Geskiedenis Podcasts

Handloom Weavers (klaskameraktiwiteit)

Handloom Weavers (klaskameraktiwiteit)

In 1775 het Samuel Crompton 'n nuwe masjien uitgevind, 'n draaiende muil. Dit is genoem omdat dit 'n baster was wat eienskappe van twee vroeëre uitvindings, die Spinning Jenny en die Water Frame, kombineer. Die muil het 'n sterk, fyn en sagte gare vervaardig wat in allerhande tekstiele gebruik kon word, maar was veral geskik vir die vervaardiging van muskiete. Crompton was te arm om vir 'n patent aansoek te doen, en daarom verkoop hy die regte aan 'n Bolton -vervaardiger.

Handweefselwewers is nou verseker van 'n konstante voorraad garing, volle werk en hoë lone. Hierdie tydperk van voorspoed het nie lank geduur nie. In 1785 het Edmund Cartwright, die jonger broer van majoor John Cartwright, 'n weefmasjien uitgevind wat deur perde of 'n waterwiel bestuur kan word. Cartwright het kragweefsels begin gebruik in 'n meule wat hy in Manchester besit het. 'N Ongeskoolde seuntjie kon drie en 'n half stukke materiaal op 'n weefstoel weef in die tyd dat 'n vaardige wewer volgens tradisionele metodes net een geweef het.

Die bekendstelling van die kragweefsel het die vraag na lap wat deur handweefwewers vervaardig word, verminder. Diegene wat steeds meesters gevind het wat bereid was om hulle in diens te neem, moes baie laer lone as in die verlede aanvaar. In 1807 onderteken meer as 130 000 'n petisie ten gunste van 'n minimum loon. Die gemiddelde loon van 'n wewer het van 21 sjielings in 1802 tot 14 sjielings in 1809 gedaal.

'N Wewer kan nie meer in die gesin se behoeftes voorsien nie. Ons word vermy deur die res van die samelewing en word as skelmstreke bestempel omdat ons nie in staat is om ons pad te betaal nie. As ons by die winkelier, kleremaker, skoenmaker of enige ander handelaar aansoek doen vir 'n bietjie krediet, word ons meegedeel dat ons dit nie werd is nie, en om ons te vertrou, sou gevaarlik wees.

Jaar

Weefwerk per stuk

1815

3s 0d.

1820

2s.0d.

1825

1s.8d.

1830

1s.4d.

Dit is werklik betreurenswaardig om soveel duisende mans aan te sien wat vroeër 20 tot 30 sjielings per week verdien het, wat nou genoodsaak was om op 5, 4 of selfs minder te lewe. Dit is meer bedroefd om hierdie mans in hul toestand te aanskou, aangesien hulle steeds die openhartige en gewaagde karakter behou wat gevorm is in die dae van hul onafhanklikheid.

Een van die mans trek veral my aandag; hy was die lewende geraamte van 'n reus. Hy het my vertel dat hy 'n wewer was en in voorspoedige tye verdien het van dertig of veertig sjielings per week; hy het 'n vrou en vier kinders gehad en het hulle lank in eerlikheid en gemak onderhou; werk begin slap word. Hy trek die fonds wat hy in die spaarbank geplaas het; hy was gou uitgeput, en die werk was stadiger as ooit. Hy het sy meubels begin verkoop. Voor verlede Kersfees het alles verdwyn, insluitend die Sondagklere van hom, sy vrou en kinders. Sedertdien was hy sewentien weke sonder enige werk. Toe ek hom 'n sjieling aanbied, weier hy om dit te ontvang totdat ek hom my naam en adres gegee het, sodat hy dit kan terugbetaal.

Die oorgrote meerderheid katoenwewers met handweefsels werk in kelders ... Die rede waarom kelders gekies word, is dat katoen natgemaak moet word. Die lug moet dus koel en klam wees, in plaas van warm en droog ... uit die fabriek, maar, as daar, woon en asem in 'n groot woonstel, waarin die lug voortdurend verander word.

In die gewone tye sou honderde weeflywe besig wees by die werk in Bramley. Die klik van die pendel en die gereelde en bestendige slag van die wewer se balk kan van die een kant van Bramley na die ander gehoor word. Maar nou kon jy deur die hele lengte van die dorp loop en nie meer as twee of drie weefgetuie hoor gaan nie ... Die stil strate en huise vertel hul eie verhaal, en die neerslagtige en neerslagtige voorkoms van die manne, terwyl hulle daar staan. groepe op elke straathoek, bevestig dit.

Vrae vir studente

Vraag 1: Waarom was die strate van Bramley stil in die 1820's?

Vraag 2: Bestudeer bronne 2, 3, 5 en 8. Gee hierdie bronne inligting oor plaaslike of nasionale veranderinge?

Vraag 3: Kies inligting uit die bronne in hierdie eenheid wat dui op die inkomste van die handweefwewer in die eerste helfte van die 19de eeu.

Vraag 4: Nie almal het dieselfde siening van die fabrieksstelsel nie. Beskryf die verskillende sienings wat in bronne 6 en 7 uitgedruk word.

Antwoord Kommentaar

U kan hier kommentaar op hierdie vrae kry.


The Miners ’ Association & amp Die Handloom Weavers

Van Internasionale sosialisme (1ste reeks), nr. 40, Oktober/November 1969, p.42.
Getranskribeer en amp gemerk deur Einde O ’Callaghan vir ETOL.

Die mynwerkersvereniging
Raymond Challinor en Brian Ripley
Lawrence en Wishart, 42s

Die Handloom Weavers
Duncan Bythell
Cambridge University Press

Daardie hegte groep polities gemotiveerde mans wat die industriële twis van vandag veroorsaak, bestaan ​​al 'n lang tyd. Die politici, steenkooleienaars en hoër klasse van 1842 het werklik geglo dat die Miners ’ Association gestig is omdat die roering van Chartisme na die oppervlakte van die samelewing gelei het, wat gewoonlik in die onduidelikheid onder die knie kom. Hierdie vuilgoed, wat in 1842 in sy politieke doelwitte verslaan is, het homself op die liggelowige mynwerkers afgedwing, wat beide op hul koste en lewensbedrog soek vir sy kwaadaardige idees.

Hierdie venynige verdraaiing is maklik gemaak deur die hoër klasse wat die bewyse voor die oë gehad het van die werklike verbande tussen hierdie eerste groot nasionale vakbond en Chartisme. Die belangrikste belangrikheid van die boek Challinor en Ripley is dat dit die aanvaarde idee uitdaag dat die algemene staking van 1842 'n kloof van antagonisme tussen politieke en industriële aktiviste veroorsaak het. Geskiedkundiges het hulself tot onlangs toe toegespits op die nuwe modelunies wat deur die geskoolde werkers geskep is, en die neiging om die ongeskoolde losers te ignoreer totdat hulle weer as 'n georganiseerde mag in die 1880's verskyn het. Die kort loopbaan van die Miners ’ Association stel die skrywers egter in staat om oortuigend te argumenteer dat Chartism en vakbond na 1842 nie mededingend was nie, maar in werklikheid komplementêre kragte.

In die geval van die Miners ’ Association is die verband van die begin af duidelik. Die voltydse dosente (organiseerders) het altyd 'n groot deel ingesluit wie se ervaring hulle gehad het uit hul organisering en praataktiwiteite in Chartist-takke. En natuurlik was daar W.P. Roberts, wat hom as advokaat vir die mynwerkers heeltemal met die werkersklas vereenselwig het en elke saak, hoe hopeloos ook al, bestry het, maar die klasvooroordeel van die wet blootgelê het deur sy vaardigheid om dit van geval tot geval te verslaan. Die Miners ’ Association is die vakbond wat die naaste aan Chartisme gekoppel is, deur 'n tweerigtingproses waarin die verslane Chartiste van 1842 gunstiger en meer hulpvaardig geword het vir vakbondwese, en die mynwerkers wat uit hul selfstandige onkunde en brutaliteit uitgekom het die verband tussen politiek en hoër lone is vanselfsprekend. Die duidelikheid van die spesifieke Chartist-vakbondverbinding in die Miners ’ Association bewys egter nie die algemene saak van die outeurs heeltemal nie, en daar is 'n werklike behoefte aan meer studies so goed soos hierdie. Duncan Bythell se handweefweefers was egte losers. In 1770 was daar slegs 'n paar in die babakatoenbedryf, in die 1820's waarskynlik 'n kwartmiljoen, maar teen 1850 het die handel amper verdwyn. Industrialisme het hulle geskep, en die vordering daarvan het hulle eenkant gesit.

Bythell se boek maak ander mites skoon en weg dat hulle nie vaardig was nie, hulle was ook nie Iers nie, en hul ontberings was nie weens meganisasie alleen nie. Dit kon ook nie die ruggraat van Chartisme gewees het nie, soos baie (insluitend Engels) geglo het. Hul geografiese opsluiting en hul vinnige afname in getalle in die 1830's het verseker dat hul rol in 'n groot nasionale beweging redelik beperk was. Soos baie ander groepe, was hul politieke aktiwiteit geneig om die handelssiklus te volg, maar op 'n dalende skaal, sodat hulle by die Chartist -oplewing in 1848 beswaarlik verteenwoordig kon word.

Alhoewel hierdie boek nuttig is vir die feite wat dit lewer, verminder die skrywer se optimistiese sienings van die industriële revolusie die waarde daarvan. Omdat die meeste mense in armoede gely het, omdat ander werksgeleenthede (in die gehate fabrieke) vir baie beskikbaar was, verminder Bythel die lyding wat tydgenote, insluitend die handweefselwewer self, kan getuig. En om aan te voer dat openbare mans hul bes gedoen het met die administratiewe masjinerie en met die heersende raamwerk van idees, is om die geskiedenis te verlaat vir apologetiek.


Laai nou af!

Ons het u maklik gemaak om 'n PDF -e -boek te vind sonder om te grawe. En deur aanlyn toegang tot ons e -boeke te hê of dit op u rekenaar te stoor, het u handige antwoorde met The Handloom Weavers. Om aan die gang te kom met die vind van The Handloom Weavers, vind u tereg ons webwerf met 'n uitgebreide versameling handleidings.
Ons biblioteek is die grootste hiervan, wat letterlik honderdduisende verskillende produkte verteenwoordig het.

Uiteindelik kry ek hierdie e -boek, dankie vir al hierdie The Handloom Weavers wat ek nou kan kry!

Ek het nie gedink dat dit sou werk nie, my beste vriend het hierdie webwerf vir my gewys, en dit werk! Ek kry my gewildste e -boek

wtf hierdie wonderlike e -boek gratis ?!

My vriende is so kwaad dat hulle nie weet hoe ek al die e -boek van hoë gehalte het nie, wat hulle nie het nie!

Dit is baie maklik om kwaliteitboeke te kry)

soveel vals webwerwe. dit is die eerste een wat gewerk het! Baie dankie

wtffff ek verstaan ​​dit nie!

Kies net u klik en dan die aflaai -knoppie en voltooi 'n aanbod om die e -boek te begin aflaai. As daar 'n opname is, neem dit slegs 5 minute, probeer 'n opname wat vir u werk.


Handloom Weavers (Klaskameraktiwiteit) - Geskiedenis

Die 1820's word dikwels afgeskryf as 'n dekade van min radikale aktiwiteite, maar dit was gedurende hierdie jare dat Brittanje 'n vervaardigingsgenootskap geword het. Of fabrieke en ondernemings klein of groter was, of produktiwiteitsverhogings bereik is deur die arbeidsmag te verhoog of masjientegnologie te gebruik, of groei deur geskoolde of ongeskoolde arbeid of in stedelike of landelike omgewings, die Britse samelewing vervaardig toenemend en onherroeplik in sy beklemtoning. Die relatiewe stabiliteit en langdurige sekerhede van die pre-industriële Brittanje is vervang deur die lewenskragtigheid, onsekerhede en klasspanning van 'n vryemarkekonomie en die modernisering van die samelewing.

Die ekonomie het in die vroeë 1820's herleef en daar was 'n afname in radikale politieke aktiwiteite, iets wat die verband tussen swak ekonomiese toestande en gesamentlike radikale optrede versterk. Maar populêre radikalisme het altyd meer beteken as om op te neem in die politieke stelsel en het 'n verskeidenheid oorsake van oortuigings aangeneem. Sommige radikale het gefokus op die bou van koöperatiewe instellings soos vakbonde, vriendelike verenigings, wedersydse hulpverenigings en werktuigkundige institute. Ander het gesoek na groter godsdienstige gelykheid vir nie -konformiste en om 'n stelsel van sekulêre onderwys in te stel. Baie nie -konformiste was ook radikaal in hul politiek omdat hulle beswaar daarteen het dat 'n lid van die gevestigde Kerk van Engeland aan individue belangrike regsvoorregte gegee word wat nie -konformiste ontken word. Godsdienskwessies kan dieper passies as politiek veroorsaak en die godsdienstige vraag, soos tydgenote dit genoem het, was die grootste deel van die eeu 'n belangrike politieke kwessie.

Sommige werkers wend hulle tot godsdiens, veral in die noorde en suidweste. Daar was byvoorbeeld 'n primitiewe metodistiese herlewing onder hoofmynwerkers in Weardale en meer algemeen in die noordooste in 1822 en 1823. [1] Herlewing in die 1820's het grootliks plaasgevind in gebiede met 'n beduidende landelike bevolking. Primitiewe metodisme was grotendeels landelik van aard, en met die uitsondering van die noordooste en die erdebakkery, was die belangrikste sterkte daarvan in die grootliks landbou-graafskappe van Engeland. Eers na 1850 het die aantrekkingskrag van die stadswerker duidelik geword. Primitiewe metodisme was die medium waardeur landbouarbeiders vir sosiale en ekonomiese erkenning kon veg, en sy kapelle het landelike werkers 'n simbool van onafhanklikheid en weerhouding van die gevestigde sosiale orde gebied.

Terwyl die primitiewe metodisme 'n radikale teologie verteenwoordig, was die Wesleyaanse metodisme toenemend sterk in die ondersteuning van die bestaande sosiale orde, en onder die invloed van Jabez Bunting is 'n groot aantal mense geskors vir radikale aktiwiteite. Die groei in die noordelike vervaardigingsdistrikte het tot stilstand gekom en selfs in 1819 en 1820 tydelik afgeneem en in Rochdale was daar 'n afname van vyftien persent tussen 1818 en 1820. [2] Alhoewel Bunting en sy ondersteuners die waarde van herlewing erken het en dit aangemoedig het solank dit nie die gewone kringlooplewe ontwrig nie en ideaallik bestuur kon word, het hulle sommige van die metodes daarvan afgekeur, veral gekraak en hulle losgemaak van die emosionalisme van primitiewe metodisme. [ 3] Dit, en John Wesley se beleid voor sy dood in 1791, wat deur sy opvolgers voortgesit is om te konsentreer op die evangelisering van stedelike gebiede waar die Kerk van Engeland in sy funksies misluk, het beteken dat die bande tussen metodisme en stedelike radikalisme besig was om te verslap, hoewel die omvang van wat dit gebeur het, het gewissel van plek tot plek. Hierdie siening van metodisme, soortgelyk aan EP Thompson se uitnemende kritiek op die beweging as 'n instrument van sosiale beheer, verwaarloos die interne gevegte van die 1790's en vroeë jare van die negentiende eeu in industriële dorpe oor deelname aan kerklike bestuur, beheer oor Sondagskole en die omvang van konfessionele beheer oor die politieke aktiwiteite van sy lede. In die 1820's het die aard daarvan as 'n volksbeweging beteken dat dit steeds die gevestigde orde van Kerk en Staat kon ondermyn, selfs al sou die rol daarvan as 'n alternatiewe nasionale geloof teen 1850 verdamp het. [4]

Die 1820's was ook 'n kritieke dekade vir werkers in die tekstielbedryf, aangesien dit 'n toename in die afsterwe van handweefstowwe veroorsaak het. Die bekendstelling van kragdraai wat grootliks in die fabrieke uit die 1780's begin draai het, het gelei tot 'n stygende produksie van gare wat op weefsels geweef moes word deur wewers wie se getalle in Brittanje in 1820 'n hoogtepunt van ongeveer 240 000 werkers bereik het. pryse, 'n relatief goeie lewenstandaard en het baat gevind by die toenemende vraag na die produkte van hul weefstowwe. Hulle was ook sterk om hul lewensbestaan ​​te verdedig, met byvoorbeeld 130 000 wat 'n petisie in 1807 onderteken het waarin 'n minimum loon gevra is, en die volgende jaar het ongeveer 15,000 'n betoging in Manchester bygewoon. Die ontwikkeling van 'n betroubare kragstoel deur Richard Roberts, 'n ingenieur in Manchester, in 1822-hy vervolmaak ook 'n volledig gemeganiseerde selfwerkende muil vir spin tussen 1825 en 1830-het gelei tot die vinnige aanvaarding van aangedrewe weefwerk. Edward Baines beraam dat daar in 1813 1400 kragopwekmasjiene in Britse fabrieke was, 14 150 in 1820, maar meer as 115 000 teen 1835. Hierdie verskuiwing plaas die weefwerk van handweefsels onder toenemende druk, die winsgewendheid daarvan stort en die aantal handweefstowwe in Lancashire daal van tussen 150 000 tot 190 000. in 1821 tot ongeveer 30 000 teen 1861.

Die afname in handweefweef was oneweredig, en sommige eienaars gebruik masjinerie en handverwerking, terwyl sommige wewers fyner katoen gebruik het, wat vroeë weefstowwe nie kon weef nie, of het oorgegaan tot sy wat grootliks ongemeganiseerd gebly het. Desondanks was die weef van handdoeke in 'n terminale agteruitgang, en aangesien baie kinders van handweefstowwe nie hul vaders in die handel volg nie, word dit toenemend gekenmerk deur 'n verouderde arbeidsmag. [5] Teen die laat 1820's het geleidelike verlagings in die loonkoerse baie gesinne met 'n weefsel met ernstige ekonomiese probleme agtergelaat. Handweefweefers wat na stedelike gebiede verhuis, kan dit versag deur vroue of kinders in die fabrieksarbeidsmark te plaas, terwyl wewers wat in die platteland gebly het, voordeel kan trek uit aanvullende verdienste wat boerdery en mynbou bied. Nietemin, teen 1830, bevind beide stelle wewers hulle in endemiese strukturele armoede wat nie genoeg inkomste kon genereer om basiese koste te dek nie en sterk afhanklik was van swak hulp.

Die idee van 'n minimumloon wat deur die regering toegepas word om handweefers 'n mate van veiligheid te gee, word steeds voorgestel, en nie net deur die wewers nie. Sommige van die meer gerespekteerde 'uitskakel'-ondernemings, wat te kampe gehad het met masjienweefbedrywe wat hulle onderkry deur hul ongeskoolde werkers lae lone te betaal, het die voordele van so 'n skema beleef. In September 1819, 'n maand na die Peterloo -bloedbad, ondersteun 35 produsente van Calico die oproep om 'n minimum wewerloon en#8217 -loon en so laat as 1822 vergader verskeie vervaardigers in Rossendale om beperkings op die gebruik van kragweefsels te eis. Die Committee of Manchester Weavers het by die geskree aangesluit en beweer:

Die euwels van die vermenigvuldiging van krag, deur eers 'n halfmiljoen te verwoes wat afhanklik is van handweef (hy het vermoedelik na gesinne eerder as individue verwys), en veral die ongelukkige jongmense wat hulle nou in diens neem, is van die aard dat geen mens kan dink dat daar 'n teenwicht is nie deur die goeie wat van hulle verwag word.

Na die herroeping van die wetgewing wat wewers in 1809 sou beskerm het, was die regering nie bereid om hindernisse in te stel vir die vrye mark wat die neiging tot meganisasie versnel nie, en eers in 1834-1835 ondersoek 'n Gekose Komitee die probleme waarmee wewers te kampe het. James Hutchinson, een van die kalikoprodusente wat in 1819 betoog het, het net soos baie van sy mede-sakemanne uiteindelik sy eie kragdraadmeule in Woodhill, Elton, geopen.

Handloom -wewers het hul lot bekend gemaak wanneer die geleentheid hom voordoen. Aktrise Fanny Kemble, een van die gaste by die opening op die Liverpool-Manchester Railway in 1830, beskryf die aankoms van die eerste trein na Manchester, propvol hooggeplaastes, waaronder Wellington:

Hoog bo die grimmige en vieslike skare skarrelende gesigte is 'n weefstoel opgerig, waar 'n versplinterde, uitgehongerde wewer sit, blykbaar daar as 'n verteenwoordigende man, om te protesteer teen die triomf van masjinerie en die wins en glorie wat die die ryk manne van Liverpool en Manchester sal waarskynlik daaruit put. [6]

Vir radikale soos Peter Murray McDouall wat in syne skryf Chartist en Republikeinse Tydskrif in 1841 was die geleidelike verdwyning van handweefwewers die vernietiging van onafhanklikheid, gesinsekonomie en beheer oor die tempo en aard van die werk en die skepping van loonslawerny deur 'fabrieksslawe' in die ontwikkelende fabrieksisteem van industriële kapitalisme.

Ander radikale het suksesvol 'n veldtog teen die kombinasiewette gevoer, wat tot hul herroeping in 1824 gelei het. 'N Afname in die ekonomie het gelei tot 'n vinnige toename in die vakbondaktiwiteit met uitgebreide stakings, waaronder geweld in die winter van 1824-1825. Werkgewers het gepleit vir die herinvoering van die kombinasiewette en in 1825 word nuwe wetgewing aangeneem wat vakbonde in staat stel om oor lone en voorwaardes te onderhandel, maar sonder die wettige reg om te staak. Dit het effektief vakbonde tot vreedsame kollektiewe bedinging met werkgewers beperk, en as hulle hierdie beperkte definisie van regsaktiwiteit vir vakbonde oorskry, kan hulle vervolg word weens kriminele sameswering. Gekonfronteer met tegnologiese verandering en die aansienlike magte wat na 1825 aan werkgewers oorgelaat is, was werkers toenemend oortuig dat klein vakbonde nooit kon slaag nie. Wat nodig was, het sommige aangevoer, was nasionale of algemene vakbonde wat al die werkers in 'n bepaalde handel uit verskillende dele van die land verteenwoordig. In 1829 het John Doherty, leier van die Lancashire -katoenen draaiers 'n Grand General Union of Spinners gestig. Vir 'n groter onderhandelingsbevoegdheid, was die volgende stap om alle vakbonde in alle bedrywe tot 'n enkele vakbond te probeer verenig. Hy vorm die National Association for the Protection of Labour aan die einde van 1829 in Manchester en versprei dit die volgende jaar na die naburige katoenstede en daarna na ander vervaardigingsgebiede, veral die East Midlands. [7]

Die 1820's het ook 'n verfyning van die analise van die werkersklas gemaak oor die uitbuiting van die ekonomie. [8] Die oplossing van William Cobbett was om ontslae te raak van die stelsel van korrupsie, die staatskuld en papiergeld, en hy impliseer dat die lewe na die patrone van die vorige klein analise, bloot populistiese nostalgie, sou terugkeer. Daarteenoor het Thomas Spence, William Ogilvie, Thomas Hodgskin, William Thompson, Robert Owen, John Gray en later John Francis Bray, Ernest Jones, James 'Bronterre' O'Brien en George Harney aangevoer dat die menseregte gegrond moet wees in die besit van ekonomiese mag. Hulle anti-kapitalistiese en sosialistiese politieke ekonomieë staan ​​in skrille kontras met die klassieke politieke ekonomieë van James en John Stuart Mill, David Ricardo, Robert Torrens, John Ramsey McCulloch en Nassau Senior. [9]

Robert Owen het sy samewerkende sienings uiteengesit in 'N Nuwe siening van die samelewing in 1813. Hoewel Owen in die vroeë 1830's invloedryk was in die werkersbeweging, het hy gesoek na hervorming van bo, 'n weerspieëling van sy elitistiese en paternalistiese houdings. Sy hervormingsprogram was nie konfronterend nie: hy het sy hervormings gesien as 'n manier om klaskonflik, gewelddadige protes en revolusie te vermy. Sy belangrikste bydrae was om kapitalisme nie as 'n versameling diskrete gebeurtenisse te sien nie, maar as 'n stelsel. Gedurende die 1820's het 'n groeiende groep arbeidsradikale Owen se kritiek op kapitalisme en sy siening oor samewerking aangeneem. Thompson, Hodgskin en Gray het nie net die teoretiese basis vir 'n uiters anti-kapitalistiese politieke ekonomie verwoord nie, maar ook die omvang, metodes, inhoud en doelwitte daarvan in ag geneem. Almal was tot 'n mate Ricardiaanse sosialiste wat die arbeidsteorie van waarde aangeneem het terwyl hulle die elemente van Ricardo se model verwerp het wat ook kapitaal geëis het, produktief was. Hodgskin het byvoorbeeld aangevoer dat kapitaliste parasiete is wat die vrugte van die produktiwiteit van arbeid na onproduktiewe verbruik lei.

Thompson verwerp die idee, veral deur Thomas Malthus, dat enige verhoging van die lone van arbeiders slegs tot hul verdere vernedering kan lei. [10] Hodgskin, hoewel hy Thompson se samewerkende standpunte verwerp het, stel voor:

... die werklike sake van mense, wat hul welvaart bevorder, word altyd beter deur hulself gedoen as deur 'n paar afsonderlike en afsonderlike individue, wat as 'n regering optree in die naam van die geheel.[11]

In 1825, in sy Arbeid verdedig teen die eise van kapitaal, het hy aangevoer dat vrye-handel-ekonome 'kapitaal' belê het met produktiewe magte wat dit nie besit nie en dat kapitaliste slegs ryk kan word waar 'n onderdrukte groep werkers in armoede gehou word. Na die herroeping van die Kombineringswette in 1824 en die onderdrukkende wetgewing die daaropvolgende jaar, het Hodgskin geglo dat wette teen vakbonde en kollektiewe bedinging 'n onregverdige voordeel vir werkers ten gunste van kapitaliste geskep het en dat die groot winste wat kapitaliste maak was nie die gevolg van natuurlike ekonomiese kragte nie, maar is gegenereer deur die dwingende mag van die regering. Slegs met die vryheid van die vrye mark kan arbeiders van elke aard regverdige vergoeding vir hul werk ontvang. Ekonomiese ingryping deur regerings kan niks doen om rykdom te vergroot of die vordering daarvan te versnel nie en dat die wette van die ekonomie slegs die mag sal hê om die samelewing te verander as dit onbeperk is deur arbitrêre regstelsels. [12]

John Gray het aangevoer dat die produsente slegs ongeveer 'n vyfde van die waarde van hul produkte ontvang, terwyl hul arbeid al die waarde skep. [13] Hy het egter nie geglo dat hierdie probleem opgelos kan word deur die onbeperkte werking van die vrye mark nie, met die argument dat mededinging op die vrye mark die ekonomie se produktiwiteit belemmer omdat die inkomste laag bly, wat die vraag en dus produksie beperk. Die mark is beskou as 'n bron van uitbuiting en ekonomiese depressie, en die mededingingsdruk wat die mark ontketen het, het sosiaal vernietigende en moreel korrosiewe gedrag tot gevolg gehad. Om die grense wat mededinging op sosiale produksie en die ontberings wat dit stel, te oorkom, het Gray 'n kommunitêre oplossing voorgestel. Wat nodig was, het Gray volgehou, was die sentrale leiding en beheer oor die industriële ekonomie deur 'n Nasionale Kamer van Koophandel, wat die produksiemiddele sou besit, as 'n manier om sekere sosialistiese doelwitte te bereik. Hy het ook 'n beroep op die stigting van 'n Nasionale Bank gemaak wat sal verseker dat geld toeneem namate die produk toeneem en afneem namate produkte verbruik of benodig word, asook 'n stelsel van koöperatiewe verenigings om vraag en aanbod te organiseer. Op hierdie manier het Gray geglo dat ekonomiese aktiwiteit bestuur kan word om verspreiding en kommutatiewe geregtigheid, prysstabiliteit, doeltreffende toewysing van hulpbronne en 'n einde aan ekonomiese depressie as gevolg van die aanbod wat die doeltreffende aanbod oortref, te beëindig.

Die grootste probleem met populistiese antikapitalistiese denke in die 1820's was dat dit nie 'n omvattende begrip gehad het van die aard van die oorsake van die uitbuiting en vervreemding van kapitalisme nie. Grootliks vanweë hul versuim om hierdie kwessie aan te spreek, wou Thompson samewerkingsoplossings vestig, ongeag wat in die breër kapitalistiese samelewing aan die gang was. Sy oplossing was nie om die bestaande kapitalistiese stelsel te vervang nie, maar om dit te omseil deur aparte koöperatiewe gemeenskappe te skep. Die gemeenskappe wat deur Robert Owen gestig is, kon nie die teorie van koöperatiewe lewe vertaal in gemeenskappe wat grootliks gewerk het vanweë sy paternalistiese en ondemokratiese benadering om hulle te bestuur en hul behoefte om binne 'n kapitalistiese omgewing te funksioneer. Gray het egter verder gegaan met die voorstel van sosialistiese oplossings om markkapitalisme te vervang. Alhoewel antikapitalistiese ekonome in die 1820's 'n effektiewe kritiek op kapitalisme ontwikkel het en dit tot in die 1830's voortduur, was dit wat hulle nie gedoen het nie, om hul kritiek te koppel aan die kwessie van parlementêre hervorming. Dit was die publikasie van die Arm man se voog, geredigeer deur Bronterre O'Brien, wat deurslaggewend geblyk het. Alhoewel hy sterk beïnvloed is deur die gewilde ekonome en deur Owen, verwerp hy Owen se teenkanting teen politieke optrede. Hy het die tradisionele retoriek van radikalisme omskep deur parlementêre hervorming op sigself as betekenisloos te beskou. Sonder sosiale en ekonomiese transformasie, het hy aangevoer, kan parlementêre hervorming nie die kwade van die werkersklasse aanspreek nie.

[1] Patterson, W. M., Noordelike primitiewe metodisme, (E. Dalton), 1909, pp. 154-170.

[2] Engemann, T. S., 'Godsdiens en politieke hervorming: Wesleyaanse metodisme in die negentiende-eeuse Brittanje', Journal of Church & amp State, Vol. 24, (1982), pp. 321-336, bied 'n goeie opsomming. Hempton, David, Die godsdiens van die mense: Metodisme en populêre godsdiens, c1750-1900, (Routledge), 1996, pp. 162-178, is uitstekend oor die geskiedskrywing.

[3] Hempton, D., Metodisme en politiek in die Britse samelewing 1750-1850, (Hutchinson), 1984, Edwards, M., Na Wesley: 'n studie van die sosiale en politieke invloed van metodisme in die middelperiode, 1791-1849, (Epworth Press), 1948, Taylor, E. R., Metodisme en politiek 1791-1851, (Cambridge University Press), 1935, en Wearmouth, R. F., Metodisme en die werkersbewegings van Engeland 1800-1850, (Epworth Press), 1937.

[4] Ibid, Hempton, David, Die godsdiens van die mense: Metodisme en populêre godsdiens, c1750-1900, pp. 170-171.

[5] Bythell, Duncan, The Handloom Weavers: 'n Studie in die Engelse katoenbedryf tydens die industriële revolusie, (Cambridge University Press), 1969, Nardinelli, Clark, 'Technology and Unemployment: The Case of the Handloom Weavers', Southern Economic Journal, Vol. 53, (1), (1986), pp. 87-94, en Timmins, Geoffrey, The Last Shift: The Decline of Handloom Weaving in Negententh Century Lancashire, (Manchester University Press), 1993.

[6] Kemble, Frances Ann, Rekords van 'n meisie, (R. Bentley & amp Son), 1878, p. 304.

[7] Die ontwikkeling van vakbond word in meer detail ondersoek.

[8] Thompson, Noel W., The People's Science: Die gewilde politieke ekonomie van uitbuiting en krisis 1816-34, (Cambridge University Press), 1984, en The Real Rights of Man: Political Economies for the Working Class, 1775-1850, (Pluto Press), 1998.

[9] McNally, David, Teen die mark: politieke ekonomie, marksosialisme en die marxistiese kritiek, (Verso), 1993, pp. 104-138.

[10] Thompson, William, 'N Ondersoek na die beginsels van die verspreiding van welvaart wat die meeste bevorderlik is vir menslike geluk, is toegepas op die nuut voorgestelde stelsel van vrywillige gelykheid van welvaart, (Longman, Hurst Rees, Orme, Brown & amp Green), 1824, en Arbeid beloon. Die eise van arbeid en kapitaal versoen: of hoe u die hele produkte van sy inspannings kan verseker, (Hunt en Clarke), 1827.

[11] Hodgskin, Thomas, Reise in die noorde van Duitsland: 'n beskrywing van die huidige toestand van die sosiale en politieke instellings, die landbou, vervaardiging, handel, onderwys, kuns en maniere in daardie land, veral in die koninkryk Hannover, 2 vol. (Konstabel), 1820, Vol. 1 bl. 292.

[12] Slack, David, Aard en kuns: die lewe en gedagte van Thomas Hodgskin (1787-1869), (Boydell), 1998, pp. 89-136, kyk na sy denke in die 1820's.

[13] Gray, John, Lesing oor menslike geluk: die eerste in 'n reeks lesings oor die onderwerp waarin 'n algemene oorsig van die oorsake van die bestaande euwels van die samelewing en 'n ontwikkeling van maniere waarop hulle permanent en effektief verwyder kan word, bespreek word, (Sherwood, Jones & amp Company), 1825, en Die sosiale stelsel: 'n verhandeling oor die beginsel van ruil, (Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown & amp Green), 1831. Sien ook, DLB, Vol. 6, pp. 121-125, en Kimball, J., Die ekonomiese leerstellings van John Gray, 1799-1883, (Katolieke Universiteit van Amerika Pers), 1946.


Geskiedenis van wewers in Indië

Boere in die Indusvallei was die eerstes wat katoen gespin en geweef het. In 1929 het argeoloë fragmente van katoenstowwe in Mohenjo-Daro, in wat tans Pakistan is, teruggevind tussen 3250 en 2750 v.C. Geskiedenis van wewers in Indië. Literêre verwysings dui verder op die antieke aard van die subkontinent katoenbedryf. Empire of Cotton wys verder hoe die katoenbedryf, wat Indië in die vroeë 18de eeu oorheers het, deur die Britte oorgeneem is, hoe dit die slawehandel met die Amerikaners en die industriële rewolusie aangespoor het - 'n eeu in die onafhanklikheid beweging en die draaiende wiel van Gandhi, en hoe dit aan die einde van die 20ste eeu weer in groot mate na Asië teruggekeer het. Dit is hoogs waarskynlik dat die ontwikkeling van tekstielhandwerk ook 'n belangrike komponent van die opkoms van die Indus -beskawing was.

Deur die wolstringe met ander drade te kombineer, weef die wewer geduldig matte om 'n dekoratiewe stuk vir die huishoudings na vore te bring.

Ever since Pakistan’s independence, textile industry has been the most important manufacturing sector of Pakistan, having the longest production chain, with inherent potential for value-addition at each stage of processing, from cotton growing to ginning, spinning, fabric-making, dyeing and finishing, and production of made-up garments.

The four major woven fabrics

The four major woven fabrics

Cotton – Cotton is a soft, fluffy staple fiber that grows in a boll, or protective case, around the seeds of the cotton plants of the genus Gossypium in the mallow family Malvaceae. The fiber is almost pure cellulose. Under natural conditions, the cotton bolls will increase the dispersal of the seeds.

The plant is a shrub native to tropical and subtropical regions around the world, including America, Africa, Egypt and India. The greatest diversity of wild cotton species is found in Mexico, followed by Australia and Africa. Cotton was independently domesticated in the Old and New Worlds.

The fiber is most often spun into yarn or thread and used to make a soft, breathable textile. The use of cotton for fabric is known to date to prehistoric times fragments of cotton fabric dated to the fifth millennium BC have been found in the Indus Valley Civilization. Although cultivated since antiquity, it was the invention of the cotton gin that lowered the cost of production that led to its widespread use, and it is the most widely used natural fiber cloth in clothing today.

Khadi – Khadi or khaddar is handspun, hand-woven natural fiber cloth originating from India, Bangladesh and broadly used in Pakistan and India. This fabric is mainly made out of cotton.

The cloth is usually woven from cotton and may also include silk, or wool, which are all spun into yarn on a spinning wheel called a charkha. It is a versatile fabric, cool in summer and warm in winter. In order to improve the look, khādī/khaddar is sometimes starched to give it a stiffer feel. It is widely accepted in fashion circles. Khadi is being promoted in India by Khadi and Village Industries Commission, Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises.

Linen – Linen /ˈlɪnən/ is a textile made from the fibers of the flax plant. Linen is laborious to manufacture, but the fiber is very strong, absorbent and dries faster than cotton. Garments made of linen are valued for their exceptional coolness and freshness in hot and humid weather. Many products are made of linen: aprons, bags, towels (swimming, bath, beach, body and wash towels), napkins, bed linens, tablecloths, runners, chair covers, and men’s and women’s wear. Textiles in a linen weave texture, even when made of cotton, hemp, or other non-flax fibers, are also loosely referred to as “linen”. Such fabrics frequently have their own specific names: for example, fine cotton yarn in a linen-style weave may be called madapolam.

Linen textiles appear to be some of the oldest in the world: their history goes back many thousands of years. Fragments of straw, seeds, fibers, yarns, and various types of fabrics dating to about 8000 BC have been found in Swiss lake dwellings.

Silk – Silk is a natural protein fiber, some forms of which can be woven into textiles. The protein fiber of silk is composed mainly of fibroin and is produced by certain insect larvae to form cocoons. The best-known silk is obtained from the cocoons of the larvae of the mulberry silkworm Bombyx mori reared in captivity (sericulture). The shimmering appearance of silk is due to the triangular prism-like structure of the silk fiber, which allows the silk cloth to refract incoming light at different angles, thus producing different colors.

Silk is produced by several insects but, generally, only the silk of moth caterpillars has been used for textile manufacturing.

Condition of Weavers pre-industrialization and at present

In the late eighteenth century, when the textile industries in England began to produce cloth, need was felt for imposing import duties on foreign cloth which entered its markets. Thus, various import duties were levied on Indian cloth entering into the British markets. This hit the Indian weavers hard.

The English companies in order to sell their goods persuaded the British Government to remove all import duties on English cloth entering into India. Because these clothes were cheap, the condition of weavers in India became worse as their export market collapsed and the local market was flooded with cheap British cloth.

Weaving the dyed thread to craft out a stole or shawl the women meticulously uses the hand loom to create and sell apparels.

Also, many a times, weavers were not able to get raw cotton of good quality.

In contradiction to the history of weavers, at the present time, Handloom weavers are facing severe livelihood crisis because of adverse government policies, globalization and changing socio-economic conditions. The national and state governments do have several schemes pertaining to production inputs, market support and development, meant to protect the welfares of the weaving community.

Fruitless operation of the schemes and the changed context of textile industry, increasing competition from the power loom and mill sectors have been largely responsible for the crisis in the handlooms.

Lack of information to weavers regarding various policies and schemes is no less a significant cause for the dwindling fortunes of the weaver community. Even government departments and implementing agencies related to handloom suffer from inadequate information and data.

Out of the 38 million people employed in the weaving industry 12.4 million, or close to 33%, are concentrated in this declining part of the sector. The majority of them are traditional caste and very poor as well as economically weaker sections, working along with their family members joined together in joint family units. Most of the women of all age groups are dedicatedly doing this weaving as their profession for their livelihood.

Importance of Handloom and its future in the fashion industry

Die handloom industry is one of the most important industries for Indian economy which resonates the rich and diverse culture, it also showcases country’s impeccable skill, ingenuity and expertise to the world. This industry has the highest employment rate after agriculture and accounts for 4 percent of the GDP, 14 percent of industrial production and 17 percent of the country’s total export earnings.

More so, handlooms have a low carbon footprint, or none, as they consume less infrastructure, technology and power. However, what is less talked about is the importance of sustainability of handlooms in the ever-growing fashion industry of India.

Banarasi Suits and Sarees, being sold by the locals at markets.

Owing to the intensifying pressure for companies to become more sustainable, designers in the fashion industry, by and large, have started giving importance to the handloom sector. The handloom products play a major role in the world of fabrics. Around 45 lakh people are directly or indirectly engaged in this sector.

Experts and most of the eminent fashion designers, who attended fashion shows at the Textiles India 2017 summit, were of the view that sustainability is the way to take fashion forward. They consensually agreed to the fact that some of the dying heirloom techniques and the vibrant handloom sector need immense support from the fashion industry to sustain. One of the major initiatives taken to promote handlooms, is the launch of India Handloom brand (IHB) by PM Modi in 2015. It focuses on uses of natural fibers such as cotton, wool, silk, and jute, and provides branding to the products for distinction.

There is a new momentum and new designers are coming up and getting involved, which is putting more focus on reviving dying heirloom techniques.

In today’s world of technological advancement, marketing is pertinent to the growth and development of handloom industry.

Challenges Faced by Indian weavers!

A weaver working meticulously on the hand loom.

1. Technological backwardness- The handloom weavers practice traditional methods of weaving, without any application of technology. The looms employed in the manufacture of handloom products are worn out and with modernity hitting it has become crucial for the handloom weavers to acquire new looms and maintain the old ones.

2. The paucity of Novelty in Designs– The designs made by some of the independent weavers of India are considered outdated by today’s generation. It has become difficult for the weavers to survive in the present scenario of intense competition in the fashion industry. Efforts have been take by the fashion industry of India and the government wherein young designing students of reputed fashion institutes are employed for contemporizing the craft of the handloom weavers through skill enhancement and product development.

3. Increase in competition from Power Loom and Mill Sector- According to fashion industry sources- while the fabric produced by the power loom would cost Rs. 30 per meter, that produced on handloom would be around Rs. 500 per meter. Due to the higher prices of handloom products, a limited section of the society can afford to buy the handloom produce, and the larger sector opts for the power loom fabrics.

4. Lack of credit availability- The major issues faced by handloom weavers is lack of access to credit and the expensive cost of credit. It’s speculated that only 14.8% of the handloom weavers had access to institutionalized sources of credit.

From the IKF Desk

India is again standing at a place where it can command its worth, by teaching the world to live resourcefully and the world is turning towards it for the knowledge and resources. We need to conserve our resources, utilize the strength of young people and their skills, learn to respect artisans and move towards sustainable technologies and options. Myopic and short-term gains might seem lucrative now but a foresighted approach will secure our future.

We undoubtedly need technology, but we also need to understand that excessive reliance on machine-made products and complete negligence towards hand-made and sustainable products could lead us towards a doomsday of its own.


Handloom Fabric Manufacturing Process – An Introduction

From ancient times till now, the handloom has been the pride of India's traditional and cultural brilliance. The dexterous Indian textile weavers since ancient times have been weaving wonders. When we talk about handloom fabrics, we connect it with khadi fabrics and sarees. At present, hand loom fabrics are used as raw materials in various types of apparel products making. This article walks you through the preparatory phases of handloom fabric production to finished handloom fabric manufacturing processes.

The major processes involved the followings

  1. Raw material selection
  2. Raw material to yarn conversion
  3. Dyeing of yarns
  4. Bobbin winding and warping
  5. Sizing of warp yarns
  6. Dressing and winding of warp yarns
  7. Attaching Warp Yarns on Loom
  8. Weft yarn winding
  9. Weaving fabric in a handloom
  10. Final handloom products

1. Raw Materials

Image: Raw materials for textile yarns (Natural fibres -cotton, flex, silk, wool)

2. Raw Material to Yarn Conversion

Yarn is a long continuous length of interlocked fibers. The raw material is gently rolled with palm to form a loosely interlocked cylindrical bunch known as a sliver. This loosely interlocked sliver is then spun on a charkha or hathkarkha to make it compact and fine. The spun cotton yarns are braided into skeins and sent for dyeing.

3. Dyeing of yarns

Dyeing is a process of colouring the greige yarns. It is a crucial preliminary step of handloom weaving. This process is done by hand in small lots or hanks using natural or chemical colourants. Hank yarn dyeing is predominant in South India, contrary to the North, where fabric dying is famous. There are majorly three types of dyeing -

Natural Dyeing


Image: Natural dyeing | Image credit: www.dacottonhandlooms.in

Indigo Dyeing


Synthetic Dyeing

/>
Image: Synthetic dyeing | Image credit: www.dacottonhandlooms.in

4. Bobbin Winding and Warping

5. Sizing of warp yarns

Post warping, the warp yarns are stretched out for size application. Sizing material or starch is applied to add strength and lubricate the yarn. This crucial activity is called "sizing". Natural sizing material like rice, maize, wheat flour, or potato starch is used depending on the region. After the application of the sizing paste onto the stretched yarn, special brushes are used to spread and dry the starch on the yarn. This starch is removed only after two to three washes of the finished product.

6. Dressing and Winding the warp yarns

Before the size applied warp is loaded onto the loom, the warp yarns are aligned and separated to facilitate smooth weaving. The aligned and starched yarns are carefully wound around a wooden beam and carried to the loom.

7. Attaching Warp Yarns on Loom

Each warp yarn is drawn through heddles and reed and finally tied on both front beam and back beam. According to a pre-determined weave plan, yarns are passed through heddles which separate the warp yarns into two sections between which the weft yarn (horizontal/width-wise yarn) passes.

8. Weft yarns winding

For horizontal or weft yarn preparation, traditionally, charka is used. By the fingertips, correct tension is given to the yarn. A hank of yarn is wound onto a small bobbin called “pirn”. The weft yarn wound on pirn is then inserted into a shuttle (a device used in weaving to carry the weft thread back and forth between the warp threads.)

9. Weaving fabric in a handloom

Weaving is the process of interlacement of warp and weft (vertical and horizontal) sets of yarn. The fabrics which are weaved on handloom are known as handloom products. As the name suggests, handloom is a loom that is used to weave fabrics using hands, that is, without the use of electricity. The foot pedals are pressed to lift the respective heddles according to the weave plan and it has to be in sync with throwing the weft or horizontal yarns across the two sections of warp yarns. Weavers continue weaving for long hours in a day which requires immense concentration and physical strength.


A Peek into the History of Sri Lankan Handloom!

It’s no secret that we love Sri Lankan handlooms Everything from the colours, textures, materials and methods to the weavers, make up our fascination with them. But, it’s a bit more layered than that too. Handlooms weave through Sri Lanka’s culture so far back in history, that their story is almost like the story of this island.

Sri Lanka’s story has been ingrained with handloom so much so that the opening scene of our known history begins with Kuvanna ⁠— a native Yakkha tribe princess spinning cotton as a ship nears the shores, carrying a band of bandits led by Vijaya —a part-lion outlaw (yes, you read that right, but let’s not get into that now), who would marry Kuvanna to become the island’s first recorded king. From this point in history two and a half thousand years ago, and probably much further back, Sri Lankan handlooms have been evolving through wars, trading, golden ages, the caste system, colonisation and everything else that shaped the island and its people.

Sri Lanka’s traditional weaver casts are usually identified in two groups the indigenous weaving communities in areas like Thalagune, and master weavers brought from India by royalty to make gold-woven handlooms. Right now, Sri Lankan handloom weavers are scattered throughout the island, with some of them being traditional weavers who have a generational connection to the craft, while others are entrepreneurs and government trained artisans with home based small businesses or employed in private, cooperative and state operations. The weavers we work with are based in areas like Maharagama and Kurunegala where they are attached to socially responsible organisations, and the rural hills of Dumbara where sustainability is really a norm that has been practiced before the word was even invented.

Although the government programmes to maintain a consistent demand for handlooms through state workers’ uniforms and work attire specifications have kept local handlooms afloat, these projects don’t really encourage artisans to express their creativity or to experiment enough. But, things are slowly changing, and there are really interesting mixes of aesthetics, technology and business opportunities beginning to influence Sri Lankan handloom, and we’re excited to see where this will go.

All in all, we think Sri Lankan handlooms, and in turn, the bean bags we make with them, have a kind of magic Because caught between their threads, is the memory of a beautiful place in the tropics, its people and their oldest textile craft that has been kept alive through generational knowledge. That’s pretty impressive for a bean bag, we think. But, that’s the thing these bean bags we make with handlooms are created on the hands of people whose traditions and life stories are as rich as their weaves. So, these bean bags are never just things that sit lifeless in your room they are alive, we say, because they actually speak about cultures and histories in subtle ways that make your space more intriguing.


The Sambalpuri Ikat of Odisha: History, Symbolism and Contemporary Trends

Surendra Meher is the youngest son of legendary ikat weaver Padmashree Kunjabihari Meher, from Barpali. After graduating from Sambalpur University he devoted himself to innovating and experimenting new designs in the age-old traditional art of Sambalpuri Ikat to adapt it to modern tastes. Surendra Meher has set a record in being honoured with the State Award of Orissa for three years consecutively. He also received the National Award in 1991 and the Kalanidhi Award in 1993. He has represented the country in the 'India Week exhibition' at the Algurair Centre, Dubai, and also at the Asian Art Museum, San Fransisco, in 1997. His classic creations have been part of the permanent display of the Art Gallery of the Crafts Museum, New Delhi and the Asian Art Museum, San Francisco.

Textiles are cultural artefacts that reflect social histories of the places where they originate. In the Indian subcontinent, owing to its vastness, an account of its wide-ranging textiles presents a particularly speckled map. Textiles in India vary from place to place dramatically, not only in terms of the type of material or cloth but also in design, manifesting in them the diversity in geographical and ethnic cultural patterns. And amongst the different types of fabrics available in India—chiefly wool, jute, hemp, silk and cotton—it is cotton that offers the richest styles of expression. While other fabrics have a distinct quality in texture, cotton being relatively flat has been explored most ingeniously by Indian weavers in terms of colours and designs to create striking results (Varadarajan 1984). Craftsmen have devised different design and weaving methods, chief amongst them being bandhani, kalamkari, block print and ikat. The bandhani is a process of knotting, tying and dyeing, traditionally associated with the states of Gujarat and Rajasthan and is known as chungadi in Madura, Tamil Nadu. Painted textiles are called kalamkari and those stamped are called chit or block-printed fabrics. Ikat is the most intricate and elaborate of all these methods involving resist dye as well as weaving of loose threads post the dyeing. The yarn already bears the impression of the pattern when the loom is set for weaving. If both warp and weft are resist dyed the resultant weave is called ‘double ikat’ which is primarily associated with the patola ikats of Patan, in Gujrat (Figure 1). And if either the weft or the warp yarn alone is dyed, the weave is termed ‘single ikat’, more widely produced in Odisha. Despite the supposed influences of Gujarat’s patola on Odishan weaving, the two are strikingly different in design. The Gujarati patolas are recognisable through their bold outlines, geometrical grid-like overall design. However, the Odishan ikat follows a curvilinear style and has a feathery look with hazy outlines (Figure 3). This essay provides a general overview of the latter tradition, as primarily practised in the Sambalpur region in Odisha, with a focus on the profound symbolism and cultural moorings which inform the ostensibly decorative styles. To quote Judith Livingstone’s succinct description of ikat’s multiple cultural connotations, these fabrics ‘have been worn as costume, exchanged as gifts, acquired as items of status and prestige, utilized for ceremonial and ritual purposes. They have also served as a medium of communication between members of social groups, as much as between the physical and spiritual world’ (Livingstone 1994:153).

Ikat is an Indonesian word derived from the word ‘mengikat’, meaning to tie. Apart from India, Indonesia, Japan and China are the other countries in which this method of weaving is widely practised. While indigenously this resist dye and tie method is called bandha kala or tie art in Odisha, because of the international resonance of the term ‘ikat’, this essay will primarily use the latter term to also refer to the Sambalpuri textiles.

Figure 1: This 19th-century wedding saree is a typical example of the Patola silk from Gujarat. This ikat uses both weft and warp dyeing method. Metallic gold thread is also used in this saree along with silk. Source: Wikimedia Commonshttp://collections.lacma.org/sites/default/files/remote_images/piction/ma-2382345-O3.jpg

Figure 2: Ceremonial Ikat Hanging from Bali, Indonesia, late 19th century. Source: Honolulu Academy of Arts pasted on Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=7331824

Figure 3: Sambalpuri Ikat. Notice that compared to the geometrical and more precise patola, the Odishan ikat has a curvilinear and feathery appearance.

Design and Symbolism

Ordinary craftsmanship of extraordinary creation—that is bandha kala. One can say this for two reasons. Firstly, ordinary craftsmen of Odisha living ordinary lives and in some cases in abject penury, display extraordinary creativity in producing some of the most exquisite designs in textiles. The famous saying of Odisha’s legendary poet Bhimabhoyi (late 19th century) has remained an inspiration for the weavers, ‘The suffering of humankind—I hope my life becomes hell but alleviates the human condition’. And secondly, through these textiles ordinary life is constantly imbued with an extraordinary vision regarding evolution, the nature of human civilisation, as well as the cultural values of the Odishan society. As the primary wearer, the woman drapes over herself these rich symbolic imageries connecting her everyday world with the divine and the spiritual.

In different scriptural texts or shastras, the Indian woman is associated with qualities of elegance and abundance by the ‘wise men’. For instance, the following old poem cited in Kunja Meher’s (Meher 2004) book affixes various attributes to the Oriya woman in so many words:

Padmini Padmabasini (who smells like lotus) Mrugarajkati (with a waist as slim as a deer’s) Nindeghanajagani (with round thighs) gajabaschali Gajagamini (whose walk is soft and sensual like an elephant’s) kanhi achu dhana (Where are you my dear?)

Dekha Chandranayana (please show your moonface). Bachanu binate gheni (I humbly request you to listen to me).

Kokilakantha jina (whose voice is like a koel bird’s and even better) Chandramukhi lalana (oh moonfaced girl) Mrugachahani (with the swift innocent look of a deer) Mrughakhi (whose eyes are also shaped like the deer’s) Bimbaadhari (with the parrot’s red lips) Meena nayani (fish-like round eyes) Maninimadalasa Mandahasi (the sensitive woman and the one who smiles proportionately—slight, sweet smile) Ghanakesi (with thick hair) Puspabati latika (with hair like the creeper with lots of flowers) Jabaadhari (with the red lips of a hibiscus flower) Dalimbabijadonti (with small white teeth like the seeds of pomengranate) Mrudukumudakanti (your skin color is like that of a blooming lily) Maralagamini (you have a swan-like walk) Chandranane (round is your visage—moonfaced) Nasikatilapuspa (your nose is slender like the flower of the ‘til’ plant) Kusumathani kularajani ghanakesi (You are like a flower with lush hair).

Thus, as seen in these effusive lines describing a woman’s beauty, comparing ideal feminine qualities to nature’s elements had other social connotations. For instance, the ideal woman had to cultivate certain personality traits as the householder—she was the soft-spoken, gentle and forgiving woman. Her physical traits were a reflection of an inner resilience and virtuousness. With innocent, constantly batting doe-eyes (mriganayani, mrugakhi), a body that smelled sweet and pleasant like the lotus flower (padmabasini), soft sensual walk of an elephant which produced no sound (gajagamini), sway of a duck or swan (maralagamani) and the sweet gentle smile on her red parrot-like lips, such a woman, whose outer beauty and sensuality could only correspond to a personality that was loving and undemanding, could shoulder the duties as wife, mother and householder. Such was the fantasised role of women in the shastras, epics, poems and depiction in the architecture of Odishan culture since ancient times. Other major literary inspirations for female representation in Sambalpuri ikat are poet Kalidasa’s Abhijnana Shakuntalam and the verses from ‘Madhumaya’ poems in the book Pranayabalari by renowned Odia poet Gangadhar Meher, who himself belonged to the weaver community. Radhanath Rai’s poems describing the Chilika Lake in Odisha, its water, sky, and birds are also depicted in the sarees.

The traditional Bichitrapuri saree with one of the oldest known designs has therefore recurring motifs of the deer, lion, elephant, geese, ducks in its end panel (Figures 4, 5). While on the surface, deracinated from its context, these motifs might look merely decorative, to depict a horse or camel in these sarees would thus become completely illogical and counterproductive. The Indumati saree depicts all the duties of the Odia housewife and Panchkanya saree shows womenfolk in a specific attractive pose with one leg up, their heads falling back as they play the conch with their mouths. Some of the other key recurrent traditional motifs include the lotus as a symbol of the universe emerging from the sun as well as Goddess Lakshmi’s seat, the conch representing the mystic symbol ‘om’, the tortoise as incarnation of Lord Vishnu, the fish as a sign of evolution as well as one of the eight symbols of good luck, the coiled serpent symbolising the unending cycle of time, peacock for prosperity, and the dharma chakra. The Charuchitrapata saree depicts imageries from the other traditional Odishan art—the scroll paintings or patachitra based on Hindu mythology, especially the life of Lord Krishna. Similarly, designs emphasising a particular dominant motif are codified such as the Mandara Phuliya Kapata (hibiscus flower cloth), Ekphuliya (one-flower design), Dusphuliya (ten-flower design), Boulomaliya (flower garland), Nagabandi (two snakes entangled and facing each other) Aasman Tara (stars in the sky), Sakatapara (depicting carts), etc. In olden times, sarees were also named according to the codified designs each incorporated—Pushbati, Ratnabati, Mriganayani, Gajagamini, Padmavati, Champakmali, Malinitoya, Indumati, Bhanumati, Bharatikusuma, Kalaratna, Ratnabati, Panchkanya, Kalingasundari, Utkalaratna, Topoi, etc. The famous Pasapalli saree with its distinct chequered design is inspired by a traditional board game, pasa. In most of these sarees, it is the anchal of pallu, i.e. the end panel that is the most important part of the design and visually striking. Adorned in these assemblages of auspicious motifs on the sarees, the virtuous woman is believed to constantly carry upon her body and be reminded of the traditional values of Odishan culture.

However, apart from the secular and day-to-day usage as women’s drapes, the ikat textiles also served an important religious function. In this regard it is worthwhile here to discuss the Gitagovinda cloth as an example of the contexts within which Odisha’s ikat was originally produced and received. The Gitagovinda is probably one of the oldest surviving types of the religious ikats of Odisha. These are especially made by the community of Nuapatna weavers in Cuttack district, with almost 90 per cent of this village comprising of different castes of hereditary weavers. On a mere descriptive level, the Gitagovinda is typically made in silk containing verses from the religious text, Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda, a devotional poem dedicated to the Hindu deity Krishna, produced through the weft ikat technique (Figure 6). The end panel or pallu is typically made out of three dominant colours, corresponding to the chariots in Ratha Yatra festival—green for the deity Balabhadra, red for Subhadra and yellow for Jagannath. The verses most frequently deployed in these fabrics are the first part of the Gita Govinda text on the Dasvatara or Vishnu’s ten incarnations. However, on a cultural level, the Gitagovinda cloth is circulated in the extremely ritualistic domains within the Jagannath Temple of Puri, defining and negotiating anew hierarchies within the religious structures between the devotees, the different kinds of sevakas or priests of the temple, etc. Moreover, as studied by Hacker, in medieval times, political power was deeply intertwined with the religious domain, and in the case of the Odishan empire, the king would actively partake in the temple rituals and strategically place himself in a high status within the temple hierarchies, often identifying himself as a symbolic incarnation of the deity itself (Hacker,1997). This would in turn shape relations with feudatory states and neighboring kingdoms and the trade dealings. For instance, the sacred Gitagovinda cloth, apart from being offered as gifts, would also be bartered for iron, wood and ropes to make the deities’ carts for Ratha Yatra. While the kings and heads were offered silk clothes, the rest of the ministry and family were given cotton fabrics, establishing hierarchies and marking status and prestige via means of the sacred textile which became an important visual and symbolic vehicle for formalising such political transactions. Thus the cloth served ceremonial, religious as well as political functions all at once.


The Malay Handloom Weavers : A Study of the Rise and Decline of Traditional Manufacture

Malay society of the past has usually been characterized by the presence of the peasantry, a pre-modern class of producers, tied to the land and beholden to a feudalistic or feudal-like ruling structure. In contrast, this book explores the diversity which in fact colours the economic history of the Malays. The subject of this book is a relatively unknown class of people, the handloom weavers, who played a decisive role in the economies of the eastern Malay states of Terengganu, Kelantan, and Pahang. Today, the products of these handloom weavers, the beautiful hand-woven sarongs and cloths, grace the most elegant and auspicious of occasions. What is the story behind the vicissitudes, often brutal, of textile production in the early or proto-industrial phases of the Malay economy? Why was the handloom industry, at its height, halted from realizing its full potential of trans-forming into a full-fledged industrial manufacture? What exactly is the putting-out system of production and how did men and women actualize their roles in such production regimes? Why did the putting-out system endure? In answering such questions this book explores the origins of the Malay handloom industry, its technology, its people, and its turbulent relationship with the ambitions of both the colonial and modern nation-states.


HandLoom Weavers

Both the spinning and weaving of cloth were originally carried out by people in their homes, who would then take the finished cloth to market. Originally using wool, which was brought in from Lancashire, and then cotton when it started arriving in huge quantities from America.

When cotton was first introduced into this country, it was assumed it must come from some sort of sheep, and when told it came from a plant, people decided that it must therefore come from a sheep plant.

"There grew there [India] a wonderful tree which bore tiny lambs on the endes of its branches. These branches were so pliable that they bent down to allow the lambs to feed when they are hungrie." Wrote John Mandeville in 1350

In Daniel Defoe's book of 1724, he recorded his journey through Great Britain and describes the working and living conditions of the labouring classes he found on his travels.
"and so nearer we came to Halifax we found the houses thicker and the villages greater. If we knocked at the door of any of the master manufacturers we presently saw a house full of lusty fellows, some at the dye vat, some dressing the cloth, some in the loom. These people are full of business, not a beggar not an idle person to be seen. This business is the clothing trade."

Handloom weavers working under the domestic system sometimes saved small amounts of yarn until they had enough to make an extra piece of cloth to sell for their own profit. Two weavers, Abraham and Henry Stansfield, were threatened with prosecution when they tried to sell two pieces of cloth to the owners of Mytholm Mill The Leeds Intelligencer published a Caution to Cotton Weavers in 1792 which reads as follows &ldquowe have requested them in pity for our large families, to take back their property and to forgive this offence, promising never to commit the like again&rdquo.

Once mechanisation had been introduced into cotton spinning by Samuel Cronpton with his Spinning Jenny, the obvious next step was to mechanise weaving. Although handloom weaving had been speeded up in the 18th century by the introduction of the flying shuttle, weaving was still done by hand either at home or in small loom shops. Spun cotton was now produced in large quantities for the first time by the mills, so handloom weaving was expanding to keep up with the supply. Although they lacked the status of their 18th century counterparts, it was still possible for handloom weavers to earn good wages in the early 19th century.

One of the advantages of having mills in this district was the presence of handloom weavers forming a large part of the population. The Sutcliffe papers show that one mill-owning family were employing hundreds of handloom weavers both locally and in East Lancashire. Ledgers and account books give the names of weavers in the townships of Heptonstall, Ripponden, Sowerby and Soyland, and show that in the 1820s and 1830s they were also employing an agent in Colne called Andrew Stuttard to organise weavers in the cotton weaving districts of Marsden, Brierfield and Barnoldswick areas.

Power Looms begin to take over

Initially the introduction of the power looms was patchy as the early machines were not able to produce as good a quality cloth as could be woven by hand, but as the machinery evolved power loom production took over from the handmade process in the 1830s and 1840s. Wages were lowered and the amount of time between one job and the next could be days or weeks. In the wake of a typhoid epidemic in the winter of 1842 a doctor called Robert Howard wrote about medical and sanitary conditions in Slack &ndash he lived at no. 15 New Road in Hebden Bridge and was paid by the poor law guardians to attend the sick. Howard&rsquos&rsquo local interests included medical and sanitary improvements in the town and district, but he was also concerned about the loss of dignity suffered by handloom weavers now forced to rely on charity.

Extract from a Handloom weaver&rsquos reminisces

Some political economists believed that there was a need to replace the old domestic system with the disciplined workforce of the mills where more and more people were now employed. Others saw it very differently. Joseph Greenwood&rsquos family had made their living from farming as well as handloom weaving and this interaction &ndash the dual economy - had long been characteristic of the area. Looking back on his childhood, growing up on the Wadsworth hillside in the 1830s he wrote:

&ldquoThe weavers as a class were poor, but they had their good times, the dwellings being on rising ground where they got the early sunshine in its splendour and where the atmosphere was not fouled by the smoke of the factory. There was no bell to ring them up at four or five o&rsquoclock in the morning nor again at noon, nor were they bound to stay late at night there was freedom to start and stay away as they cared.&rdquo

&ldquoThe later years of the forties were a very acute time for handloom weavers. Our house was on the spur of the hill, and towards the south, from it we could see the whole countryside and the village of Heptonstall to the west, the farmsteads and cottages about them to the north - west with here and there an occasional row of cottages. The summer&rsquos sun would shed its genial rays on the patches of corn fields, nearly all oats. The same sun in winter just before setting, shone over the snow and the wide expanse. Then there was the clear cold frost clear from the fog of the valleys, and the reflection from the windows of the weavers&rsquo cottages were much brighter than the brightest electric light in our large towns nowadays, but it was a time to make the flesh tingle and hunger to feel all the keener. The same windows which used to be lighted after dark from within were now in darkness, and many of the houses unoccupied, the hand wool comber and the handloom weaver are not there. In the walks that one might take in the lanes and footpaths, old faces are not to be met. The old families are not known, nor have been for some time. The sound of song and the shuttle is departed.&rdquo

From Joseph Greenwood, Reminiscences of Sixty years ago, 1909.

However, the poverty of the handloom weavers became of national concern. The handloom weavers tried to say that their jobs were safeguarded by statutes dating from Tudor times, but mill owners argued that these laws were archaic. Parliament appointed a Select Committee in 1803 and again in 1806 to investigate the issues and in 1909 the Govt. repealed all the old legislation. The age of the mill and factory system had won.
This change from cottage based to mechanised, mill based industry changed the whole social and cultural way of life.

Peel says of the working class before the repeal of the Corn Laws,
"Oatcake was then the 'staff of life' and oatmeal porridge an article of constant and universal consumption once a day at least, often twice, and not infrequently three times. Butchers' meat was a luxury in which they could seldom indulge, and then only to a very limited extent. Manufacturers everywhere were availing themselves of the many wonderful inventions that were being brought out for cheapening labour, and as the new machinery threw thousands out of employment when extensively introduced, the poor, misguided wretches, who could not understand how that could be a benefit which deprived them of the means of earning a livelihood and reduced them to beggary, met in secret conclaves, and resolved in their ignorance to destroy them. Had they been better instructed, they would have known that it was their duty to lie down in the nearest ditch and die."

Several of the local mill-owning families were instrumental in standing up to the Govt when they tried to introduce the workhouse system. Up till then families in need were paid money from the Poor Relief by the Overseer of the Poor. It was felt by some that this deterred people from working and that people should be put into workhouses where conditions were deliberately kept poor. Several of the local mill owners, people of some standing in the area, were against this and refused to set up workhouses in the area, continuing to pay its own poor relief.

There was much trouble and constables and soldiers were sent in to seize goods from John Fielden of Todmorden, who led the defiance. He in turn then said he would close all his mills in protest, thus forcing 3000 people into the new workhouses.

Infantry were drafted in and Fielden eventually re opened his mills.


Handspinning in people&rsquos homes


Taking the finished cloth to market


Sheep plant as drawn by John Mandeville


Sheep plant &ndash also known as the Vegetable Lamb of Tartary


Later picture of handloom weaver &ndash at Bogg Eggs of Wadsworth


Making oatcakes

Pictures from
The Costume of Yorkshire, George Walker
George Walker, a son of gentry, was born in 1781 near Leeds. His series of forty colored engravings depicting life in Yorkshire accompanied by text was first published as The Costume of Yorkshire in 1814.