfirio Díaz is characterized first and foremost by his authoritarian approach to leadership. History has classically referred to him as a “republican monarch”. Many Mexicans call him a dictator which took a revolution to overthrow. However, some have argued that perhaps Mexico has judged Díaz too harshly.

Porfirio Díaz did anything to hold on to power—often resorting to coercion. However, he also relied heavily on cooptation. For example, instead of posting cabinet members from his own political party, he chose cabinet members from all parties—even those that had traditionally opposed him—and he was able to bribe them with money that he had helped to secure from foreign investments. Perhaps his legacy seems to have been dragging Mexico kicking-and-screaming into the Industrial Age.

He was able to make peace with the Catholic Church and the Freemasons of Mexico because, though he was the head of the Freemasons in Mexico, he also was an important advisor to several Bishops. He gave the church a unique level of autonomy—neither antagonizing the Catholic Church nor ardently supporting them.

Porfirio Díaz also managed to satisfy Mestizos and even some indigenous leaders by giving them political positions. He then shrewdly made them act as intermediaries for his foreign investment interests so that practically no opposition would fall on his own lap. Instead, they grew wealthier—in effect, folding them into the upper class.

Some have argued that Porfirio Díaz’s reputation as a despot stems from Revolutionary propaganda. They point to the rise of antiporifirismo as appearing at the start of the Mexican Revolution as a rhetorical tool to combat the cult of personality that had risen around him.

Nevertheless, the facts of history remain untouched. He grabbed power by force when he lost the election corruptly and then he ran on a platform of no reelection. After his tenure, he ran for reelection and kept power through corrupt elections. One is reminded of Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase. Sure Jefferson was a Jeffersonian until he himself was in power.

Porfirio Díaz suppressed the formation of any opposing political parties. He then dissolved all the past vestiges of federalism and the local authorities. Governors answered only to him. The legislative and judicial branch was comprised entirely of his most ardent supporters and closest friends. Porfirio Díaz suppressed a free press and rigged the judicial system. Virtually in every fashion, congress was simply there to implement his vision for Mexico. He expanded the rogue police force called Los Rurales who had been founded by President Benito Juarez—and were loyal to the president.

Díaz brought mining to Mexico , which in turn brought all manner of cultural influences. Under Porfirio Díaz, the peso was 3:1 USD. Mexico was considered among the great economic powers of the time, with France, Germany, and Great Britain. Had there been no revolution, perhaps Mexico would be among the developed nations of the world. However, income inequality in Mexico was egregious—almost to the levels of the feudalism still found in Russia before hul revolution. Workers were indentured servants who were shockingly poor.

People of Mexican History – Revolution and Exile:

After Porfirio Díaz declared himself the winner of an eighth term in the election of 1910, the population had had enough. Running opponent Francisco I. Madero called for a rebellion which led to the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution. This time the opposition was too great and after a series of defeats of the Federal Army, Díaz was forced to resign one year later. He fled to exile in Paris, where he died four years later.

His bones reside in Paris and numerous attempts have been made to bring the bones home to his ancestral state of Oaxaca—the latest taking place in 2014.


Kyk die video: Curso Protagonistas del siglo XIX. Porfirio Díaz (Januarie 2022).