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Göbekli Tepe

Göbekli Tepe


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Göbekli Tepe - Geskiedenis

In ongeveer 8000 vC het vroeë mense in Suidwes -Asië 'n heeltemal nuwe stelsel van voedselproduksie ontwikkel, dit was 'n massiewe landbou -oorgang. Voor hierdie tyd het mense in klein en meestal nomadiese groepe gewoon, diere gejag en 'n wye verskeidenheid plante versamel vir lewensonderhoud. Na hierdie oorgang het mense stilstaande lewens geleef in groter dorpe en dan in stede, en hulle het staatgemaak om grond in die omgewing te bewerk om te oorleef. Dit was nie 'n oornagrevolusie nie, en geslagte van klein, inkrementele veranderings oor honderde jare het bygedra tot 'n "ratelproses" wat uiteindelik die kans om terug te keer na 'n jag-versamelingsvereniging verwoes het (Ponting, 1992). Argeoloë is dit grootliks eens dat die begin van die landbou -oorgang waarskynlik begin het met die makmaak van koring in ongeveer 8000 vC, in Mesopotamië ("Ore van oorvloed", 2005). Maar daar is nog steeds wesenlike meningsverskil oor die oorsaak (e) van koring makmaak (Ponting, 1992).

Die oorsprong van mak koring

Een verduideliking is dat mense begin boer het "sodra menslike kennis en kulturele prestasies 'n voldoende gevorderde vlak bereik het", want dit was 'n beduidende verbetering ten opsigte van jag en versameling (Ponting, 1992). Hierdie teorie is wyd gediskrediteer, nie net omdat daar geen bewyse is dat mense gedurende of kort voor 8000 vC aansienlik slimmer geword het nie, maar ook omdat die opkoms van landbou nie 'n beter lewe vir vroeë mense geskep het nie. Inteendeel, in vergelyking met die lewens van jagter-versamelaars, beteken die landbou-oorgang vir die oorgrote meerderheid mense harder werk vir meer ure in slegter toestande (Harari, 2011) (Ponting, 1992).

'N Ander teorie beweer dat klimaatsveranderinge wat verband hou met die einde van die laaste ystydperk toestande geskep het wat gunstig was vir die boerdery. In "Sapiens: 'n kort geskiedenis van die mensdom" voer Harari (2011) aan dat die opwarming van die Midde -Ooste en die gelyktydige toename in reënval 'n nuwe klimaat geskep het "ideaal vir koring en graan uit die Midde -Ooste." Namate mense begin oes en meer koring eet, is sade per ongeluk naby tydelike kampplekke versprei. Oor geslagte het die koring meer en meer volop geword en groepe mense sou weke en dan maande lank op hierdie plekke bly om die korrels te oes. Uiteindelik het die oes verander in meer en meer uitgebreide verbouing en uiteindelik boerdery. Hierdie teorie is aanneemlik, maar dit ignoreer die feit dat China en Meso -Amerika etlike duisende jare later onafhanklike landbou -oorgange beleef het. Gevolglik sou die klimaatsverandering op hierdie plekke 'baie anders gewees het en dit waarskynlik nie 'n soortgelyke reaksie sou veroorsaak nie' (Ponting, 1992). Daar het ook ander kere gedurende die geskiedenis van vroeë mense beduidende veranderinge in die klimaat plaasgevind, sonder soortgelyke gevolge.

Mark Cohen, in sy boek Die voedselkrisis in die voorgeskiedenis, beweer dat die oorgang na landbou die gevolg was van toenemende bevolkingsdruk (Cohen, 1977). Namate mense stadig oor die hele wêreld versprei het, het hulle uiteindelik 'n punt bereik waar dit moeilik was om geografies uit te brei na land wat geskik is vir jag en versamel. Ponting stel hierdie kantelpunt op ongeveer 4 miljoen mense en op ongeveer 8000 vC (Ponting, 1992). Voortgesette bevolkingsverhogings het die landbou noodsaaklik gemaak met minder ruimte, jag en versameling sou nie meer die bestaan ​​kon bied wat vroeë mense nodig gehad het om te oorleef nie. Boerdery was moeilik (aansienlik moeiliker as jag en versamel), maar dit het genoeg voedsel verskaf vir 'n groeiende bevolking, en 'n paar ekstra (Cohen, 1977). Dit het 'n nog vinniger bevolkingsaanwas moontlik gemaak, en daarom 'n vraag na nog meer voedsel. Cohen voer aan dat bevolkingsdruk en voedseloorskot in wese die landbouhand van mense gedwing het in 'n siklus van groei wat nie gebreek kon word nie. Voedseloorskot en verhoogde bevolkingsdigtheid was die nodige bestanddele waaruit 'sosiale kompleksiteit' ontstaan ​​het (Turchin, 2013). Die vervoer, verspreiding en toewysing van voedseloorskot in snelgroeiende stede het 'instellings vereis wat hierdie proses kon organiseer' (Ponting, 1992). Volgens Cohen en ander het hierdie instellings tempels geword, en godsdienstige elite het burokratiese amptenare geword wat die vloei van voedsel beheer het (Cohen, 1977) (Ponting, 1992) (Turchin, 2013). Ander kritiese aspekte van sosiale kompleksiteit, soos spesialisering, abstrakte denke en die deel van kollektiewe mites, is gebou op 'n fondament van oorvloedige materiële hulpbronne.

Göbekli Tepe ontwrig standaardteorie

'N Onlangse argeologiese ontdekking in Turkye dreig om die teorie van bevolkingsdruk op sy kop te draai. Göbekli Tepe is 'n groot terrein van 22 hektaar in die suidooste van Turkye, bestaande uit massiewe klippilare wat in baie kringe gerangskik is (Curry, 2008). Die grootste pilare is 16 voet lank en weeg baie ton (Curry, 2008). Sommige van die pilare is “leeg, terwyl ander fyn uitgesny is: jakkalse, leeus, skerpioene en aasvoëls is volop, draai en kruip aan die breë kante van die pilare” (Curry, 2008). Die opgrawing van die terrein is gelei deur die Duitse argeoloog Klaus Schmidt vanaf 1996 tot sy dood in 2014. Schmidt voer aan dat die gesnede pilaarbeelde wat in die middel van verskeie klipringe gevind is, 'baie kragtige wesens verteenwoordig'. As daar gode in die gedagtes van vroeë neolitiese mense bestaan, is die oorweldigende waarskynlikheid dat ... dit die eerste bekende monumentale voorstelling van gode is ”(Schmidt, 2010). Hy noem Göbekli Tepe "die eerste mensgemaakte heilige plek" (Curry, 2008).

'N Sirkelring van pilare by Gobekli Tepe. Foto deur Vincent J. Musi

Argeoloë het die oorspronklike konstruksie van die klipsirkels omstreeks 9600 vC gedateer (Turchin, 2013). Die eerste bekende geval van koringtuiste het slegs 30 kilometer daarvandaan plaasgevind, iewers tussen 7800 en 7500 vC (Harari, 2011) (Heun, 1997). Dit sou daarop dui dat die eerste godsdienstige plek meer as duisend jaar lank die eerste instansie van die makmaak van gewasse voorafgegaan het. Schmidt voer gevolglik aan dat Göbekli Tepe deur 'n groot aantal jagter-versamelaars gebou is, wat ''n baie ingewikkelde mitologie moes gehad het, insluitend 'n vermoë tot abstraksie' (2010). Dit weerspreek die argument dat mense eers na die makmaak van koring eers komplekse samelewings kon ontwikkel en verbeeldde mites kon bou.

Die moeite en samewerking wat nodig was om die talle mense wat Göbekli Tepe gebou het, te voed voor koringbakkery, was enorm: waarskynlik is diere wat dood is tydens jagtogte na die terrein gebring om werkers te voed. Dit word bewys deur die teenwoordigheid van groot dierbene op die terrein (Schmidt, 2000). Schmidt meen dat "die behoefte om voldoende voedsel aan te skaf vir diegene wat gewerk en bymekaargekom het vir seremonies in Göbekli Tepe, kan gelei het tot die intensiewe verbouing van wilde graan en die skep van sommige van die eerste huishoudelike stamme" (Mann, 2011). In werklikheid stem die datums van die vroegste makgemaakte koringpitte ooreen met die hoogte van die aktiwiteit by Göbekli Tepe (Mann, 2011). Terwyl Göbekli Tepe die algemene teorie oor die opkoms van ritueel en godsdiens verhoog, bly koring makmaak in wese 'n verhaal van bevolkingsdruk. Om die baie mense wat die pilare gebou het, te voed, of om die mense wat met die tempel omgegaan het, te voed, moes vroeë mense 'n beter manier vind om 'n groter bevolking sonder 'n groter ruimte te voed.

Dit is ingewikkeld

Uiteindelik was dit waarskynlik 'n kombinasie van faktore wat uitgeloop het op die makmaak van koring. Hierdie teorieë sluit met ander woorde nie mekaar uit nie. Dit kan byvoorbeeld waar wees dat die einde van die ystydperk omstreeks 12000 vC die klimaat vir koring verbeter het (Harari, 2011). Miskien was dit toenemende bevolkingsdruk op algemene skaal en 'n begeerte om arbeiders in Göbekli Tepe te voed, wat vroeë mense gedwing het om met koringverbouing te eksperimenteer. En dit is onduidelik of dieselfde faktore wat koring in die suidooste van Turkye beïnvloed het, ook die makmaak van mielies 'n paar duisend jaar later in Meso -Amerika of in China beïnvloed het.

Göbekli Tepe bemoeilik die bespreking van vroeë landbou, maar miskien is dit nog belangriker dat dit belangrike vrae laat ontstaan. As gedeelde mites en komplekse, abstrakte gedagtes (miskien selfs van God) onder vroeë mense voor die vroeë landbourevolusie gekom het, wat het daartoe gelei dat mense iets so ingewikkeld en enorm soos Göbekli Tepe kon begin bou? Met ander woorde, as die bestuur van voedseloorskot nie die samelewingsraamwerk van ritueel en godsdiens geskep het nie, wat het dan gedoen? Schmidt glo dat dit die vermoë was "om simboliese kultuur te gebruik, 'n soort vooraf geletterde vermoë om simboliese materiële kultuur te produseer en 'te lees', wat gemeenskappe in staat gestel het om hul gedeelde identiteite te formuleer" (Schmidt, 2000). Hy is egter nie duidelik hoekom of presies wanneer mense hierdie vermoë verkry het om simbolies te dink en te deel nie. Göbekli Tepe toon aan dat godsdiens, abstrakte denke en landbou moontlik interaksie gehad het op 'n manier wat nie voorheen verstaan ​​is nie, en wat in stryd is met die populêre teorie.


Werke aangehaal
Cohen, Mark Nathan. Die voedselkrisis in die voorgeskiedenis: oorbevolking en die oorsprong van landbou. New Haven: Yale UP, 1977. Druk.

Kerrie, Andrew. Göbekli Tepe: Die wêreld se eerste tempel? " Smithsonian Tydskrif. Smithsonian, November 2008. Web. 18 September 2016.

"Ore van oorvloed." Die ekonoom 20 Desember 2005.

Harari, Yuval N. "Hoofstuk 5: Geskiedenis se grootste bedrog." Sapiens: 'n kort geskiedenis van die mensdom. Harper, 2011. 70-87. Druk.

Mann, Charles C. "Göbekli Tepe." National Geographic. National Geographic, Junie 2011. Web. 18 September 2016.

Ponting, Clive. Ch. 3 en 4 in "'n Groen geskiedenis van die wêreld: die omgewing en die ineenstorting van groot beskawings." St. Martin's Press, New York, 1991. ISBN 0-312-06989-1, McCabe GF75.P66 1992 pp. 18-67.

Turchin, Peter. Komplekse samelewings voor landbou: Göbekli Tepe. " Forum vir sosiale evolusie. The Evolution Institute, 17 Mei 2013. Web. 18 September 2016.


Dit is amper 12 000 jaar oud en is 9 000 jaar lank verlaat

G & oumlbekli Tepe is om verskeie redes opvallend, maar hulle hou almal verband met sy oormatige oudheid. Die konstruksie by G & oumlbekli Tepe dateer byna 12 000 jaar terug en plaas dit in 'n tydperk wat algemeen beskou word as 'n pre-beskawing. Dit is gebou op dieselfde tydstip as wat die laaste ystydperk geëindig het. G & oumlbekli Tepe was toe byna drie millennia lank 'n aktiewe beskawing voordat hy ongeveer 9 000 jaar gelede onder geheimsinnige omstandighede laat vaar is.

Foto: Zhengan / Wikimedia Commons / CC-BY-SA 4.0

Ouer as geskiedenis: 7 beelde van Göbekli Tepe wat wys hoe oud dit werklik is

'N Beeld van die massiewe, versierde, megalitiese klippe by Gobekli Tepe. Shutterstock.

Daar is 'n argeologiese terrein in die huidige Turkye wat anders is as wat ons ooit elders in die wêreld gevind het. Ongeveer 12 000 jaar gelede het 'n geheimsinnige groep mense-wat vermoedelik jagter-versamelaars was-besluit om 'n ingewikkelde monument te bou met behulp van blokke met klippe. Ons kan nog steeds nie verstaan ​​nie; hierdie geheimsinnige mense het tot 200 klippilare in verskillende ommuurde sirkels opgerig.

Daar is gevind dat sommige van die klippilare by Göbekli Tepe 10–20 ton weeg, en daar is nog een pilaar in sy steengroef met 'n totale gewig van meer as 50 ton.

Göbekli Tepe, wat potheuwel beteken, is etlike dekades gelede ontdek. Soos baie ander webwerwe, het dit ook nie behoorlike aandag gekry nie, totdat een navorser besluit het om verder en dieper te grawe en 'n geheim onder die oppervlak begrawe het.

Die antieke plek is ongeveer 15 km noordoos van die stad Sanliurfa (ou stad Urfa), in die suidooste van Turkye, naby die grens met Sirië, geleë. Interessant genoeg is Sirië die tuiste van sommige van die oudste stede in die geskiedenis van die mensdom en presies waar sommige van die oudste megalitiese strukture ooit gebou is.

Die megalitiese T-vormige pilare van Göbekli Tepe, 'n oeroue sitplek wat minstens 8500 jaar voor die piramides van Egipte voorafgegaan het. Beeldkrediet: Gulcan Acar.

Die eerste vermelding van Göbekli Tepe kan teruggevoer word na 'n opname wat deur argeoloë van die Universiteit van Istanbul en die Universiteit van Chicago in 19634 gedoen is. eintlik 'n begraafplaas wat tot die Bisantynse ryk behoort. Min het kenners geweet dat onder die oppervlak die oorblyfsels van een van die oudste, mees komplekse tempels op aarde lê.

Die belangrikheid van die heuwel waaronder die ruïnes van Göbekli Tepe al duisende jare lank verborge gebly het, is eers blootgelê toe Klaus Schmidt van die Duitse Argeologiese Instituut in 1994 besluit het om die terrein verder te ondersoek.

Na die hersiening van die argeologiese literatuur wat tydens die 1963 -opnames gepubliseer is, het Schmidt besluit om die terrein verder te besoek en te ondersoek. Schmidt het voorheen op 'n ewe belangrike ou werf, Nevalı Çori, gewerk. Hierdie webwerf is geleë in die Şanlıurfa -provinsie en is onder kenners bekend omdat dit die plek is van sommige van die oudste bekende gemeenskaplike geboue en monumentale beeldhouwerke op aarde.

Shutterstock.

Argeologiese opgrawings by Nevalı Çori het Schmidt in staat gestel om die ooreenkomste tussen die twee terreine te herken. Die klipblokke by Göbekli Tepe, wat vroeër as grafmerkers verwar is, kan in werklikheid baie meer antieke prehistoriese monumentale werke wees. Kort nadat Schmidt by die terrein aangekom het, kon hy die eerste massiewe t-vormige pilaar opgrawe waarvoor Göbekli Tepe vandag bekend is.

Die eerste pilaar het bewys dat argeologiese opnames van 1963 'n skatkamer onder die oppervlak verberg het. Studies in die daaropvolgende jare sal uiteindelik aan die lig bring dat die inligting wat tans op die webwerf staan, twee afdoende gebruiksfases bevat. Alhoewel ons moontlik nie die presiese doel van die webwerf kan weet nie, glo kenners dat Göbekli Tepe moontlik van sosiale of rituele aard was.

Alhoewel ons nie die presiese, oorspronklike bedoelde doel daarvan ken nie, weet ons dat die webwerf oud is. Regtig oud. Opgrawings het tot dusver aan die lig gebring dat sommige van die oudste strukture van Göbekli Tepe uit ongeveer 10 000 vC dateer.

'N Beeld van een van die klippilare op die terrein. Shutterstock.

Dit beteken dat ongeveer 12 000 jaar gelede, toe jagter-versamelaars in Europa rondgedwaal het en wenk van groot beskawings soos dié van Egipte ondenkbaar was, 'n geheimsinnige groep mense besluit het om op die terrein te stop en 'n massiewe monument op te rig, anders as enige ander. Die groot grootte van Göbekli Tepe is 'n bewys van die massiewe onderneming van 'n bouprojek soos dit vir ou mense moes gewees het. Die grootte van die klippe en die ingewikkelde gesnyde aard en plasing daarvan bewys dat die terrein, sowel as die monument in die algemeen, van groot belang was vir ou mense.

Die stratigrafie van Göbekli Tepe getuig van ontelbare eeue se aktiwiteite, wat reeds in die epipaleolitiese tydperk begin het, tussen ongeveer 20 000 en 10 000 jaar voor die hede (BP). Geskiedenisboeke vertel ons dat mense nomadiese jagter-versamelaars was wat in klein seisoenale kampe gebly het en dat daar gedurende hierdie tyd nie permanente dorpe was nie. Hierdie tydperk word bepaal deur die voorkoms van mikroliete, klein klipgereedskap wat gewoonlik gemaak is vuursteen of chert, en ongeveer 'n sentimeter lank en 'n halwe sentimeter breed.

Göbekli Tepe dien as 'n antieke ensiklopedie van klip, en die strukture daarvan is merkers wat nou 'n verlore verhaal vertel.

'N Beeld van 'n half begrawe klippilaar by Göbekli Tepe. Shutterstock.

Daar is verskillende tydperke in die tydlyn van Göbekli Tepe, die eerste is die epipaleolitiese tydperk. Daar word geglo dat strukture wat in die daaropvolgende tydperk geïdentifiseer is, die Neolitiese B voor-aardewerk, ongeveer 12 000 jaar oud is. Die derde kompleks van geboue wat aan die Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) behoort en wat uit die 9de millennium vC dateer, is ook opgegrawe.

Dit beteken dat as die oudste strukture by Göbekli Tepe omstreeks 10 000 vC gebou is, hulle minstens 7 000 jaar ouer is as Stonehenge en meer as 7 500 jaar ouer as die Piramides van Egipte.

Hierdie antieke webwerf se historiese bewyse beweer dat die evolusie van die mensdom destyds net die teenoorgestelde is van wat ons gedink het. In teenstelling met die algemene opvatting, was mense meer as 12 000 jaar gelede gesofistikeerd en georganiseerd genoeg om ingewikkelde ou terreine te bou. Hulle het genoeg kennis gehad wat hulle in staat gestel het om die laaste ystydperk te oorleef en gereedskap en tegnieke te ontwikkel wat dit vir hulle moontlik gemaak het om steentjies uit te steek, te vervoer en in posisie te sit.

'N Beeld wat een van die megalitiese sirkels by Göbekli Tepe en sy beroemde klippilare toon. Shutterstock.

Soos Schmidt onthul het, op grond van sy ontdekkings op die terrein, het die gekoördineerde inspanning vir die bou van die monoliete die basis geskep vir die ontwikkeling van komplekse samelewings. Met ander woorde, om 'n monument te bou, was dit nodig om die geskikte struktuur vir die konstruksie daarvan. Die konstruksie van so 'n ou terrein vertel ons dat die bouers van Göbekli Tepe 'n ontwikkelde samelewing was wat nie net voedsel en skuiling aan die bouers bied nie, maar ook 'n gevoel van organisasie en hiërargie wat nodig was om 'n terrein soos Göbekli Tepe te bou .

Die raaiselagtige klippe by Göbekli Tepe vertel 'n unieke verhaal. Die megalitiese klippe is 'n bewys van die vindingrykheid van die verlore megalitiese bouers, en soortgelyke antieke terreine soos Nevalı Çori bevestig die belangrikheid van Göbekli Tepe as 'n sentrale bymekaarkomplek van groot belang.

Die bou van 'n monument soos Göbekli Tepe ongeveer 12 000 jaar gelede het ongeveer dieselfde historiese implikasies as die voorkoms van die eerste piramides in Egipte. Dit was 'n onderneming wat nog nooit in die mens se geskiedenis gesien is nie, en die belangrikheid daarvan lê in meer as net die klippe. Die oprig van 'n monumentale kompleks met meer as 200 pilare van 7 ton (elk) laat verskeie vrae ontstaan. Dit gaan nie net oor tegnologie nie, maar ook oor die ekonomiese en sosiale implikasies van so 'n projek.

'N Beeld van een van die multi-ton klippe by Göbekli Tepe met dieremotiewe op die oppervlak gesny. Shutterstock.

Die bou van die terrein het beslis 'n groot arbeidsmag vereis, wat beteken dat koördinering en beplanning goed geïmplementeer moes word. Dit laat my glo dat elkeen wat verantwoordelik was vir die bouproses van Göbekli Tepe, moes seker maak dat die personeel voldoende toegerus, goed gevoed en versorg is.

Alhoewel ons moontlik nie kan weet hoeveel mense aan die konstruksie van die werf deelgeneem het nie, het dit beslis 'n groot arbeidsmag vereis. Indien wel, hoe oortuig u mense, 12 000 jaar gelede, dat iets gebou moet word wat die grootte van Göbekli Tepe het? Hoe motiveer jy hulle? Volgens die opname van die terrein sowel as die metings van die klippe, het argeoloë voorgestel dat tot 500 mense nodig was om die swaar pilare uit hul onderskeie steengroewe te verwyder en tussen 100 en 500 meter (330–1 640 voet) na die webwerf waar hulle geplaas is.

Dit lei ons na 'n ander raaisel: waarom? Waarom het iemand in die eerste plek besluit om so 'n groot kompleks te bou? Wat was die betekenis van die webwerf? Doel? Wat presies beteken die ontelbare simbole en motiewe wat op die pilare gegraveer is?

Is die ou monument as 'n tempel gebruik? Of is dit moontlik dat dit gebruik is as 'n soort vroeë sterrekundige sterrewag, waardeur die ou mense kaarte geteken het en 'n rekord gehou het van tyd?


GÖBEKLİ TEPE WAT DIE GESKIEDENIS VERANDER HET

Göbekli Tepe wat deur UNESCO op die Wêreld Tydelike Kultuurerfenislys verskyn, laat ons twyfel oor ons kennis van prehistoriese tydperke en leer ons nuwe dinge oor die geskiedenis van die mensdom, terwyl dit ons nuuskierigheid opwek.

Göbekli Tepe wat deur UNESCO op die Wêreld Tydelike Kultuurerfenislys verskyn, laat ons twyfel oor ons kennis van prehistoriese tydperke en leer ons nuwe dinge oor die geskiedenis van die mensdom, terwyl dit ons nuuskierigheid opwek.

Anatolië is deur die geskiedenis 'n gewilde gebied vir vestiging vanweë die geopolitieke ligging en die vrugbare lande. Die mensdom, aan die ander kant, het konsekwent aanbiddingsplekke gebou van verlede tot hede. Die vroeë beskawingsperiodes word tans herskryf met Göbekli Tepe wat die oudste bekende tempel ter wêreld huisves. Göbekli Tepe, 22 kilometer noord van Urfa, is 7 duisend jaar ouer as Stonehenge in Engeland en 7 500 jaar ouer as Egiptiese piramides. Hierdie argeologiese terrein dateer uit 11 600 jaar gelede, het wetenskaplikes tot die grond gebring sedert die opgrawings in 1995 begin is, en het ons daartoe gelei om talle feite weer te ondersoek.

PERMANENTE NEDERSETTING MET GELOOF

Die tuiste van die oudste tempels wat tot dusver ontdek is, Göbekli Tepe is gebou tydens die laaste fase van die mensdom se oorgang na landbou en veeteelt. As gevolg van die feit dat die streek oud is, het die idee dat landbou tot die beskawing gelei het, geldigheid verloor. Tot vandag toe was die algemene siening dat die komplekse samelewings gevorm is as gevolg van die oormaat gewasse wat gegroei het nadat jagter-versamelaars hulle gevestig het. Göbekli Tepe het hierdie gewilde opinie oopgemaak vir bespreking. Argeoloog Prof. Volgens Schmidt het die arbeidsmag wat nodig was om strukture te bou, gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die landbou as 'n manier om werkers van voedsel te voorsien. Die oorvol gemeenskappe het 'n begeerte gehad om naby aanbiddingsplekke te wees, en omdat hulpbronne in die omgewing nie voldoende was om aan die behoeftes van hierdie gemeenskappe te voldoen nie, was mense verplig om in die landbou betrokke te raak. In die gebouekompleks wat by Göbekli Tepe ontdek is, was daar geen spoor van 'n dak nie en hierdie geboue is erken as buitelug tempels.


EERSTE STAPPE VAN KUNS

Göbekli Tepe dateer uit vroeër as die begin van die landbou en selfs die uitvinding van erdewerk. Aan die ander kant is daar 'n styl wat as artistiek beskou kan word in dierlike figure wat T-vormige klippe versier wat die mens simboliseer. Op die klippe is skerpioen, jakkals, bul, slang, wilde varke, leeu, snoek en wilde eend. Veral leeusyfers bewys dat leeus gedurende die Neolitiese tydperk in Anatolië gewoon het. Volgens sommige navorsers simboliseer hierdie dierfigure die stamme wat die tempel besoek het. Die bevindinge by Göbekli Tepe illustreer die organisatoriese vaardighede wat oorvol groepe en gevorderde artistieke vaardighede bymekaar gebring het. Simbole soortgelyk aan dié wat ontdek is, alhoewel dit kleiner is, kan gesien word in 'n gebied wat oor Noord -Irak en Sirië strek. Op grond hiervan word voorgestel dat Göbekli Tepe 'n sentrum van kulturele interaksie in die Neolitiese tydperk was. Die feit dat die tempelvloere op 'n manier gebou is om lekkasies te voorkom, dui daarop dat die vloeibare stowwe tydens seremonies gebruik is. Göbekli Tepe, wat vanweë die ligging uitkyk en van baie plekke af sigbaar is, was tot ongeveer 8 duisend v.C. 'n kultusentrum. Dit was egter bedek met grond en het uit die geskiedenis verdwyn, wat ons dwing om die vraag kragtig te stel, maar waarom? ” vir Göbekli Tepe, selfs vandag nog.
GÖBEKLİ TEPE 'N BUITENGEWONE PLEK
Nabi Avcı (minister van kultuur en toerisme)

Göbekli Tepe is 'n revolusionêre ontdekking in die wêreld van argeologie. Daar is 'n bespreking oor hoe die werke wat in grawe ontdek is, vervaardig is. Die gewildste scenario vir die wetenskapwêreld is dat dit 'n sentrum van geloof was. Daar is egter nog geen sekere inligting oor die funksie van Göbekli Tepe en waarom dit vasgestel is nie. Dit is hoekom dit interessant is. Hierdie plek is bo ons kennis. Dit is ook 'n treffende voorbeeld vir die kulturele aktiwiteite van Turkye.

T-VORMIGE OBELISK
Die simbool van die tempel

T-vormige obeliske by Göbekli Tepe bereik 'n hoogte van 5 meter en 'n gewig van 16 ton.

BALD IBIS
Laaste voëls

Kaal ibis -spesies wat vandag in Turkye (Birecik – Urfa) en Marokko voorkom, het 'n bevolking van ongeveer 500 individue.

Göbekli Tepe -gids

WAT OM TE EET?

Met 'n wye verskeidenheid restaurante, kan u plaaslike geregte soos borani, bostana en hummus sowel as kebab en kibbeh in Urfa probeer, en die koffie genaamd "mırra" geniet.

WAT OM TE KOOP?

In die sentrum van Urfa en by verkopers naby argeologiese terreine word aandenkings en dekoratiewe voorwerpe wat deur Göbekli Tepe geïnspireer is, verkoop. Boonop word die fyn handwerk uit die verlede geleer in die Şanlıurfa Openbare Onderwyssentrum en die Göbekli Tepe Stone -metselwerkwinkel.

MOET NIE MISLOOP NIE

Die grond bo -op Göbekli Tepe waar die wensboom geleë is, word gereeld besoek. Daarbenewens is die Göbekli Tepe -argeologiese terreinmuseum in die dorp Örencik elke dag oop vir besoeke en toegangsgeld is 5 Lira. Dit is aan u om Urfa te besoek en Balıklıgöl, Halil-ur-Rahman-moskee, Şanlıurfa-museum en Eyyub-grot te sien.
HOE OM TE GAAN?

Turkish Airlines reël wederkerige vlugte van Ankara, Istanbul, Izmir na Şanlıurfa. Göbekli Tepe kan maklik bereik word na 'n halfuur se ry vanaf die lughawe


Junie 2014 AOM: Göbekli Tepe: Wie het dit gebou, wanneer en waarom

Ons is verheug en verheug om Andrew Collins as Junie -outeur van die maand terug te verwelkom. Saam met Andrew gedurende Junie op die AoM Message Boards om sy nuwe boek te bespreek G & oumlbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods

G & oumlbekli Tepe is 'n naam wat bekend is aan almal wat belangstel in die antieke raaisels -onderwerp. Dit word beskou as die oudste kliptempel ter wêreld en bestaan ​​uit 'n reeks megalitiese strukture met ringe van pragtig gesnyde T-vormige pilare. Dit lê op 'n bergrug in die suidooste van Turkye, net 13 kilometer van die ou stad Urfa, naby die tradisionele plek van die tuin van Eden. Hier, vir die afgelope tienduisend jaar, het die geheime daarvan verborge gebly onder 'n kunsmatige, buikvormige heuwel van ongeveer 300 m by 200 meter groot. Landbou en veeteelt was skaars bekend toe G & oumlbekli Tepe gebou is, en deur die vrugbare landskap van Suidwes-Asië was die primitiewe jagter-versamelaars, wie se enigste bestaan ​​daagliks om oorlewing gegaan het.

So, wat is G & oumlbekli Tepe? Wie het dit geskep, en hoekom? Meer dringend, waarom het sy bouers hul skepping aan die einde van sy lewensduur begrawe?

Dit is die vrae wat ek stel in die nuwe boek G & oumlbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods, waarin ek oortuigende bewyse lewer dat die mites van die Watchers van die boek Henog en die Anunnaki van die Mesopotamiese mite en legende herinneringe is aan die G & oumlbekli -bouers en hul impak op die opkoms van die beskawing. Ek glo ook dat G & oumlbekli Tepe gebou is deur 'n jagter-versamelaarsbevolking wat nog steeds in vrees was na 'n verwoestende ramp wat die wêreld byna vernietig het en 'n komeet-impak wat die wetenskap vandag erken dat dit ongeveer 12,900 jaar gelede plaasgevind het, met skrikwekkende naskokke wat geduur het vir 'n paar honderd jaar daarna.

Menslike basters

Tog lyk dit onwaarskynlik dat diegene wat 'n plan bedink het om die aangebore vrees vir 'n ander rampspoed teë te werk (iets wat die visioenêre en skrywer Barbara Hand Clow katastrofobie so treffend noem) die inheemse bevolking was. Dit blyk te wees georkestreer deur lede van 'n inkomende kultuur, bestaande uit groepe sjamane, krygers, jagters en klipgereedskapspesialiste van enorme krag en charisma. Hulle gebiede waaroor hulle verskillende vorme van vuursteen verhandel het, sowel as hematiet wat as rooi oker gebruik is, het gestrek vanaf die Karpate in die weste tot by die Russiese steppe en vlakte in die ooste. Meer ongelooflik, anatomiese bewyse dui daarop dat hulle 'n opvallende voorkoms het en#8211 lank is, met baie lang koppe, hoë wangbene, lang gesigte, groot kake en sterk wenkbroue, wat sommige as 'n bewys gesien het dat dit Neandertal-menslike basters was. So wie was hierdie mense?

Opkoms van die Swiderians

Die antwoord is die Swiderians, wie se mynbedrywighede in Pole en die Swietokrzyskie (Heilige Kruis) gebergte een van die vroegste bewyse is van georganiseerde mynbouaktiwiteite oral in die wêreld. Hierdie gevorderde samelewing, wat floreer het in beide Sentraal- en Oos-Europa rondom die tyd van die komeet-impakgebeurtenis van 10 900 v.C., was verantwoordelik vir die stigting van verskillende belangrike post-Swideriese kulture uit die Mesolitiese era tot in die noorde van Noorweë, Finland en Swede , so ver suid as die Kaukasusberge, en so ver oos as die Bo -Wolga -rivier van Sentraal -Rusland. Die hoogs gevorderde Swiderians -kultuur, wat 'n gesofistikeerde klipgereedskapstegnologie ingesluit het, is afgelei van hul verre voorouers, die Oos -Gravettiese mense wat tussen 30 000 en 19 000 vC gedy het in die huidige Tsjeggiese Republiek en verder oos op die Russiese vlakte.

Omstreeks 10 500 vC glo ek dat Swideriese groepe suid van die Oos -Europese vlakte na die ooste van Anatolië verhuis het. Hier het hulle beheer verkry oor die plaaslike handel in die swart vulkaniese glas wat bekend staan ​​as obsidiaan op plekke soos Bing & oumll Mountain in die Armeense Hooglande en Nemrut Da ğ, 'n uitgestorwe vulkaan naby die oewers van die Lake Van, Turkye en die grootste binnelandse see. Dit het hulle in aanraking gebring met die gemeenskappe wat later verantwoordelik sou wees vir die bou van G & oumlbekli Tepe omstreeks 9500-9000 vC.

Rituele doel

Alles dui daarop dat die Swideriane 'n gesofistikeerde kosmologie gehad het wat deels verkry is van hul neefs, die Solutreans van Sentraal- en Wes -Europa, wat self verwant was aan die Oos -Gravettiese mense. Hulle het geglo in 'n kosmiese boom wat die lugwêreld ondersteun wat via die Great Rift en mdash die vurk binnegekom het of in die Melkweg geskeur het as gevolg van die teenwoordigheid van sterre stof en puin die Noorderkruis). Die Swiderians het ook geglo dat voëls simbole is van astrale vlug, en dat dit die manier is waarop die sjamaan die lugwêreld kan bereik. In Europa was die voël wat die algemeenste met hierdie oortuigings en gebruike geassosieer word, die swaan, terwyl dit in Suidwes -Asië die aasvoël was, 'n primêre simbool van dood en transformasie in die vroeë Neolitiese eeu. Beide voëls word geïdentifiseer met die Cygnus -sterrebeeld.

Met behulp van hierdie gedaante kan die sjamaan die lugwêreld binnegaan en die optrede van die bonatuurlike wese teenstaan ​​wat beskou word as verantwoordelik vir rampe, soos die komeet -impak van 10 900 v.C., waarna wetenskaplikes vandag verwys as die gebeurtenis Younger Dryas Boundary (YDB). Hierdie kosmiese bedrieër het die vorm aanneem van 'n lugvos of hemelwolwe, miskien beliggaam in die springende jakkalse wat in reliëf op die binneste vlakke van die belangrikste pilare by G & oumlbekli Tepe gekerf is, en word ook onthou as die Fenris-wolf wat verantwoordelik was vir die veroorsaak van Ragnorak, 'n groot ramp wat in die Noorse mitologie behoue ​​gebly het. All across Europe, and into Southwest Asia, accounts exist of supernatural foxes and wolves that have attempted to endanger the sky pillar supporting the starry canopy, an act that if achieved would have brought about the destruction of the world.

Someone realized that only by allaying people&rsquos fears regarding the immense potency of the cosmic trickster could stability be truly restored to the world. And whenever this supernatural creature returned to the heavens in the guise of a comet&mdashseen as a visible manifestation of the sky fox or sky wolf&mdashit would be the shaman&rsquos role to enter the sky world and counter its baleful influence, a primary motivation I see as behind the construction of Göbekli Tepe.

Womb Chambers

Yet there were clearly other reasons for the construction of Göbekli Tepe. Its stone enclosures served, most likely, as womb chambers, places where the shaman entered into a primal state, like that experienced before birth, after passing between the enclosures&rsquo twin central pillars. These enormous monoliths, sometimes 18 feet (5.5 meters) in height and weighing as much as 16.5 US tons (15 metric tonnes) a piece, acted as otherworldly portals to invisible realms – true star gates in every sense of the word. And their target: the setting down on the local horizon of Deneb, Cygnus&rsquos brightest star, which marked the start of the Milky Way&rsquos Great Rift, a role played by Deneb as early as 16,500-14,000 BC. At this time Deneb acted as Pole Star, the star closest to the celestial pole during any particular epoch. Even after Deneb ceased to be Pole Star around 14,000 BC, due to the effects of precession (the slow wobble of the earth&rsquos axis across a cycle of approximately 26,000 years), its place was taken by another Cygnus star, Delta Cygni, which held the position until around 13,000 BC.

After this time the role of Pole Star went to Vega in the constellation of Lyra, the celestial lyre. When around 11,000 BC Vega moved out of range of the celestial pole, no bright star replaced it for several thousand years. This meant that when Göbekli Tepe was constructed, ca. 9500-9000 BC, there was no Pole Star. It was for this reason that Deneb, and the Milky Way&rsquos Great Rift, retained their significance as the main point of entry to the sky world, making it the primary destination of the shaman. Standing stones erected in the north-northwestern sections of the walls in two key enclosures at Göbekli Tepe bore large holes that framed the setting of Deneb each night, highlighting the star&rsquos significance to the Göbekli builders, and showing the precise direction in which the shaman should access the sky world.

Cosmic Knowledge

Everywhere you look at Göbekli Tepe there is confirmation that its builders shared a sense of connection with the cosmos. From the strange glyphs and ideograms on the various stones, which include symbols resembling the letters C and H, to the twelvefold division of stones in the various enclosures, there is powerful evidence that these 11,000-year-old temples resonate the influence of the celestial heavens. The H glyphs seem to relate to the shaman&rsquos journey from this world to the otherworld, while the C glyphs are almost certainly slim lunar crescents signifying the transition from one lunar cycle to the next. Even the design of the enclosures appears to have cosmic significance. Invariably the structures are ovoid in shape, with a length to breadth ratio of 5:4, numbers that could hint at the Göbekli builders&rsquo profound awareness of cosmic time cycles not usually thought to have been understood until the age of Plato.

If Swiderian groups were the shamanic elite responsible for Göbekli Tepe, then there is every chance that the cosmic knowledge encoded into its construction came, at least in part, from highly evolved individuals who were by nature Neanderthal-human hybrids of striking physical appearance. These people were most likely the product of interactions between Neanderthals and Anatomically Modern Humans at the dawn of the Upper Paleolithic age, c. 40,000-30,000 BC. This is a very exciting realization that tells us that we might well have underestimated the dynamic potency of hybridization in the formative years of human history.

Final Abandonment

Over a period of around 1,500 years twenty or more major enclosures were constructed within the gradually emerging occupational mound at Göbekli Tepe. Old enclosures were periodically decommissioned, deconsecrated and covered over, quite literally &ldquokilled,&rdquo at the end of their useful lives. New structures were built to replace them, but as time went on they became much smaller in construction, until eventually the cell-like buildings were no larger than a family-sized Jacuzzi with pillars no more than five feet (a meter and a half) in height. Somehow the world had changed, and the impetus for creating gigantic stone temples with enormous twin monoliths at their centers was no longer there.

Sometime around 8000 BC the last remaining enclosures were covered over with imported earth, stone chippings and refuse matter, and the site abandoned to the elements. All that remained was an enormous belly-like mound that became an ideal expression of the fact that the stone enclosures had originally been seen, not just as star portals to another world, but also as womb-like chambers, where the souls of shaman, or indeed the spirits of the dead, could quite literally journey to the source of creation, located somewhere in the vicinity of the Cygnus constellation. It was a concept dimly remembered in the name Göbekli Tepe, which in Turkish means &ldquonavel-like hill.&rdquo

Serpent-headed People

Even after Göbekli Tepe was abandoned, its memory, and those of the ruling elite behind its construction, lingered on among the Halaf and Ubaid peoples who flourished during the later half of the Neolithic age, ca. 6000-4100 BC. Like their predecessors, they gained control of the all-important obsidian trade at places such as Bingöl Mountain and Nemrut Dağ, close to Lake Van. Their elites, who would appear to have belonged to specific family groups, artificially deformed their already elongated heads, not only to denote their status in society, but also quite possibly to mimic the perceived appearance of great ancestors, seen to have possessed extremely long heads and faces. It is very possibly these great ancestors who are perhaps represented by the snake- or reptilian-headed clay figurines found in several Ubaid cemeteries.

The Rise of the Anunnaki

The elite of the Halaf and Ubaid were probably the forerunners of the god-kings who ruled the first city-states down on the Mesopotamian plain, which eventually became the civilizations of Sumer, Akkad, Assyria and Babylon. Their scribes preserved in cuneiform writing the ruling dynasties&rsquo mythical history, in which the founders of the Neolithic revolution are known as the Anunnaki, the gods of heaven and earth. Their birthplace was said to have been the Duku, a primeval mound located on the summit of a world mountain called Kharsag, or Hursag, and now identified with both Göbekli Tepe and Bingöl Mountain. Here the Anunnaki are said to have given human kind the first sheep and grain, a memory almost certainly of the introduction of animal husbandry and agriculture at the time of the Neolithic revolution, which occurred in the same region as Göbekli Tepe around 9000-8000 BC. The Anunnaki are occasionally likened to serpents, reflecting the snake-like appearance of Göbekli Tepe&rsquos ruling elite, as well as those of the later Halaf and Ubaid cultures.

The Coming of the Watchers

Then we come to the impact Göbekli Tepe had on the earliest Semitic peoples of North Mesopotamia. Their oral traditions would one day be carried into the land of Canaan by the first Israelites and recorded down in religious works such as the book of Enoch and the book of Giants. In these so-called Enochian texts the prime movers behind the construction of Göbekli Tepe, and the subsequent Neolithic revolution, are described as human angels called Watchers, who are extremely tall, wear coats of feathers, possess visages like vipers (that is, extremely long facial features), and are occasionally described as Serpents (indeed, one Watcher is named as the Serpent that beguiled Eve in the Garden of Eden). Two hundred of their number are said to have descended among mortal kind and taken mortal wives, who produced giant offspring called Nephilim.

According to the book of Enoch, the human angels revealed to their wives the secret arts of heaven, many of which correspond with a number of firsts for humanity that took place in Southwest Asia in the wake of the Neolithic revolution. Are the Watchers a memory of the appearance in southeast Anatolia of Swiderian groups, whose striking appearance fits the vivid description of the Watchers offered in Enochian literature? If so, then does it suggest that the strange appearance of both the Watchers and the Anunnaki, with their serpent-like faces, might in part be down to them being Neanderthal-human hybrids? Were they the true founders of civilization?

The Rivers of Paradise

A memory also of this crucial epoch in human development is preserved perhaps in the stories of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. According to the book of Genesis this was located at the source of the four rivers of Paradise. Three can easily be identified as the Euphrates, Tigris and Araxes (the biblical Gihon), which all rise in eastern Anatolia. What is more, two of the rivers, the Euphrates and Araxes, take their rise in the vicinity of Bingöl Mountain, one of the primary sources of obsidian located just 200 miles (325kilometres) from Göbekli Tepe.

Local tradition asserts that Bingöl was also the source of the fourth river of Paradise, the Pison, while ancient writers record that the true source of the Tigris was in the same region. Armenian tradition also speaks of Bingöl Mountain being the place of the gods and the summit of the world from which emerge four great rivers that carry the waters of life to every part of the world. Everything points toward Bingöl Mountain being not only the &ldquobirthplace&rdquo of the Anunnaki, but also the site of the mountain of Paradise, and the place of descent of the Watchers in the book of Enoch.

The Secrets of Adam

Gnostic writings, such as the various tracts found in a cave at Nag Hammadi in Egypt in 1945, speak repeatedly of the so-called secrets of Adam being passed to his son Seth before his father’s death. Seth is said to have recorded them either in book form, or on tablets or pillars called stelae. These were hidden in or on a holy mountain, existing in the vicinity of the terrestrial Paradise, so that they might survive a coming cataclysm of fire and flood (a memory almost certainly of the Younger Dryas impact event). Called variously Charaxio, Seir, or Sir, this mountain is linked in early Christian tradition with the site inhabited by the generations of Adam following the expulsion of the first couple from Paradise.

So what are the secrets of Adam, and where might they be found today? Do they pertain to the manner in which Göbekli Tepe was built to curtail the catastrophobia rife among the indigenous peoples of the region in the wake of the Younger Dryas impact event? Had this information been given to the local hunter-gatherers of the region by incoming Swiderian groups, whose elongated heads and long ancestry was connected with their origins as Neanderthal-human hybrids? Were their deeds mythologised into the stories of the human angels called Watchers found in the book of Enoch, and the Anunnaki gods alluded to in Mesopotamian tradition?

As Angels Ourselves

Where exactly was Charaxio, or Mount Seir, where the books of Seth containing the secrets of Adam await discovery? This is the quest I embark upon in the second half of Göbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods, with the result being the discovery in the Eastern Taurus Mountains of a forgotten Armenian monastery overlooking the traditional site of the Garden of Eden. Before its destruction at the time of the Armenian genocide of 1915, the monks here preserved archaic traditions concerning the Garden of Eden and the existence of a holy relic of incredible religious significance. Confirmation of the presence of this holy relic at the monastery (which in the seventh century was given a special decree of immunity from attack signed by the prophet Mohammed himself) reveals what could be Adam&rsquos ultimate secret&mdashthe manner in which we as mortals can re-enter Paradise and become, as once we were, like angels ourselves. It is a story of discovery I would now like to share with you.

&ldquo There is little question that Andrew was one of the first writers to realize the greater significance of Göbekli Tepe … It is for this reason that Göbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods is such a masterwork, for it is the culmination of nearly twenty years of Andrew’s original research into the origins of the Neolithic revolution and its relationship to Hebrew traditions concerning the location of the Garden of Eden and the human truth behind the Watchers of the book of Enoch.

&ldquo In a testimonial written to accompany the publication of (Andrew&rsquos book) From the Ashes of Angels (1996), I said that Andrew had put important new facts before the public concerning the mysterious origins of human civilization. I stand by this statement and add only that with his vast knowledge of the subject under discussion, there is no one better suited to reveal Göbekli Tepe’s place in history today&rdquo

Graham Hancock from his Introduction
 to Göbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods

From History of the Saints, Phillippe Buache, Published in 1783 in Paris.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Andrew Collins is a historical writer and explorer living in the United Kingdom. He is the author of more than a dozen books that challenge the way we perceive the past. They include From the Ashes of Angels (1996), which establishes that the Watchers of the book of Enoch and the Anunnaki of the Sumerian texts are the memory of a shamanic elite that catalyzed the Neolithic revolution in the Near East at the end of the last ice age Gateway to Atlantis (2000), which pins down the source of Plato’s Atlantis to the Caribbean island of Cuba and the Bahaman archipelago Tutankhamun: The Exodus Conspiracy (coauthored with Chris Ogilvie Herald, 2002), which reveals the truth behind the discovery of Tutankhamun’s famous tomb and The Cygnus Mystery (2007), which shows that the constellation of Cygnus has been universally venerated as the place of first creation and the entrance to the sky world since Paleolithic times.

In 2008 Andrew and colleague Nigel Skinner Simpson discovered a previously unrecorded cave complex beneath the pyramids of Giza, which has brought him worldwide acclaim. It is a story told in his book Beneath the Pyramids (2009).

Andrew&rsquos latest book Gobekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods is the culmination of twenty years&rsquo study of the origins of the Watchers and Nephilim of the book of Enoch, and the Anunnaki of Sumerian myth and legend. For more on Andrew Collins go to www.andrewcollins.com


Göbekli Tepe: Ancient Temples of Turkey

Roughly six miles outside of Urfa, Turkey, called Göbekli Tepe. The most impressive and mysterious finding at this site are the megalithic pillars that date as far back as 10,000 BCE. That would make this ancient site the oldest known temples in the world. Archaeologists believe the circular formations are constructions of temples that were used for ritual ceremonies or worship.

One circle of Göbekli Tepe. Source: Wikimedia Commons, Klaus-Peter Simon

Two universities discovered the site in 1963 when they surveyed the area and found the tops of the pillars and flints in the area. In 1994, Klaus Schmidt (now deceased), of the German Archaeological Institute, began excavations on Göbekli Tepe. He had been assisting in the excavations of the nearby site of Nevalı Çori, but he was interested in finding another site to lead a dig. As it turned out, Göbekli Tepe was similar to the other site. Nevalı Çori was an entire village that contained homes as well as temple pillar sites like those found in Göbekli.

Archaeological Discoveries

Since that time, Klaus and his team have uncovered at least seven large stone circles, however, ground-penetrating sensing techniques have mapped out around 200 pillars in 20 circular areas. What are these stones doing in this hill overlooking what must have once been a lush valley? Who built them? Why did they build them and when precisely were they built? Most of these questions have only half-answers and educated guesses.

Göbekli Tepe complex built on a hilltop, 9,000 BC. Source: Flickr, CC.

The largest megaliths found at the site are roughly 16 ft. tall and weigh as much as 10 tons. They are T-shaped, very much like the megalithic Taulas in Menorca. The pillars sit in circular formations with two larger versions of the outer stones in the center of the circles. The ancient people built and buried the formations in layers. There are 3 layers in total.

Some of the pillars have intricate carvings of birds, snakes, scorpions, big cats, and hoofed animals on them. It is surprising that the tools they used were quite primitive, yet they were able to accomplish a fair amount of precision. Interestingly, some archaeologists believe the pillars may represent humans because a number of them have arms carved into the sides. Others believe the statues represent venerated ancestors or gods with human-like features.

Who Built the Temple Sites?

Judging by the animal bones found, the ancient people who erected the site were nomadic hunter-gatherers. That means they were not the type of people to settle down in large groups and build monuments, temples or even elaborate gravesites. At least, that is what experts once thought. The traditional line of thinking is that agriculture (the planting of crops and herding of animals) was the catalyst for such building. If Klaus Schmidt and his team are correct, this no longer holds true. Klaus has done some carbon dating of items unearthed at the Göbekli site, and he has compared some of the tools there to others found in the general area to ascertain the age of the site. What he found is astounding.

It appears that Göbekli Tepe predates ancient wonders like the Pyramids of Giza and Stonehenge by thousands of years. These Turkish formations are roughly 11,000 years old (from around 9000 BCE), according to Klaus’ estimations. This age makes sense considering the tools found at the site and the lack of evidence that people lived here. In other words, the ancients may have used the site strictly for ceremonial purposes. A settlement would have been impractical for people of that time. Also, there are no remains of cooking fires and other evidence of settlement.

Why Was it Built?

What reason could these ancient people have possibly had for building, preserving, and continuing construction on such a site for so long? Klaus Schmidt believes it may have been a place of religious worship. Other theories include an ancient gravesite for important people or a meeting place for local nomadic tribes. The ancient people of this area built up the temples over the course of hundreds of years, possibly even longer. They built stone circles, buried them, and then carried on their work as before. They eventually built the site up into the hill that exists there today.

Was Göbekli Tepe the Garden of Eden?

Some people theorize that the age and location of this site indicate that it was the Biblical Garden of Eden. If it was a place of religious worship, this would make it the oldest temple in the world. Of course, that only leads to more questions. If the Turkish megalithic site really is the site of the Garden of Eden, why did the ancients bury it?

Chances are that most of the answers to these questions will forever remain a mystery. The early people of this area had no written language, so they left a few clues for us. However, perhaps the ultimate joy of archaeology and mysteries does not come from answering all of our questions. It comes from digging, unearthing, theorizing, and in the questioning.


Older than Ancient Beyond Göbekli Tepe’s Neolithic Dates

And now, beyond Göbekli Tepe news, field workers have added another coal to the fire with their discovery of an ancient site that is at least a thousand years older. Excavations at Boncuklu Tarla in Southeastern Turkey’s Mardin province began in 2012 and have yielded what may be called an 11,300-year-old mini Göbekli Tepe — a Neolithic-era temple with three well-preserved monolithic stele structures. However, the stelae have no figurative inscriptions common to Göbekli Tepe. The temple walls were constructed of rubble and cemented with hardened clay. Scientists hope to reach at least some of the sacred building’s foundations by the end of the year.

Boncuklu Tara via dailysabah.com

The Daily Sabah, a Turkish newspaper reported that the archaeological excavations are being conducted by Mardin Museum Director Nihat Erdoğan and his team. Researchers are hoping to learn more about the cultures, social lives, and burial traditions of the people who lived in Northern Mesopotamia at least 10 millennia ago. The area of the excavation has been home over its history to Sumerians, Akkadians, Babylonians, Hittites, Assyrians, Romans, Seljuks, and Ottomans, among others.

Erdoğan said that the Neolithic period saw the establishment of the first sedentary society that led to controlled food production. The first phase of the period did not have baked clay vessels and baskets. Wooden or stone vessels were used instead of baked clay. This is the Aceramic Neolithic phase, in which artifacts have survived in only a few places in Anatolia. These have yielded examples of structures built according to a certain plan, with stone or bone tools and weapons, ornamental items and the first resident villages.

Archaeologist and advisor to the dig, Ergül Kodaş, Mardin Artuklu University, Turkey, said that the history and age of the site is “a new key point to inform us on many topics such as how the [people] in Northern Mesopotamia and the upper Tigris began to settle, how the transition from hunter-gatherer life to food production happened, and how cultural and religious structures changed.”


Göbekli Tepe’s construction 11,500 years ago was guided by geometry

The archaeological site of Göbekli Tepe, located on a tell in Anatolia, Turkey is one of the earliest prehistoric temples discovered by archaeologists.

A team of researchers from the Israel Antiquities Authority and Tel Aviv University have carried out an architectural analysis and determined that geometry informed the layout of Göbekli Tepe’s round stone monuments and assembly of limestone pillars.

Three of the Göbekli Tepe’s monumental round structures, the largest of which are 20 meters in diameter, were initially planned as a single project, according to researchers Gil Haklay of the Israel Antiquities Authority, a PhD candidate at Tel Aviv University, and Prof. Avi Gopher of TAU’s Department of Archaeology and Ancient Near Eastern Civilizations. They used a computer algorithm to trace aspects of the architectural design processes involved in the construction of these enclosures in this early Neolithic site.

Their findings were published in Cambridge Archaeological Journal in May.

“Göbekli Tepe is an archaeological wonder,” Prof. Gopher explains. “Built by Neolithic communities 11,500 to 11,000 years ago, it features enormous, round stone structures and monumental stone pillars up to 5.5 meters high. Since there is no evidence of farming or animal domestication at the time, the site is believed to have been built by hunter-gatherers. However, its architectural complexity is highly unusual for them.”

Discovered by German archaeologist Dr. Klaus Schmidt in 1994, Göbekli Tepe has since been the subject of hot archaeological debate. But while these, and other early Neolithic remains, have been intensively studied, the issue of architectural planning during these periods and its cultural ramifications have not.

Most researchers have made the case that the Göbekli Tepe enclosures at the main excavation area were constructed over time. However, Haklay and Prof. Gopher say that three of the structures were designed as a single project and according to a coherent geometric pattern.

“The layout of the complex is characterized by spatial and symbolic hierarchies that reflect changes in the spiritual world and in the social structure,” Haklay explains. “In our research, we used an analytic tool — an algorithm based on standard deviation mapping — to identify an underlying geometric pattern that regulated the design.”

“This research introduces important information regarding the early development of architectural planning in the Levant and in the world,” Prof. Gopher adds. “It opens the door to new interpretations of this site in general, and of the nature of its megalithic anthropomorphic pillars specifically.”

Certain planning capabilities and practices, such as the use of geometry and the formulation of floor plans, were traditionally assumed to have emerged much later than the period during which the Göbekli Tepe was constructed — after hunter-gatherers transformed into food-producing farmers some 10,500 years ago. Notably, one of the characteristics of early farmers is their use of rectangular architecture.

“This case of early architectural planning may serve as an example of the dynamics of cultural changes during the early parts of the Neolithic period,” Haklay says. “Our findings suggest that major architectural transformations during this period, such as the transition to rectangular architecture, were knowledge-based, top-down processes carried out by specialists.

“The most important and basic methods of architectural planning were devised in the Levant in the Late Epipaleolithic period as part of the Natufian culture and through the early Neolithic period. Our new research indicates that the methods of architectural planning, abstract design rules and organizational patterns were already being used during this formative period in human history.”

Next, the researchers intend to investigate the architectural remains of other Neolithic sites throughout the Levant.


Reclaiming our Ancient Heritage: Portasar (Göbekli Tepe)

During my first visit to Armenia, I expected to find a rugged and muscular terrain, given the steady diet of cliched images I had consumed over the years of one very famous, snow-capped mountain range. What I found instead was a mild and feminine landscape where ribbons of smooth terrain are topped with delicate, cream-colored hills set against lush valleys. Even mighty Ararat appeared painterly, if not feminine, underneath the Anatolian sun. Vincent Van Gogh would have liked painting this delicate landscape, I thought to myself, seeing flecks of Japan in its eastern terrain. Could the Armenian Plateau be, as some have described, the navel of the world?

Tik in Portasar (the navel of a mountain), better known as Göbekli Tepe (potbelly hill), a prehistoric magnum opus built by hunter-gatherers dating back to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 10th-9th millennia BC). Considered the oldest megalithic monument in the world, this UNESCO World Heritage Site is located in the historic Armenian Plateau, approximately 35 miles north of the Syrian border and roughly ten miles northeast of Urfa (Sanlıurfa).

It’s also a mere 25 miles from the ancient city of Haran, mentioned in the book of Genesis as the place where Abram (later called Abraham) settled for a time after emigrating from Ur of the Chaldeans, an epic journey that would take him all the way to the promised land of Canaan.

Portasar is perched above a thousand-foot-diameter mound overlooking what was once a fertile plain. At first glance, its circular construction is reminiscent of England’s Stonehenge (ca. 2500 BC). But unlike Stonehenge and all other prehistoric monuments, including Armenia’s Karahundj (ca. 5500 BC) and Metsamor (ca. 5000 BC), Portasar is said to be the world’s first “temple,” this according to German archaeologist Klaus Schmidt who excavated the site from 1996 to 2014.

To summarize Schmidt, Portasar breaks all the rules of how an early hunter-gatherer society is supposed to behave. According to a standard model of prehistoric human development, religion and, by extension, its architectural vernacular, arrives on the scene daarna the invention of farming, not before. Maar Portasar turns that model on its head by building monumental structures voor the onset of farming. Detail from Portasar, a “Vulture Stone”

Portasar’s circular megalithic structures were likely used for funerary purposes and other notable observances. It’s believed that the site was set apart from mundane, day-to-day activities, much like Stonehenge (ca. 2500 BC) and nearby Durrington Walls (a circular structure made of timber, ca. 2600 BC). According to Schmidt, there is no evidence of dwellings found at the site. Hence, it’s very likely that the builders of Portasar lived in a nearby settlement and travelled to the sites on notable occasions. Numerous animal bones uncovered at Portasar, sowel as Durrington Walls, suggest that there may have been sacrifices and feasting going on.

Two iconic T-shaped pillars, measuring as high as 16 feet tall and weighing as much as 10 tons each, were constructed from locally-sourced limestone and erected in the middle of the structure. These giant pillars, some with anthropomorphic features, are encircled with a stone wall that’s interjected with a smaller set of T-shaped pillars.

According to Andrew Curry of the Smithsonian Magazine, much of Portasar is yet to be discovered. Only 5 percent of the 22-acre site has been excavated. It’s estimated that the area contains at least sixteen additional megalithic structures that have yet to be dug up.

Portasar is set in Upper Mesopotamia, an area nested within the Fertile Crescent, also known as the Cradle of Civilization. This region includes parts of Turkey, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt. The term – Cradle of Civilization – typically conjures up images of ancient Mesopotamian empires dotting the Tigris and Euphrates corridor, not to mention those along the Nile. This crescent-shaped landmass has given birth to many “firsts” in human history. The ancient Sumerians (ca. 5000/4500-1750 BC), for instance, invented everything from writing to geometry they domesticated animals and developed irrigation for agriculture, among many other originations.

According to Harvard archaeologist Ofer Bar-Yosef, agriculture began in south-eastern Turkey and northern Syria (part of the Armenian Plateau). But many of Bar-Yosef’s contemporaries disagree with his claim, citing that agriculture originated in multiple locations within the Fertile Crescent. Nevertheless, Bar-Yosef maintains that honest-to-goodness agriculture (one that combined crops and livestock) developed once, and then proliferated into other parts.

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The hunter-gatherers who built Portasar seemed to possess a remarkable cognizance about life – be it zoological, anatomical, celestial, et al. This is evident in the artifacts and relief sculptures found at the site. For instance, there’s a stylized etching of what appears to be a woman giving birth, and another featuring a large aperture (seven to eight inches in diameter) that may have symbolized a womb, with archaic representations of human legs. An additional example includes the so-called Vulture Stone, an etching featuring gruesome animals and insects that may have corresponded to constellations.

Perhaps it’s this level of perception that eventually led the builders of Portasar to transition into a proto-farming society. But as Schmidt explains, this shift from hunter-gatherer to farming may have brought about the downfall of this megalithic site. It’s believed that the site was deliberately buried as this new farming technology was being implemented in the region. Later on, nearby settlements of Boncuklu Höyük (ca. 8500 BC) and Çatal Höyük (ca. 6000 – 5900 BC) would become important centers of agricultural activities.

One of the most interesting aspects of Portasar is its seemingly unapologetic view of nature, something that really comes through in its artifacts. Like so many other prehistoric sites – the caves of Lascaux (ca. 15,000 – 13,000 BC) and Chauvet (ca. 15,000 – 13,000 BC), just to name a few – many of the animals depicted at Portasar were not used for food. Instead, these creatures seem to be showcasing their gruesome traits, perhaps as a testament to nature’s dark and destructive attributes.

By sharp contrast, many contemporary artists have taken a much softer view of nature, perhaps in fear of being labeled offensive, given nature’s inevitable identification with women (à la mother nature, etc.). This, coupled with a relativist mindset where everything is meaningless and there is no Truth, etc. has resulted in empty art galleries on any given weekend. But prehistoric sites, like Stonehenge, are bustling with tens of thousands of tourists from all over the world, eager to witness its timeless vernacular where meaning and purpose still preside as important ingredients in life, in art. What’s more, these ancient sites attract not just the learned few, but people from all walks of life who’ve been stirred by its style and substance.

Ironically, many centuries later, the people of the Armenian Plateau would be the first nation in the world to adopt Christianity (301 AD). Perhaps this was partly due to their age-old understanding of nature as something more than just a benevolent force – Christ as the antidote to nature.

Werke aangehaal

Curry, Andrew. “Gobekli Tepe: The World’s First Temple?” Smithsonian Magazine. Smithsonian.com, November 2008. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/gobekli-tepe-the-worlds-first-temple-83613665/.

“Göbekli Tepe.” UNESCO: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. UNESCO World Heritage Center, 2018. https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1572/.

Haughton, Brian. “Gobekli Tepe – the World’s First Temple?” Antieke geskiedenis ensiklopedie. May 04, 2011. https://www.ancient.eu/article/234/.

III, Jones, Ronnie. “Gobekli Tepe.” Antieke geskiedenis ensiklopedie. May 07, 2015. https://www.ancient.eu/Gobekli_Tepe/.

Mark, J. Joshua. “Sumer.” Antieke geskiedenis ensiklopedie. April 28, 2011. https://www.ancient.eu/sumer/.

Kleiner, Fred S. Gardner’s Art Through the Ages: A Global History. 13th ed. Vol. 1. Boston, MA: Thomson Wadsworth, 2009.


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