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Japannese weermag

Japannese weermag

In die 1920's het die Japannese leër vinnig uitgebrei en teen 1937 'n mag van 300 000 man. In teenstelling met die westerse lande geniet dit baie onafhanklikheid van die regering. Trouens, die Japannese administrasies het die ondersteuning van die weermag nodig gehad om te kon oorleef. Die weermag het die aanstelling van die oorlogsminister beheer en in 1936 is 'n wet aanvaar wat bepaal dat slegs 'n dienende beampte die pos kan beklee.

Die Japannese weermag het ook 'n aansienlike invloed op die binnelandse beleid gehad. Dit is in Oktober 1941 versterk toe keiser Hirohito generaal Hideki Tojo as premier aangestel het. Toe Tojo eers aan die bewind was, het hy toestemming gegee vir die aanval op die Amerikaanse vloot in Pearl Harbor.

In 1941 het die Japanse leër 51 afdelings en verskillende spesiale artillerie-, kavalerie-, lugafweer- en gepantserde eenhede. Dit het 1 700 000 man beloop. Die basiese geweer was die Model 38 6,5 mm. Die masjiengeweer was die Model 11 6,5 mm wat 30 rondes gehou het en teen 500 rpm afgevuur het.

Aan die begin van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog was die grootste deel van die Japanse leër in China en Mantsjoerije gestasioneer. In 1942 het hulle egter in die Stille Oseaan -oorlog begin ontplooi. Soldate is gestuur na Hong Kong (23ste weermag), die Filippyne (14de leër), Thailand (15de leër), Birma (15de weermag), Nederlands -Oos -Indië (16de weermag) en Malaya (25ste weermag).

Die Japanse leër het goed gevaar in die vroeë stadiums van die Stille Oseaan -oorlog. Na 1943 het hulle 'n tekort aan voorraad gehad. Dit het 'n gebrek aan gewere, tenks en vliegtuie ingesluit.

Teen 1945 was daar 5,5 miljoen mans in die Japannese weermag. Toe die land aan die einde van die oorlog beset is, is die leër en die instellings wat daarmee gepaard gaan, ontbind en die grondwet van 1947 verbied alle militêre magte in Japan.


Die opkoms van die militariste

Die idee dat uitbreiding deur militêre verowering die ekonomiese probleme van Japan sou oplos, het tydens die Groot Depressie van die dertigerjare munt gekry. Daar word aangevoer dat die vinnige groei van die Japanse bevolking - wat in 1930 op byna 65 miljoen gestaan ​​het - groot voedselinvoer noodsaak. Om hierdie invoer te handhaaf, moes Japan uitvoer. Westerse tariewe het uitvoer beperk, terwyl diskriminerende wetgewing in baie lande en anti-Japannese rassisme as hindernisse vir emigrasie gedien het. Chinese en Japannese pogings om rasse -gelykheid in die Volkebond te verseker, is deur Westerse staatsmanne verwerp. Daar word dus aangevoer dat Japan geen ander hulp kon as om geweld te gebruik nie.


Inhoud

Die Arisaka -geweer is ontwerp deur kolonel Arisaka Nariakira (有 坂 成章 1852–1915), wat later tot luitenant -generaal bevorder is en ook die titel van baron van keiser Meiji ontvang het, in 1907. In die loop van verskillende oorloë was daar verskeie produksielopies en variante gemaak, insluitend die oorgang van die 6.5 mm -tipe 38 -patroon na die groter 7,7 mm -tipe 99, en die bekendstelling van 'n valskermsoldaatgeweer wat in twee groot dele gedemonteer kan word vir operasies in die lug. Toetse op monsters van Arisaka -gewere wat na die oorlog uitgevoer is, het getoon dat hul boute en ontvangers gemaak is van koolstofstaal "soortgelyk aan SAE staal graad 1085 met 'n koolstofinhoud van 0,80% tot 0,90% en 'n mangaaninhoud van 0,60% tot 0,90 %. " [1] Tydens vernietigende toetse is getoon dat die Arisakas sterker was as die M1903 Springfield-, Lee - Enfield- en Mauser -gewere. [2] Die Arisakas was ook een van die enigste gewere van die era wat veelhoekige gewere in sy vate gebruik het, eerder as die meer tradisionele lande en groewe.

Sommige van die vroeë tipe 99 -gewere was toegerus met 'n monopod met opvoubare draad wat bedoel was om die akkuraatheid in die geneigde posisie te verbeter. Die agterste besienswaardighede bevat ook opvoubare horisontale uitbreidings om 'n mate van lood te gee wat geskik is om teen vliegtuie te skiet. Teen die einde van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog word erts-modelle van laasgenoemde in verskillende besparingsfunksies gemaak, met die doel om die keiserlike weermag goedkoop te versterk, byvoorbeeld, die eiervormige bolvormige bout van vorige lopies is vervang deur 'n kleiner en 'n utilitaristiese silindriese vorm, is die handskerm op die loop weggelaat en is vaste vaste visies aangebring.

Die Arisaka bout-aksie diensgeweer is oral in die keiserlike Japannese leër en die keiserlike Japannese vloot gebruik. Voor die Tweede Wêreldoorlog is Arisakas gebruik deur die Britse vloot en die Russiese leër, in Finland en Albanië. Die Tsjeggiese legioene wat tydens die Russiese rewolusie geveg het, was byna geheel en al gewapen met tipe 30's en 38's. Baie gevange Arisaka -gewere was tydens en na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in diens van buurlande, op plekke soos China, Thailand en Kambodja. Na die Japannese oorgawe in die somer van 1945 het die vervaardiging van gewere en ammunisie egter skielik gestaak, en die Arisaka het vinnig uitgedien geraak. Aangesien die meeste keiserlike Japanse wapenrusting -inhoud na die ondertekening van die oorgawe in die hawe van Tokio gegooi is, het ook skaars ammunisie skaars geword. Bykomende 6.5 × 50mmSR -ammunisie is egter in China vervaardig vir gebruik in hul gevange geweer.

Die keiserlike seël, 'n 16-blare-krisant wat bekend staan ​​as die Chrysanthemum-seël, wat in alle amptelike keisergewere op die bokant van die ontvanger gestempel is, is dikwels beskadig deur die oorblywende voorbeelde op te teken, te maal of te stamp. Daar is teenstrydige bewerings dat dit op bevel van die keiserlike Japannese weermag gedoen is voor oorgawe, maar dit word algemeen aanvaar deur die meeste historici dat die keiserlike krisante op die bevel van generaal Douglas MacArthur, die bevelvoerder van die besettingsmagte, afgevuur is. op daardie tydstip. [3] Tot op hede is geen dokumentasie van die Japanse of die Amerikaanse magte gevind wat die besmetting vereis nie. Die meeste Arisakas met oorlewende kentekens is in Japan, maar daar is nog 'n paar voorbeelde wat as oorlogstrofeë voor die oorgawe geneem is, en dié wat deur Chinese magte gevang is. Sommige van die gevange Sino Arisakas is later na die Verenigde State uitgevoer, met voorbeelde, waaronder 'n aantal tipe 38 -karabiene wat herrangskik is en vir die 7,62 × 39mm -ronde herlaai is. Sommige gewere van tipe 38 wat deur die Kuomintang -magte gevang is, is ook omgeskakel om die 7,92 × 57 mm Mauser -ronde af te vuur.

Baie van die Chrysanthemum -seëls is heeltemal afgemaal, maar sommige is bloot met 'n beitel, 'n skrapie beskadig of die nommer "0" is herhaaldelik langs die rande gestempel. Laasgenoemde is gewoonlik gedoen met gewere wat uit die Japanse militêre diens verwyder is (en dus nie meer die eiendom van die keiser nie), insluitend gewere wat aan skole gegee is of aan ander nasies verkoop is, soos die Britse Royal Navy se aankoop van baie tipe 38's in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog om gratis SMLE gewere vir hul landmagte op.

'N Baie klein reeks gewere van tipe 38 is ook vervaardig vir uitvoer na Mexiko in 1910, met die Mexikaanse wapen in plaas van die keiserlike krisant, hoewel min mense aangekom het voor die Mexikaanse rewolusie en die grootste deel in Japan gebly het tot die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, toe hulle is aan die keiserlike Rusland verkoop.

Baie duisende tipe 99's en ander Arisaka -variante is tydens en na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog deur weermag soldate en mariniers as oorlogstrofees na die Verenigde State gebring.

Tik 30 Edit

Eerste geweer uit die Arisaka -reeks. Kamer in 6.5 × 50mmSR Tipe 30. 554.000 gebou.


'N Vraag vir die keiserlike Japanse leër

Die Imperial Japanese Army was volgens die meeste standaarde 'n eersteklas uitrusting. Sy offisiere was so slim en toegewyd soos hulle kom, en die aangewese geledere was gevul met die moeilikste ligte infanterie wat die wêreld nog ooit gesien het. Hulle lyk skaars soos die tipe mense wat kop in 'n debakel sou duik. En tog het hulle dit gedoen.

“Hoe het jy in hierdie gemors beland?”

'N Ewe goeie vraag. Met 'n oorlog wat Japan uiteindelik die Chinese, die Britte (plus die Gemenebest), die VSA en uiteindelik die Sowjette tegelyk aangeneem het, het die Imperial Army (kogun) homself verander in die 1940's -ekwivalent van Sisyphus.

O ja, net soos Sisyphus, was die eerste opdraand teen die heuwel redelik suksesvol, en die aanvanklike Japannese winste nadat Pearl Harbor nog steeds die vermoë gehad het om te verbaas: Malaya, Singapoer, Java, die Filippyne. Maar ons moet eerlik wees: vroeg in 1942 was Japan 'n middelvlak wat die omstandighede toegelaat het om bo sy gewig uit te kom. Baie van die vroeë sukses was te wyte aan die feit dat sy teenstanders so onvoorbereid was (in sommige gevalle) of so afgelei was deur die gevegte in Europa (in ander). Die eerste Japannese offensief het byvoorbeeld die Oos-Indiese Eilande maklik oorskry, en die olieryke eilande was van die grootste pruime in die Stille Oseaan. Ons is egter nie onbarmhartig as ons daarop wys dat die moederland destyds onder Nazi -besetting was nie. Dieselfde met die Britse kolonies. Brittanje was vasbeslote in sy eie lewe en doodstryd met 'n kwaai vyand op die deur, en kon skaars konsentreer op die verdediging van verre plekke soos Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur of Singapoer. Japannese beplanning en voorbereiding was beslis eersteklas, maar hulle het in 'n unieke gunstige situasie gewerk.

Soos almal weet, het die rots egter 'n manier om terug te rol, en toe dit op Japan afrol, rol dit hard af. Vanaf middel 1942 was die Japanse operasionele rekord die definisie van nutteloosheid. Die kogun het van die een nederlaag na die ander gewikkel. Hulle Amerikaanse vyande alleen was in aantal en het dit baie keer geproduseer, en hulle kon die Japannese uit die een verdedigende bastion na die ander ruk. Elke student van die Stille Oseaan -oorlog ken die chronologie: die 1ste Mariene Afdeling wat op Guadalcanal in die Solomon -eilande land in Augustus 1942 die landing van die 2de Mariene Afdeling op Tarawa in November 1943 (die Gilberts) die 4de Mariene Afdeling op Kwajalein in Januarie 1944 ( die Marshalls) meer "stormlandings" op Saipan, Guam en Tinian in Junie 1944 wat die VSA beheer oor die Marianas gegee het.

En so het dit gegaan. As Amerikaanse magte in hierdie oorlog sleg genoeg standpunt wou inneem, moes die Japannese toegee, selfs met soldate wat bereid was om hulself dood te maak eerder as om oor te gee. Omdat hulle magte oor die uitgestrekte Stille Oseaan moes versprei, kon hulle nooit ooreenstem met wat ons die Amerikaanse 'oplewingskapasiteit' sou noem nie - die vermoë om vinnig te konsentreer vir geveg op 'n spesifieke tyd en plek. Amerikaanse beplanners het vaardig gespeel oor die kwesbaarheid van Japan, tientalle eilande omseil en massiewe Japannese magte aan die wingerdstok laat verdwyn. In Februarie 1944 het swaar Amerikaanse lugaanvalle byvoorbeeld die Japannese basis by Truk op die Caroline -eilande stukkend geslaan. Amerikaanse magte het die res van die ketting in wese geïgnoreer, en hulle het dieselfde gedoen met die enorme Japannese basis in Rabaul, wat die eiland New Britain in 'n soort waglose krygsgevangenekamp vir meer as 100,000 Japannese soldate verander het. Ek gaan nie eers in die finale nie: die meganiese Sowjet-offensief in Mantsjoerije in 1945 wat die Japannese Kwantung-leër versnipper het sonder om te sweet, of die Amerikaanse atoombomme op Hiroshima en Nagasaki. Hulle praat vir hulself.

Laat ons eindig waar ons begin het, met die vraag: "Waaraan dink julle?" Dit was 'n oorlog wat Japan 'n baie klein kans gehad het om te wen. My (weliswaar) nie-wetenskaplike skatting stel dit op 10 persent, miskien minder. U kilometers kan wissel.

So, wat het hulle gedink? Ek is 'n historikus, so u vermoed waarskynlik hoe ek hierdie vraag gaan beantwoord. Die sleutel tot die prestasie van Japan in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, miskien selfs die besluit om in die eerste plek so 'n "sinnelose" oorlog te begin, lê in die verlede. Die verre verlede.

Kom ons ry volgende week terug in die tyd. Die jaar is 1853, en die wêreld van Japan het pas ontplof.


Maleisiese People's Anti-Japanese Army

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Maleisiese People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), het guerrilla -beweging oorspronklik ontstaan ​​om die Japannese besetting van Malaya tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog teë te staan. In Desember 1941 het 'n vinnige Japannese inval begin, en binne 10 weke het dit Malaya verower. Britse militêre magte het op hierdie moontlikheid voorberei deur klein Maleisiese guerrillagroepe op te lei. Sodra oorlog 'n werklikheid geword het, het die guerrillas die MPAJA georganiseer. Hierdie leër het hoofsaaklik bestaan ​​uit Chinese kommuniste, met 'n kleiner aantal Kuomintang (nasionalistiese) Chinese en 'n paar Maleiers. As gevolg van die Chinese meerderheid in die weermag, kon die Maleise Kommunistiese Party die guerrillas infiltreer en indoktrineer en beklemtoon dat Malaya na die oorlog kommunisties sou word deur hul pogings.

Omdat die MPAJA die enigste plaaslike weerstand teen die Japannese was, het Groot -Brittanje dit van beamptes en voorrade voorsien. Die weermag het ook voorrade en rekrute van Chinese en Maleiers buite die oerwoud ontvang. Die aantal oerwoudvegters het gestyg van ongeveer 3 000 in 1942 tot 7 000 mans en vroue in 1945. Op Britse advies vermy die MPAJA grootskaalse optrede teen die Japannese, maar na die oorlog het sy kommunisties-geïndoktrineerde lede na vore gekom as helde. Hierdie weermag het 'n kort, onsuksesvolle beslaglegging op politieke mag probeer voordat die Britse weermag teruggekeer het. Die MPAJA het amptelik ontbind toe die meeste van die lede in hul arms na die terugkerende Britse magte draai. Sy leierskap, organisasie en baie van sy wapens het egter ondergronds gebly tot die opstand van die Maleise Kommunistiese Party in 1948.


Japanese weermag - Geskiedenis

Deur Jon Diamond

Namate militarisme in die vroeë dertigerjare in Japan gegroei het, het diensplig op 19 -jarige ouderdom begin, en die kadet van die Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) het diensplig begin doen. Na harde en streng opleiding met ander kadette uit sy geografiese distrik op die tuiseilande, is die nuwe soldaat aangewys in 'n spesifieke klasranglys, afhanklik van sy vermoëns. Beamptes en onderoffisiere (NCO's) het begin om die Japannese veg-élan in hul dienspligtiges te indoktrineer deur middel van noue gevegsopleiding, met 'n buitengewone hoeveelheid tyd bestee aan bajonetgevegte en hand-tot-hand-gevegte. Opleidingseenhede het selde gekombineerde wapenoperasies uitgevoer, aangesien die militêre besluit was dat infanterie beslis sou wen deur met die vyand met bajonetaanvalle af te sluit. Bo alles sou die nuwe IJA -infanterist deurdrenk wees van 'n kombinasie van gehoorsaamheid aan die keiser en 'n morele wese om streng te hou by die bevele van 'n meerdere en die krygswet, Bushido, terwyl hy weier om homself en sy gesin in die skande te gee deur aan die vyand oor te gee. Die Japannese soldaat was dus bekend om sy minagting van die dood. Bushido het aansienlik bygedra tot die hoogste offer van 'n soldaat, wat die eienskappe van eer, moed en morele suiwerheid getoon het. Sy persoonlike infanteriewapen, die Arisaka -geweer, sou hom die middele gee om hierdie eienskappe te toon.

Wapens vir die Japannese manier van oorlog

Daar is baie geskryf dat die Japannese infanteriewapens van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog swak ontwerp en vervaardig en ondoeltreffend was in die geveg. Gedurende die dertigerjare het die Japannese hoë bevel valslik geglo dat 'n leër wat op die Bushido-kode gebaseer is, nie deur die onvoldoende nywerheidsbasis van Japan belemmer sou word nie, want dit vereis nie die nuutste meganisasie of 'n omslagtige logistieke stert nie. 'N Afhanklikheid van materiële goedere, wat 'n uitgebreide toevoernetwerk vereis, word deur die oorheersende magte binne die Japannese hoë bevel beskou as 'n moderne euwel wat die veggees van die IJA kan vernietig.

Die hoë kommando van die IJA het deurgaans weerstand gebied teen die modernisering van wapens, uit vrees dat dit die infanterie sou laat vaar van die tradisie van hand-tot-hand-geveg om die deurslaggewende oorwinning te behaal. Die algemene personeel het dus die ontwerp van die infanteristiese wapens goedgekeur op grond van gevegte in die nabye orde, waar hy geprogrammeer is om altyd vooruit te gaan, om die vyand senuweeagtig en buite balans te hou.

Ter illustrasie, die oprukkende infanteriste, nadat hulle die Salweenrivier vroeg in 1942 in Birma oorgesteek het, snags in die suiwerste krygsstyl aangeval, dit wil sê met vaste bajonette en gelaaide gewere, in 'n poging om die vyand te intimideer. Die oënskynlike besluit van die IJA-hoofkommando om voort te gaan met die aanbeveling van die Arisaka-reeks geweerboute, was in werklikheid nie anders as in ander strydende lande wat die Duitse en Britse leërs hul ouer Mauser Gewehr 98 en Short Magazine Lee-Enfield (SMLE) geweer gebruik het nie. ontwerpe, onderskeidelik, gedurende die oorlog. Uiteindelik was die Japannese gewere robuust en betroubaar en het onder die meeste omstandighede die bewondering van die Japannese infanteris verdien.

Die Japannese leër het 'n skraal, infanterie-swaar mag opgebou wat ontwerp was om 'n vroeë oorwinning te behaal deur vinnig te vorder, deur te dring of te flankeer as dit moontlik was en die superieure Japanse krygsgees te vertrou om die vyand vinnig te oorwin. As bewys van hierdie militêre voorskrif het die Japanse wapenvervaardigers nooit 'n semi -outomatiese geweer ontwikkel wat by die Amerikaanse M1 Garand pas nie, en hulle of die IJA het ook nie masjiengewere in hoë waarde gehou nie. Ligte artillerie was handig om die vyand se koppe neer te hou, maar dit is onwaarskynlik dat dit in die oerwoudlokasies van Malaya, die Filippyne, Birma en Nieu -Guinee sal doodmaak.

In Europa oorheers artillerie en outomatiese vuur die slagveld. In die oerwoud het skerpskoot saak gemaak. 'N Koei sonder skade sou waarskynlik net plantegroei beskadig. Onder die kortafstand-wapens was die ligte masjiengeweer en granaat die hoogste waarde, maar op langer afstande is elke Japannese infanterist geïndoktrineer in die gebruik en onderhoud van sy geweer. Uiteindelik kan 'n Japannese soldaat altyd staatmaak daarop om sy vyand te stuur met 'n swaardbajonet wat aan sy Arisaka -geweer geheg is.

Volgens historikus Michael Haskew, “het die Keiserlike Japanse leër twee prominente bout-gewere tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, die Arisaka [Meiji] Type 38 en Type 99. Dit is geïdentifiseer volgens die 38ste jaar van die Meiji-periode en die jaar 2099 van die Japannese kalender, onderskeidelik. Kolonel Nariakira Arisaka [wat in 1915 oorlede is] was aan die hoof van die kommissie om moderne skouerarms vir die Japannese weermag te ontwikkel, en albei gewere staan ​​algemeen bekend as Arisakas. ”

Die Arisaka tipe 38

Nadat hulle in 1894 met die Chinese geveg het, het die Japannese ontdek dat hul gewere merkbaar minderwaardig was as die vyand se Mannlicher Gewehr 88. Kolonel Arisaka het die tipe 38 -geweer in die laat 1890's ontwerp om as plaasvervanger vir die verouderde en duur Murata -geweer te dien. Die Arisaka Type 38 6.5mm (1905) was aan die Japannese soldaat bekend as die sanpachiju en was 'n wapen met vyf skote wat 'n interne doosmagasyn gebruik het wat met 6.5mm patrone gelaai was, via messing- of staalstrokkers. Dit het 'n boutwerkstelsel wat deur Mauser gepatenteer is. Dit was 'n betroubare wapen met 'n gewig van nege pond (relatief lig), relatief lig vir sy lengte van meer as 50 voet, wat langer was as die toekomstige M-1 Garand of Model 1903 Springfield-geweer wat deur American gebruik is. infanterie.

Die Arisaka Type 38 -geweer het 'n buitengewoon lang loop om aanvaarbare akkuraatheid te verkry, en op 31,4 duim het dit min terugslag opgelewer. Die produksie daarvan dateer uit die Russies-Japannese oorlog in 1905, en dit word voortdurend vervaardig tot 1945, waartydens meer as drie miljoen gemaak is. Soos baie ander strydlustiges het die Japannese dus gewere gebruik wat voorheen tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog gebruik is.

Die Arisaka -geweer tipe 99 was 'n algemene gesig tydens die gevegte in die Stille Oseaan in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

Alhoewel 'n stewige wapen, net meer as 50 duim, was die Arisaka Type 38 6.5mm (1905) geweer 'n bietjie te lank vir die tipiese hoogte van 'n Japannese infanterist. Trouens, baie mense het gesukkel om die bout te bereik toe die boude by die skouer in 'n vuurposisie was, wat dit vir die klein Japannese soldaat moeilik maak om te mik en vinnig in die oerwoud te skiet. Alhoewel dit 'n gewig van 9 kilo het, sou hierdie gewig, benewens sy lengte, die wapen ietwat ongeskik maak in die oerwoudomstandighede. Vanweë die akkuraatheid en die straf- en inkom- en uitgangwonde wat die tuimelende 6,5 mm-koeël tydens sy vlug sou oplewer, is dit egter goed geag vir nabye oorde in die oerwoud. Die Arisaka Type 38 6,5 mm -geweer is ook gemaak in 'n kort weergawe met 'n totale lengte van 44,5 duim en 'n gewig van minder as 8,5 pond. Sommige van hierdie tipe 38 -kortbroek is veral aan die infanterie uitgereik, veral later in die oorlog, maar die meeste gaan na soldate wat wapens en logistieke dienste ondersteun. Dit was ook gewild vir oerwoudgevegte, hoofsaaklik vanweë die korter totale lengte.

Tipe 44 karabyn

Die Japannese kavallerie het 'n meer praktiese karabyn nodig gehad na die Russies-Japannese oorlog in 1905. Die een is vinnig ontwerp met identiese spesifikasies as die langer Arisaka Type 38 6.5mm geweer, maar dit was slegs 38.25 duim lank en weeg 8,8 pond. Alhoewel die kavallerie hierdie wysiging begin gebruik het, was die behoefte aan 'n spesifieke wapen vir berede troepe gou duidelik. So is 'n Arisaka Type 44 (1911) kavallerie-bout-aksie-karabyn vervaardig, wat die 6,5 mm-patroon afgevuur het. Dit was eintlik dieselfde as die vroeëre tipe 38 -karabynmodel, behalwe dat dit 'n voubajonet het wat permanent aan die wapen geheg was sodat die kavalleris dit kon regmaak terwyl dit gemonteer was. Dit het dieselfde totale lengte van net meer as 38 duim en 'n gewig van net meer as 8,8 pond,
maar nou hoef die kavalleris nie meer te ry met sy bajonet aan sy gordel vasgemaak nie. Die grootste nadeel was die oormatige spuitgewig, wat dit moeilik maak om te mik en sodoende die akkuraatheid van die wapen verminder.

As gevolg van sy meer kompakte ontwerp, was die Arisaka Type 44 (1911) kavallerie-bout-aksie-karabyn die gewapende wapen vir troepe wat bestem was vir die oerwoud, 'n plek waar skiet op lang afstand nie meer nodig was nie en die korter lengte dit makliker gemaak het om hanteer. Hoë vervaardigingskoste het die produksie van hierdie geweer in 1942 beëindig.

Die Arisaka as 'n skutgeweer

Vir sniping is 'n 2.5x Tokia -teleskopiese omvang aan die linkerkant van die ontvanger agter die tydskrifbreuk op die Type 38 -geweer gemonteer. Dit is in 1937 ontwikkel, en dit word die tipe 97 -skerpskuttersgeweer genoem en 'n kleiner patroon van 6,5 mm gebruik. Die prestasie van hierdie geweer vir skerpskiet oor die langafstand het egter te wense oorgelaat. Dit was die resultaat van 'n ontwikkelingsprogram wat oor 10 jaar strek en in wese slegs 'n Arisaka Type 38 -geweer met 'n ekstra teleskopiese gesig vervaardig het. Die sig was so laag bo die aksie gemonteer dat die bouthefboom verleng en afwaarts gekantel moes word, terwyl die sig na links verskuif is sodat die skieter nog steeds die bout kon gebruik en die ammunisie -laaier kon gebruik.

Met die verminderde prestasie van die tipe 97 as skutwapen, het die Japannese infanteriesniperleer aangepas by die tekortkominge van die wapen en gefokus op sy skerpskutters wat kamoeflering en verberging perfek maak. Die tipe 97-skerpskuttersgeweer se lae snuitflits en rooklose dryfmiddel was effektief in die middelafstand-sluipskutteraksie waar afvuurposisies minder opvallend sou wees. 'N Skerpskutterweergawe van die Arisaka Type 99 7,7 mm -geweer is in 1942 uitgereik en het 'n 2.5x of 4x Tokia -teleskoop, maar hierdie geweer het nie sy eie benaming nie.

Die Type 99 is die Type 44 -kavalleriekarabyn, 'n variant van die Arisaka -geweer vir kavalerie, wat toegerus was met 'n opvoubare bajonet.

Die 7,7 mm tipe 99

Tydens die konflik met China is ook opgemerk dat die tipe 38 -geweer en sy 6,5 mm -ammunisie nie meer voldoende was nie. Gevegservaring op die Asiatiese vasteland gedurende die dertigerjare het bepaal dat 'n infanteriegeweer van hoër kaliber nodig was. Die swaarder 7,92 mm Duitse ammunisie wat sommige Chinese soldate gebruik het, was meer effektief as die Japannese standaard van 6,5 mm. Vanuit 'n pragmatiese ballistiese oogpunt het die 6,5 mm Arisaka-geweer nie dieselfde reikafstand of stopkrag as die Britse 0,303-duim- of Amerikaanse 0,30-duim-rondes nie. Die besluit om die standaardronde van die 6,5 mm halfraamwerk na 'n meer kragtige 7,7 mm randlose patroon te verander, het dus die produksie van 'n nuwe geweer genoodsaak. Aanvanklik was die Japannese industrie nie in staat om 'n wapen te vervaardig wat die skok van die swaarder 7,7 mm -ronde kon afweer nie, maar na 'n paar verskillende ontwerpproewe het die weermag 'n nuwe 7,7 mm -patroon en 'n geweer met 'n sterker terugslag aangeneem, maar was dieselfde doeltreffend met sy patrone as die gewere wat deur Chinese magte afgevuur is.

Die nuwe geweer, met die naam Arisaka Type 99 7,7 mm geweer, is aanvanklik in 1938 in twee lengtes vervaardig. Die vorige prototipe het 'n effens langer vat gehad en was swaarder. 'N Tweede prototipe -ontwerp vir 'n geweer om die nuwe 7,7 mm -patroon te gebruik, is in 1939 voltooi. Hierdie model was korter (44 duim) en ligter (8,25 pond) as die Arisaka Type 38. Die tipe 99 -ontwerp is uiteindelik aanvaar vir wydverspreide gebruik. Die langer geweer was vir infanterie en die korter vir kavallerie, ingenieurs en ander spesiale troepe. Daar is egter slegs 'n paar duisend langer tipe 99 -gewere vervaardig, en teen 1940 is besluit om slegs die korter geweer aan alle troepe uit te reik, alhoewel die langer model in diens bly.

Behalwe dat dit met 'n vorentoe-vou monopod toegerus was, was die tipe 99 in konstruksie en werking identies aan die Type 38 Arisaka-geweer. Omdat die tipe 99 en die ouer tipe 38 -gewere gelyktydig gebruik is, moes hierdie ingewikkelde logistiek omdat kwartiermeesters nou twee verskillende soorte ammunisie vir byna identiese wapens versprei. Die tipe 99-geweer het 'n verchroomde boring om die lewensduur van die vate te verleng, die strenger klimaat van die trope te weerstaan ​​en die skoonmaak te vergemaklik.

'N Variant van die 7,7 mm -geweer Arisaka Type 99 was toegerus met 'n tweevoet sowel as 'n lugafsig om op aanvallende vliegtuie uit loopgrawe te skiet, hoewel laasgenoemde hoofsaaklik 'n moraalversterker was, aangesien dit onwaarskynlik was dat 'n spoedige vliegtuig uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog sou afneem . Teen 1943, toe die oorlog swak verloop en tuisfabrieke 'n tekort aan grondstowwe ondervind, is 'n hersiene tipe 99 in produksie. Hierdie weergawe het 'n laer graad staal in die loop, en 'n paar verskillende items, soos 'n skuifboutdeksel en 'n slinger, is verwyder. 'N Karabynmodel van die Arisaka Type 99 is ook vervaardig, maar hierdie spesifieke wapen het te veel terugslag gehad.

Die lang lengte van die Arisaka -geweer was 'n probleem vir Japannese infanteriste wat in beperkte ruimtes geveg het, en op hierdie foto is die relatiewe lengte van die geweer tot die hoogte van die soldaat wat dit gedra het, duidelik sigbaar. Hierdie troepe jaag deur die strate van Sjanghai tydens gevegte in Oktober 1937.

Granate en ammunisie vir die Arisaka

Beide die Arisaka Type 38 6.5mm en Type 99 7.7mm gewere kan as granaatwerpers gebruik word. Daar was basies twee soorte granaatwerpers, een wat die beker genoem word en die ander die spigot. Beide kan aan die tipe 38 of tipe 99 gekoppel word, en hulle is sterk beïnvloed deur Westerse ontwerpe, veral dié van die Verenigde State en Duitsland. Japannese granate is dikwels aan vinde -adapters geheg om stabiliteit tydens die vlug te verseker. Die Japannese infanteris was nog steeds die voorstander van die nie-geweer-gebaseerde 50 mm-tipe 89-granaatontlader, wat in 1929 in gebruik geneem is en die verkeerde benaming "kniemortel" gekry het vanweë die geboë basisplaat. Die tipe 89 -granaatontlader kan 'n granaat veel verder stuur as 'n soldaat wat dit gooi of dit van sy Arisaka -geweer afskiet.

Japanse troepe, toegerus met hul Arisaka -gewere, spring uit die veiligheid van 'n sloot en vorder teen Britse posisies.

Ammunisie vir albei Arisaka -gewere is in kartondose of -sakkies gebêre. Dit bevat drie koper- of staalknipsels van vyf rondes van 6,5 of 7,7 mm, duidelik aangetoon op die buitenste etikette van die bokse. Ammunisietipes was bal-, spoorsny- of wapenrusting, elke kleur gekodeer.

The Bayonet: A Japanese Infantryman ’s “ Officer ’s Sword ”

Japannese infanteriste het hulself beskou as moderne ashigaru, of liggewapende boerkrygers. Vir hulle het die Japannese leerstelling beklemtoon dat die bajonet die belangrikste wapen van die soldaat is. Dit was 20 sentimeter lank en is byna altyd vasgemaak eerder as gedra, aangesien die gewig daarvan gehelp het om die langvat Arisaka Type 38-geweer te balanseer. Japannese infanteriste was so groot gelowiges in die waarde van die bajonet dat selfs lichte masjiengeweerders hul bajonette in die geveg laat regmaak het, selfs as hulle nie daadwerklik hand-tot-hand geveg het nie.

Die bajonet, of juken, wat vervaardig is om by die ontwikkelende Arisaka -geweer aan die einde van die 19de eeu te pas, is die Meiji 30 (1897) infanterie -bajonet aangewys. Die bajonet was net so belangrik vir die infanteris as die swaard vir die samoerai -kryger. Elke soldaat het een ontvang, ongeag of hy 'n geweer gebruik het. Vir die nederige privaat was sy bajonet sy eie 'offisiers swaard'.

Die Japannese bajonet is nooit tydens die Stille Oseaan -konflik verkort nie, terwyl die Britte byvoorbeeld hul swaardbajonet laat vaar het. Die bajonet het 20 sentimeter lank gebly tot 1945. Die ontwerp en kwaliteit van die bajonet het vanaf 1943 versleg. Alhoewel die amptelike benaming Tipe 30 was, was daar baie variasies in die ontwerp, veral as gevolg van laer vervaardigingskoste. Die infanteris
verwys ook na sy bajonet as sy gonbo-ken of klitswaard omdat dit soortgelyk lyk aan die blaarargitektuur van die plant met die naam. Die blare kan tot 500 mm groot word, en hul afneembare voorkoms is soortgelyk aan 'n swaard.

Die klassieke swaardbajonet wat die Arisaka Type 99 -geweer toegerus het, word maklik geïdentifiseer deur die uitgesproke haak van sy wag.

Japannese infanteriste is gereeld en streng onderrig gegee in die gebruik van die bajonet op 'n Arisaka -geweer. Die bajonet is vasgemaak met 'n kruisbeskermingslus en 'n sluitstok, albei op die houer van die tipe 30. Om weerkaatsing te voorkom, was lemme gereeld bedek met modder voor gevegsoperasies, hoewel baie Amerikaanse veterane uit die Stille Oseaan -oorlog berig het dat hulle flits die bajonetstaal tydens 'n banzai -lading.

Ongelukkig was die brutaliteit en wreedheid van sommige Japannese soldate duidelik toe vyande gewond of gevangenes aan bome vasgemaak is vir bajonetoefening. Hierdie gruweldaad is in China en Malaya geverifieer.

Meer as 10 miljoen Arisakas vervaardig

Daar word beraam dat meer as 10 miljoen Arisaka -gewere gedurende ongeveer 40 jaar van produksie vervaardig is. 'N Krismis van 16 blare op die loop dui aan dat die geweer die eiendom van die keiser is. As 'n geweer verkoop, ontgrawe of oorgegee word, is die krisant gewoonlik afgemaal.

Beide tipes Arisaka -gewere wat voor en tydens die oorlog gemaak is, was van goeie gehalte. Hulle was so betroubaar en robuust soos enige geweerskootgeweer met vyf skote wat deur die Westerse eweknieë van Japan gebruik is. Gedurende die laaste jare van die Stille Oseaan -oorlog het die algehele kwaliteit van die wapens versleg weens 'n gebrek aan kwaliteit materiaal en bomaanvalle op die tuiseilande wat die produksie van die fabriek ongeskik maak. Aangesien daar nooit genoeg getalle van die tipe 99 -geweer vervaardig is nie, het die tipe 38 tot 1945 in diens gebly.

Kommentaar

Ek het 'n 6.5 Arisaka Rifle. Ek het nie stripper clips nodig om dit te laai nie. Dit laai soos 'n gewone geweer. Hoekom is dit?? Myron Mokris

Hoe of waar kan ek die werklike waarde van my arasaki 44inch -geweer met Bayonet uitvind?


Japanese weermag - Geskiedenis

442ste Regimentele Gevegspan. Kamp Shelby, Mississippi. Junie 1943. Met vergunning van die Amerikaanse Oorlogsdepartement. Members of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, playing "galloping dominoes" upon the bed of a GI truck. Camp Shelby, Mississippi. June 1943. Courtesy of the United States War Department.

"Go For Broke" was the motto of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, an Army unit comprised of Japanese Americans from Hawaii and the mainland United States. The motto was derived from a gambler's slang used in Hawaii to "go for broke," which meant that the player was risking it all in one effort to win big. 1 The player would put everything on the line.

It was an apt motto for the soldiers of the 442nd. As Nisei, or second-generation Japanese Americans, and American-born sons of Japanese immigrants during World War II, they needed to put everything on the line to "win big." For these Nisei, they were fighting to win two wars: the war against the Germans in Europe and the war against racial prejudice in America.

The Japanese represented the largest ethnic group in the small island community of Hawaii. When Pearl Harbor was attacked, the Nisei, like everyone else on the islands, responded to the emergency. They pitched in with other locals to aid the wounded, sort through the rubble, give blood, and bury the dead. Members of the Hawaii Territorial Guard, the Nisei cadets in the University of Hawaii's Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC), stood watch over Iolani Palace, Hawaii's government center, and utility installations. 2

But on January 19, 1942, the Army disbanded the Hawaii Territorial Guard - only to reform the unit the following day without the Nisei. By the end of March, all Japanese American men of draft age were redesignated as "IV-C" or "enemy aliens." As enemy aliens, they could not enlist in the armed forces.

The Nisei cadets felt deep despair when confronted with such racism. But community leaders convinced the demoralized students to persevere. The students then petitioned the military governor: "Hawaii is our home the United States is our country. We know but one loyalty and that is to the Stars and Stripes. We wish to do our part as loyal Americans in every way possible, and we hereby offer ourselves for whatever service you may see fit to use us." 3

The students gave up their books and their chance for the education that would afford them opportunities beyond their plantation and construction jobs. Instead, they became the "Varsity Victory Volunteers," or "Triple V" - a manual labor support group for the US Army. They picked up shovels and hammers. Under the supervision of the US Army Corps of Engineers, they built barracks, dug ditches, quarried rock and surfaced roads from January to December 1942.

Their dedication and willingness to serve their country in whatever way possible made a significant impression on military officials. The Varsity Victory Volunteers finally got their chance to fight. On January 28, 1943, the War Department announced that it was forming an all-Nisei combat team and called for 1,500 volunteers from Hawaii. An overwhelming 10,000 men volunteered, including many men from the VVV. 4

On the mainland, the reception was much less enthusiastic. The War Department set a goal of 3,000 recruits, and came away with just 1,182. 5 The difference clearly stemmed from the drastically different treatment faced by mainland Japanese Americans, who were subject to intense fear and suspicion in their everyday lives.

Immediately after the attack on Pearl Harbor, officials began plans to "evacuate" the Japanese American community. Any thoughts of moving the more than 150,000 Japanese Americans in the Hawaiian Islands were quickly abandoned given the logistics and the economics of a territory heavily reliant on the Japanese community, which made up nearly 40% of the population there. But on the mainland, the "relocation" of the Japanese American community was quickly becoming a reality.

On February 19, 1942, President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which laid the groundwork for the mass relocation of more than 110,000 persons of Japanese ancestry to remote "camps." As early as February 25, officials began moving families away from military areas along the West Coast, beginning with Bainbridge Island in Puget Sound, Washington, and then Terminal Island in Los Angeles Harbor. Whole families were incarcerated in crowded, tar paper barracks, in the desolate wind-swept desert.

Yet even from behind the barbed wire, and despite the fact that many of their own rights had been taken away, some 1,100 American-born Japanese men volunteered to fight for their homeland, America.

On February 1, 1943, President Roosevelt activated the 442nd RCT. Hawaii-born Nisei made up about two-thirds of the regiment. The remaining one-third were Nisei from the mainland. The islanders were nicknamed "Buddhaheads." While some theorized the nickname stemmed from "buta," the Japanese word for pig, others claimed it was a reference to Buddhist monks who shaved their heads. The mainlanders were "Katonks" (or "Kotonks"), which for some represented the hollow sound their heads made when they hit the floor in a fistfight. In April 1943, the Buddhaheads and the Katonks arrived for training at Camp Shelby, Mississippi. Immediately, the two groups clashed with each other.

The Buddhaheads thought the mainlanders were sullen and unfriendly. The Katonks found the islanders to be impulsive and crude. While the Katonks spoke formal, standard English, the Buddhaheads spoke Pidgin, or Hawaiian vernacular, a mixture of Hawaiian, Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese and English.

Money was another source of division between the groups. The Buddhaheads gambled heavily and spent freely using the cash sent by their parents who still worked in Hawaii. They thought the Katonks were cheap, because they were less liberal with their money. They didn't realize that many of them sent most of their meager Army pay to their families imprisoned in the incarceration centers. The Katonks hardly discussed their families' situation.

Misunderstandings, often fueled by alcohol, turned into fistfights. The friction between the two groups was so extreme that the military high command considered disbanding the 442nd. They doubted whether the men could ever fight as a unit.

To solve the problem, the Army decided to send a group of Buddhaheads to visit the incarceration centers in nearby Arkansas. The men thought Jerome and Rowher were little towns with Japanese families. But when the trucks rolled past the barbed wire fence, past the guard towers armed with machine guns pointed at the center residents, past the tar paper barracks where whole families crowded in small compartments with no privacy, the Buddhaheads finally understood. Word of the "camps" spread quickly, and the Buddhaheads gained a whole new respect for the Katonks. Immediately, the men in the 442nd became united, like a tightly clenched fist. 6

E Company, 2nd Battalion of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, in formation. Camp Shelby, Mississippi. May 13, 1943. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration. Members of the 442nd Regimental Combat Team training at Camp Shelby, Mississippi. 1943. Courtesy of the United States Army Signal Corps.

From May 1943 through February 1944 the men trained for combat. During training, many would be sent as replacements for the 100th Infantry Battalion (Separate) fighting in Europe. The men excelled at maneuvers and learned to operate as a team. In April the regiment packed up, and on April 22, 1944, the men left Camp Shelby for their first overseas assignment in Europe.

The 442nd Regimental Combat Team included the 522nd Field Artillery Battalion, 232nd Combat Engineer Company, 206th Army Ground Force Band, Antitank Company, Cannon Company, Service Company, medical detachment, headquarters companies, and three infantry battalions. The 1st Infantry Battalion remained in the States to train new recruits. The 2nd and 3rd Battalions would join the legendary 100th Battalion, which was already fighting in Italy. The 100th would in essence become the new 1st Battalion of the 442nd RCT. However, it was allowed to keep the "100th Battalion" name in recognition of its unparalleled combat record.

Goichi Suehiro, Co. F, 2nd Battalion, 442ndRCT, in the Vosges area of France. Autumn 1944. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration. The Color Guard of the 442nd RCT stands at attention while citations are read following the fierce fighting in the Vosges area of France. November 12, 1944. Courtesy of the United States Army Signal Corps.

The 442nd Regimental Combat Team was the most decorated unit for its size and length of service, in the entire history of the US Military. In total, about 18,000 men served, ultimately earning 9,486 Purple Hearts, 21 Medals of Honor and an unprecedented seven Presidential Unit Citations.

Voetnote

1 See the 442nd RCT unit history by Orville C. Shirey, Americans: The Story of the 442nd Combat Team (Washington, DC: Infantry Journal Press, 1946).

2 The HTG was formed in October 1941. "War is Declared," 100th Infantry Battalion Veterans Education Center, accessed on February 2, 2015, http://www.100thbattalion.org/history/battalion-history/war-is-declared/. See also Lyn Crost, Honor by Fire: Japanese Americans at War in Europe and the Pacific (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1997), p. 10.

4 "Timeline," 100th Infantry Battalion Veterans Education Center, accessed January 29, 2015, http://www.100thbattalion.org/learn/timeline/

6 Louise Chipley Slavicek, Asian Americans of Achievement: Daniel Inouye (New York: Infobase Publishing, 2007), p. 64.

ORAL HISTORY CLIPS

Please place this oral history clip next to the paragraph that begins To solve the problem, the Army decided to send a group of Buddhaheads to visit the incarceration centers in nearby Arkansas. PLEASE EDIT OUT THE SECTION IN RED, IF POSSIBLE.

137 Daniel Inouye
Starts on Tape Two, between 2 and 4 minute marks
DANIEL INOUYE:
Oh, that was an unusual thing because when we arrived in Mississippi in Camp Shelby, here were two major groups from Hawaii and from the mainland. And within five minutes, you could tell whether that person came from the mainland or that person came from Hawaii. For one thing, we were darker of complexion, and our Japanese and English must have sounded like gibberish to our mainland cousins, because we spoke a unique brand of pidgin, a mixture of English, Portuguese, Hawaiian, Chinese, Japanese, and God knows what else. And on the other hand, the mainland men were rather gentle, fair of skin, spoke the King's language with precision, most of them. And oftentimes they'd be listening into our conversations and they would smile or snicker. And the men from Hawaii resented that, and that, believe it or not, became a major cause of concern.

As a result of this type of misunderstanding, fights became commonplace throughout the whole regiment, to a point where the senior officers of the regiment at one time considered disbanding the regiment. Most people don't know this, but we nearly got disbanded and scattered all over the United States. And so the leadership tried all---they tried everything: discussion groups, social hours, and nothing worked, not with young men like that. Finally, somebody must have had a bright idea. I don't know who it is, but that person really deserves the best medal that we can ever give out, because what happened, all of a sudden each company in the regiment began receiving invitations from Jerome and Rohwer, Arkansas.

edit this out if possible

INTERVIEWER:
You know, Senator, I'm going to stop you right now. Are we changing tapes?

CREW MEMBER:
No, we've changed tapes.

INTERVIEWER:
Oh, you did? Oh, Okay. I'm sorry, go ahead. Continue.

INOUYE:
And we had no idea what Jerome and Rohwer, Arkansas meant, because the invitation did not speak of a camp. And so we thought that this was a Japanese community in Arkansas, and just by coincidence, each company had to select 10 men. The company commander would select 10. And by coincidence, all 10 were men from Hawaii. None from the mainland, at least not in my company. I was a corporal then, and I found myself one of the fortunate ones to be selected as an invitee. And so, the night before we really gussied up. Next morning we had our uniforms were all creased and clean, and all shaven and smelling nice. Haircuts. To spend a lovely weekend hoping to meet the young lovely mainland damsels.

So here we are with our ukuleles and guitars, if you can picture that, quite a riot. And we're singing all the way from Mississippi to Arkansas. Until we---I recall turning the bend and looking out, you could see in the flat land, in the valley, rows of buildings. And we thought, wow, here's a military camp because it looks just like our camp. Wooden barracks. And this one had a tall fence around, barbed wire fence. And unlike our area, there were machine gun towers at certain intervals. And you could see somebody up there handling a gun. But when we got closer and we turned into it, then we began to realize what was happening.

The men who were manning the guns were Caucasian men. They were military people. At that time, the military was in charge, the Army. They had rifles with bayonets, and here we were with ukuleles, you know. We didn't bring our guns. And we were told to get off the cars, and thank God they didn't search us because if they had searched us, I think we would have resented that.

But then we trooped in into the camp, and there you could see men and women and children of Japanese ancestry. And we realized we were in a camp of some sort, a prison camp or something like that, because why else would they have these machine gun towers. It didn't take long to realize what had happened. And then we realized that the people there had set aside one week's ration of food so that they could give us a party. They had an orchestra and all of that. We tried our best to be happy, but how can you be happy in those circumstances? They had set aside several of their barracks so that we could spend the evening there, and the occupants would camp in with other families or in the mess hall. And we said, "No, we can't do that." So we slept in the trucks and in the mess hall and outdoors.

But then when we left there and went back to Mississippi, obviously the mood on the trucks were different. In my truck, for example, no one sang. In fact, there was no conversation. If you can imagine a truck full of GIs leaving an area like this and not a word said. Not a word. Just quiet. Every man, eyes closed or looking out in the open, thinking, whatever it is, to himself. And I believe that what was running through the minds of most, if not all, was a question: would I have volunteered from that camp?

Now that's a very important and profound question. Now we in Hawaii had a pretty good life. We were not sent to camps. Yes, the priests and some of the teachers went, but the rest of us, we carried on in our work as usual, went to school and the teachers were good to us. We had our senior proms, but they were not in the evening. So life was business as usual. But then when this came upon us, that question was a very important one, and immediately our assessment and estimate of our mainland cousins suddenly changed. In our eyes, they were heroes, that they would take that step, in spite of this incarceration, to stand up and defend the country that did that to them.

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The Suprising Story of Japan’s B-17 Fleet

Two captured Boeing B-17Es fly past Mount Fuji, led by a B-17D.

Courtesy of Robert C. Mikesh

The Japanese rebuilt and tested three captured B-17s, but for the most part were unable to capitalize on the secrets the bombers revealed

In late May 1945, U.S. Army Air Forces intelligence officers were intrigued by the results of a photoreconnaissance sweep over an airfield near Tokyo. Clearly visible in photos of Tachikawa, home base for Japan’s Army Aviation Technical Research Institute, was what seemed to be a new type of Japanese four-engine bomber or transport.

The Tachikawa photos raised a fair number of eyebrows—especially considering that Japan’s aircraft industry was then taking a fearful pounding from B-29 Superfortresses, seriously curtailing production. Analysts reckoned the airplane’s wingspan was about 104 feet, which led to its being code-named “Tachikawa Field 104.” As weeks passed, however, no new information came to light about the mystery plane. None of the American analysts who saw the images suspected the truth—that it was actually one of their own aircraft, a Boeing B-17E Flying Fortress.

By noon on the first day of the war, some three and a half years earlier, most of America’s strategic air power in the southwest Pacific had lain in smoking ruins at Clark Field in the Philippines. In October 1941, 35 B-17Ds of the 19th Bombardment Group, fresh from the factory only a few months earlier, had reached Clark Field. Two squadrons were deployed to Del Monte Field on Mindanao, 600 miles south of Clark, and thus escaped the initial devastation, which took place a few hours after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.

Of the 17 Forts at Clark, not one remained flyable after the attack, and most had been reduced to rubble. By scavenging—taking a wing here, a tail there and undamaged engines from elsewhere—resourceful GI mechanics managed to piece together three more or less complete aircraft in the attack’s aftermath. But their valiant efforts were largely in vain, since the Japanese continued their air assault, which was soon followed by troop landings to the north at Lingayen.

By December 10, only 18 B-17s were left in the entire 19th Group, and of those just 12 remained operational. The surviving bombers were ordered south to Australia. Orders were issued for all the unflyable aircraft left at Clark to be destroyed, and on December 26, the field was abandoned to the advancing enemy.


Japanese officials examine the remains of a B-17D at Clark Field in the Philippines. (Nasionale Argief)

In the wake of the Japanese occupation, a team of experts arrived from the Giken, the Army Aviation Technical Research Institute, hoping to find clues about the latest American equipment. As they set about surveying the wreckage and collecting fragments of planes and weapons, their attention centered on the Flying Fortress. Pictures of the latest model, the B-17E, had already appeared in Japanese publications as early as the previous August (about the same time the American public first saw them). No B-17Es were found at Clark, but the Japanese did make some valuable discoveries, including the turbosuperchargers on the wrecked B-17Ds. In the end, they began collecting all the salvageable parts they could find, in hopes of doing just what the American mechanics had done: put together a flyable B-17.

Their efforts paid off later in 1942, when a pieced-together Fort roared down Clark’s runway and rose majestically into the air, headed for Japan. A special aircrew had been sent from the Home Islands for this important mission. Although the bomber still carried its U.S. serial number, 40-3095, the Army Air Forces insignia had been painted over with the Rising Sun emblem to identify its new owners.


Pieced together from wreckage recovered at Clark Field, a Japanese B-17D takes off on a test hop prior to making a trip to the Home Islands. (Courtesy of Robert C. Mikesh)

In March 1942, the last U.S. bomber escaped from Java ahead of the Japanese onslaught. The Dutch then destroyed the airfield. The wrecked aircraft left behind seemed nothing more than worthless scrap to the Allies, but to the Japanese it was more building material. At Java they found the remains of 15 B-17Es. Encouraged by their success with the D model rebuilt at Clark, they started in on an E model. With the help of captured Dutch and native mechanics who were pressed into service at the airfield, the Japanese technicians faced the challenge of unsnarling the B-17E’s advanced systems.

At Madioen Field the Japanese found a B-17E, serial number 41- 2471, that was in good condition aside from a missing nose and engines. Another E model, nicknamed Pootsie, was found in repairable shape at a nearby field. In fact, Torao Saito, an aviation editor from Asahi Press who toured Java’s captured bases, counted four B-17Es then being readied for flight, one at Malang, another at Cheribon and two more bombers at Bandung.

“The maintenance facilities for the B-17 in Java were excellent for that time and existing conditions,” Saito wrote. “It appeared that Bandung Field was the main maintenance base for the Americans, and it was here that our technicians from the Giken performed their initial flight evaluation tests on these newest of American war birds.”

Asahi’s aviation magazine, Koku-Asahi, ran an article in its May 1942 issue on the B-17 by Mitsubishi engineer Hisanojo Ozawa, designer of two of Japan’s twin-engine army bombers, the Ki-21 and Ki-67. Ozawa seemingly dismissed the latest version of the Flying Fortress, stating: “The B-17E was merely modifications made to an old design that first flew in 1935. Martin B-10s and Handley Page Heyfords of the same vintage as the original design of the Fortress had already been phased out of service.” But Ozawa did admit that the B-17 was based on an extremely good design, and he also said that improvements had made it a first-line combat aircraft.

In a similar article, Shizuo Kikuhara, the designer of the four-engine Kawanishi H8K flying boat, was impressed by the simplicity of the B-17’s cockpit, considering the plane’s size. He wrote: “The American engineers have perfected the subsystems of this bomber to such a degree that a minimum of controls are needed in the cockpit. This feature aids in-flight control simplification and allows the pilot to turn his attention to other tasks that can be critical in combat situations.”

By the end of 1942, two B-17s had been rebuilt and flight-tested in Java. As the two Forts were being readied for the long trip back to Japan, elaborate flight plans were prepared, routing them by way of Singapore and alerting the air defense system so they would not accidentally be shot down en route. Escorted by fighters, and with the Nakajima-built equivalent of a C-47 acting as mother ship, the B-17s reached Tachikawa Air Base in May or June 1943. No sooner had they landed than technicians swarmed over the bombers.

Heading the staff that would test the rebuilt B-17s was aeronautical engineer Major Kazuyuki Saito of the Imperial Japanese Army Air Force, assisted by Lieutenant Shioyama, Lts. 2nd Class Kurusu and Ohara and army assistant engineer Shimamura. This team oversaw the entire evaluation project, which encompassed all systems testing. Major Uno and Captain Yagi served as pilots for a series of test flights, while army engineer Kaneko conducted detailed studies of every engine component and related systems. A number of components were also sent to experts for further study and evaluation.

One of the B-17Es served as test-bed for a captured Norden bombsight, coupled to the Sperry automatic flight control system. Also of great interest was the B-17’s gunnery equipment, especially the Sperry automatic computing gunsight.

In February 1943, Asahi Press published a book, Anatomy of the Enemy’s Aircraft, that included many photographs of captured Allied airplanes, with special attention given to B-17s, both the D and E models. That May Koku-Asahi again devoted almost an entire issue to the captured B-17s. Nearly every major component was shown in photos and drawings. Since the Japanese also had instruction manuals for the aircraft, no detail was overlooked.

Interestingly enough, the extensive B-17 evaluations seem to have had very little impact on Japanese bomber design. Aside from Japan’s near copy of the Douglas DC-4E as a bomber—the Nakajima G5N—its other four-engine land-based bomber, the Nakajima G8N, which entered production toward the end of the war, was more advanced in terms of its structural design and gained nothing from the B-17’s airframe engineering.

There is some evidence, however, that the B-17 influenced components and systems in later Japanese aircraft. Most noteworthy were the unsuccessful attempts to perfect the turbosupercharger. A handful of well-designed airplanes, including the army’s Tachikawa Ki-74, Mitsubishi Ki-83, Nakajima Ki-87, Mitsubishi Ki-109 and others, as well as the navy’s G8N and Mitsubishi J2M, failed to reach their full potential mainly because of Japan’s inability to improve engine performance with turbosuperchargers. The Japanese clearly had the engineering knowhow to produce an efficient turbocharged engine for these aircraft, but they lacked the necessary materials.

By Japanese standards, the B-17’s fire-control system was very advanced. The navy perfected such a system for its G8N. Another improvement based on the B-17 was the development of an automatic computing gunsight for fighter aircraft.

When it came to evaluating the Norden bombsight, both the Imperial Army and Navy found that the stabilization method in their own bombsight was superior to that of the Norden instrument. By combining characteristics of the two, the Japanese came up with a far better bomb-aligning instrument.

In the final analysis, while the B-17 tests did give Japanese engineers a technical advantage, poor production, inadequate materials and, finally, the war’s conclusion prevented any significant combat application of their research.


In a photograph probably taken at Tachikawa, a B-17E is parked with two Curtiss airplanes recovered on Java, an SNC-1 trainer and a CW-21B. (Courtesy of Robert C. Mikesh)

In the fall of 1943, all three Fortresses were moved to Fussa Airfield (now the U.S. Air Force’s Yokota Air Base) near Tachikawa, where the Japanese army tested most of its aircraft. Two of the B-17s also visited Hamamatsu, the main heavy bomber base, in June or July 1944. Their specific mission there is unknown, but it probably involved further comparisons with the Japanese bomber fleet.

In addition to their use in testing, the Forts often appeared in military training films. One such film demonstrated combat tactics used by Nakajima Ki-43 pilots against the American bomber. The B-17D, once again embellished with U.S. insignia, showed up most frequently in these movies, sometimes escorted by a captured Curtiss P-40. The films often played in Japan’s public theaters during the war years.

Early in 1944, while one of the E models was beginning its takeoff roll for an evaluation flight out of Fussa, a sudden crosswind caught the bomber before it reached full rudder-control speed. The pilot lost directional control, and the Fort left the runway, its right wing smashing into a parked Nakajima Ki-49 heavy bomber. The B-17 sustained such severe damage that it never flew again. After the war ended but before Allied occupation forces reached the Home Islands, recon photos showed a B-17 at Irumagawa Airfield (later renamed Johnson Air Base), just north of Fussa. The plane was not on the flight line at the time but parked at a spot that was accessible to student officers attending the Toyooka Shikan Gako, Japan’s air force academy. This aircraft may have been the damaged Fortress.

A second B-17 showed up in recon film of Tachikawa around that same time. But when another survey flight took place nine days later, the Fort had vanished.

The third captured bomber’s location was never pinpointed, but it could have been lost during a hangar fire at Tokorazawa Airfield late in the war. The Japanese had collected a number of airplanes at Tokorazawa, including a German Junkers Ju-87 Stuka, a Mitsubishi Ki-20 (a four-engine bomber dating from the mid-1930s) and others, apparently intending to display them at a museum. One of the B-17s might have been included in that collection, but its presence there has never been confirmed. No Fortresses showed up in recon film of Fussa shot at war’s end.

Of the thousands of aircraft photographs taken during Japan’s occupation, no known photos of the B-17s from that time exist today. Records of the Strategic Bombing Survey make no mention of having located any B-17s, yet they do note that B-17s had been evaluated by the Japanese military.

Why and how did the American bombers disappear at the end of the war? More than six decades after Japan’s surrender, the fate of its little fleet of B-17s remains a mystery.

Robert C. Mikesh is the former senior curator for the National Air and Space Museum. Prior to joining NASM in 1970, he served for 21 years as a U.S. Air Force pilot. He has researched Japanese aviation since the 1950s, and is the author of many books and articles on the subject.

This feature originally appeared in the July 2010 issue of Lugvaartgeskiedenis. Klik hier om in te teken.


Japanese Army - History

One tank platoon (Renault FT17 and Renault NC27 tanks)


When the Manchurian Incident happened, the IJA organized a temporary tank unit and sent it to Manchuria. It paticipated in the battle around Harbin. However, tanks had little chance to fight, because the Chinese forces had withdrawn seeing the Japanese forces heavily armed.

In this battle, the Japanese tank force saw action for the first time.


Renault NC27 tanks in Manchuria

Date : Feb., 1932
Place : Shanghai, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

2nd Independent Tank Company

5 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 10 Renault NC27s


By the influence of the Manchurian Incident, a battle between Japan and China occurred in Shanghai. Japan sent a tank company in order to support the Shanghai SNLF, which were fighting in Shanghai.

In Shanghai there were lots of creek and houses were crowded, so the attacks by the tanks were frequently checked by the Chinese forces.

During this battle, the tank made in Japan had shown a good performance in action. On the other hand, the suspension of the Renault tank was fragile and caused lots of troubles. Renault tanks had been retired after this battle.


Type 89 Medium Tank in Shanghai

Date : Feb., 1933
Place : Jehol Province, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

11 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 2 Type 92 Combat Cars


After the Manchurian Incident, the Renault tanks of the 1st Special Tank Company were replaced with Type 89 Tank. The 1st Tank Company launched the attack from Chaoyang in March 1, and reached at Chengde in March 4. The 1st Tank Company had advanced by 320km in 3 days, fighting with Chinese forces. It was a remarkable performance in those days.

Date : Sep., 1937
Place : Hebei, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

78 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 41 Type 94 Tankettes


By the incident at Lukouchiao (Marco Polo Bridge), the conflict between Japan and China became the overall war. Japan sent two tank battalions to China from Japan proper.

Two tank battalions were assigned to the 1st Army in Hebei. The 1st Army started to attack the Chinese in the south of Peking in Sep. 14, and advanced towards south-west. Tanks were used for infantry support and tank battalions were attached to infantry divisions.

Date : July, 1937
Place : Quhar Province, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

1st Independent Mixed Brigade

12 Type 89 Medium Tanks
13 Type 95 Light Tanks
12 Type 94 Tankettes
4 Armored Engineer Vehicles


When the China Incident happened, the 1st Independent Mixed Brigade stationed in Munchuria moved to Hebei and fought near Peking. Then the Brigade was ordered to participate in the offensive in the Quhar Province. The Brigade marched via Chengde and Dolonnur and reached at Zhangbei in 5 days. The distance of this long march was 700km.

During the battles in Quhar, the brigade was dispersed and not used concentratively. Regarding this usage of the brigade, Commander Sakai was opposed to Major General Tojo, who was the highest commander of the Quhar expeditionary force. Tojo became the highest commander of Japanese forces later.

The Second Shanghai Incident

Date : Aug., 1937
Place : Shanghai, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

32 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 15 Type 94 Tankettes

Tank company of Shanghai SNLF


When the Sino-Japanese war began, the Chinese attacked the Japanese in the settlement of Shanghai. There, the Shanghai SNLF (2,500 men) was defending the settlement, but they were outnumbered by the Chinese (50,000 men). Japan sent two divisions and other units including one tank battalion to Shanghai.

The Japanese forces landed on the north of Shanghai and fought with the Chinese in the suburbs of Shanghai. However, there are many creeks and the Chinese were resisting strongly, so the Japanese fought desperately to raise the siege of the Chinese. After one month fight, the Chinese were driven away from Shanghai.

Date : April, 1938
Place : Taierchwang, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

Special Tank Company/China Stationed Tank Unit

7 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 5 Type 94 Tankettes


Though they are exaggerated in Chinese propaganda, the Japanese at Taierchwang were actually small (about 10,000 men) and there were only a dozen of tanks, which were dispatched from China Stationed Tank Unit. When the Japanese attacked Taierchwang, four tanks were destroyed and abandonned. The Chinese captured these tanks and announced that 40 Japanese tanks were captured at Taierchwang.

Date : May, 1938
Place : Hsuchou, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

24 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 8 Type 94 Tankettes

32 Type 89 Medium Tanks, 15 Type 94 Tankettes


By the pressure of the Japanese forces, more than sixty Chinese divisions were gathering around Hsuchou. Japan intended a siege against Hsuchou and deployed the North-China Expeditionary Army to the north and the Central-China Expeditionary Army to the south. The North-China Expeditionary Army had 4 divisions and the Central-China Expeditionary Army had 3 divisions.

The 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions were ordered to advance to the westen flank of Hsuchou and to prevent the Chinese forces from withdrawing westward. The 5th Tank Battalion was used to support the infantry division.

Japan could win the fierce battle of Hsuchou, but the most of the Chinese troops escaped from the siege and Chinese forces were not annihilated. The Japanese were too small to besiege the large Chinese forces.


Type 89 Medium Tanks of the 2nd Tank Battalion in Hsuchou

Date : March, 1939
Place : Hsuchou, China
Opponent : Chinese Army

76 Type 89 Medium Tanks
59 Type 94 Tankettes

9th Independent Tankette Company


In those days, it was usual that tanks were attached to infantry troops and fought in support of infantry. However, in case of Nanchang battle, tanks were concentrated under one task force commanded by Col. Ishii and the Ishii tank force did a maneuver behind the enemy line.

Due to this maneuver, Chinese forces were routed and the Japanese achieved the occupation of Nanchang with lesser loss than that had been expected. This fact indicates that some of Japanese officers were understanding the thought of Britzkrieg.

Date : June, 1939
Place : Nomonhan, Manchuria
Opponent : Soviet Army

26 Type 89 Medium Tanks
4 Type 97 Medium Tanks
11 Type 94 Tankettes
4 Type 97 Tankettes

8 Type 89 Medium Tanks
36 Type 95 Light Tanks
4 Type 94 Tankettes

After Manchukuo was established, conflicts between the Japanese and the Soviet frequently happened in the border of Munchuria. In 1939, a conflict expanded a battle and both countries deployed large forces including tanks and airplanes along the Khalkhin river in the north of Manchuria. Japan sent a tank group, commanded by Major General Yasuoka, which had two tank regiments, 3rd and 4th Tank Regiment. This battle is called as the Nomonhan Incident in Japan.

In Nomonhan, Japan first experienced the battle of tank vs. tank. The 45mm gun of Soviet tanks could easily penetrate a thin armor of Japanese tanks at a long distance. By the other hand, the short-barreled gun of Japanese tanks was effective againt Soviet tanks only within a short distance. Yasuoka tank group had lost its tanks by 40% in 10 days' battle and was ordered to withdraw.

After that, Soviet took the offensive with large forces and routed Japanese from Nomonhan. Japan was totally defeated in the battle of Nomonhan.


Type 89 Medium Tank(Left) and Type 97 Medium Tank(Center) in Nomonhan

Date : Dec. 1941 to Feb., 1942
Place : The Malaya Peninsula
Opponent : British Army

31 Type 97 Medium Tanks
17 Type 95 Light Tanks

25 Type 97 Medium Tanks
12 Type 95 Light Tanks


As soon as the Pacific War began, Japanese forces landed in the Malaya Peninsula. Japan planned to go down along the Malaya Peninisula and attack Singapore from behind. For this operation, Japan prepared three tank regiments, of which the 1st and 6th Regiment were equipped with Type 97 Medium tanks, the latest model of Japanese tanks. The 14th Tank Regiment was the light tank regiment, equipped with Type 95 Light Tanks.

The Malaya Peninsula is a jungle terrain and only few roads were passable for large forces. The British-Indian forces attempted to delay Japanese forces in some points on their way. However, the smash of Japanese tanks was very keen and the British lines were broken through one by one.

On Feb. 8th, 1942, the final stage of the battle in Malaya began. Three Japanese infantry divisions crossed the Johore Bahru Channel and landed in Singapore. The 1st Tank Regiment and the 14th Tank Regiment followed. After the fierce battles in Singapore, Lieut. General Percival, the highest commander of the British-Indian forces had agreed with a surrender.


Type 97 Medium Tank in Malaya

Date : Dec. 1941 to May, 1942
Place : The Philippines
Opponent : US Army, Philippine Army

34 Type 89 Medium Tanks
14 Type 95 Light Tanks
2 Type 97 Medium Tanks


After the American air forces in the Philippines had been annihilated by the air raid of Japanese air forces, Japanese ground forces landed in Lingayen Gulf of Luzon on Dec. 22, and advanced towards Manila.

On the Philippines, there were two American tank battalions equipped with M3 light tanks. M3 light tank was superior to any Japanese tanks regarding to the armor and firepower. However, the Americans were not prepared for flighting and they were confused with a sudden war. They tried counter-attacks by tanks but they could not stop the Japanese forces.

After abandonned Manila, American forces withdrew to the Bataan Peninsula. The Bataan Peninsula was covered by jungle and the tank could not work in this battlefield. It was the Japanese artillery who played a decisive role in the battle of Bataan. The IJA deployed large artillery forces into Bataan and bombarded heavily. The Americans in Bataan surrendered in April, 1942.

The last stand of the Americans on the Philippines was the Corregidor Island. Japanese artillery and airplanes bombarded the Corregidor fortress for one month and destroyed all coastal guns of the fortress. On May 5, Japanese ground forces attacked the Corregidor and succeeded to land 3 tanks, 2 Shinhoto Chi-Ha tanks and one captured M3 light tank.

At that time, the production of Shinhoto Chi-Ha had just started and few numbers were available. After the encounter with M3 light tank, the Japanese transported Shinhoto Chi-Ha tanks to Philippine in a hurry. It was the first time for Shinhoto Chi-Ha to see action.

The appearance of Japanese tanks panicked the garrisons of the Corregidor. Gen. Wainwright gave up the resistance and surrendered on May 6.


Shinhoto Chi-Ha in Corregidor Island

Date : Dec., 1941 to May, 1942
Place : Burma
Opponent : British Army

1st Company/2nd Tank Regiment


At first, the Japanese tank unit in Burma was only one company, which was sent from the 2nd Tank Regiment in Jan., 1942. The 1st Tank Regiment and the 14th Tank Regiment were reinforced in April.

The British sent the 7th Armored Brigade to Burma, which had been planned to send to Malaya. In Burma, several tank battles happened and Japanese tanks were every time defeated by M3 Light Tanks. Japanese 37mm AT gun was also ineffecive against M3 Light Tanks. After all, the closed infantry attack was only way to destory M3 Light Tanks.

Though Japanese suffered with M3 Light Tanks, Japanese pressed British forces and UK decided to withdraw from Burma. The battle in Burma ended in May, 1942.

Date : March, 1942
Place : Dutch East Indies
Opponent : British Army, Dutch Army, US Army, Australian Army

38 Type 95 Light Tanks*
5 Captured M3 Light Tanks

31 Type 97 Medium Tanks
6 Type 95 Light Tanks

* The number before the battle of the Philippines

In the battle of The Dutch East Indies, the Allied strenghts were 81,000 men and Japanese strenghts were 40,000 men. However, the result of the battle was the hollow victory of Japan. Allied forces were disordered and their morale was low. Japanese tanks drove mostly with slight resistance and the Allied in the Dutch East Indies surrendered.


What kinds of changes can be expected in the near future?

Krauss predicts that the constitution could be changed within five years, particularly if cabinet secretary Shinzo Abe succeeds Koizumi later this year, as is expected. Other experts say that barring an unforeseen catalyst, changes that are other than purely cosmetic could take a longer time coming. Pacifism is still a culturally entrenched ideology, if also weakening, and there is likely to be resistance to rapid change, even if the constitution is amended. So long as the American military safety net remains, the majority of Japanese seem loath to engage what Miller calls "the rough-and-tumble of international power politics."


Kyk die video: VOJSKA JAPANA NAORUŽANJE - PODACI (November 2021).