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Het die Portugese en die Spaanse slawe op Europese grond vir hulle gewerk?

Het die Portugese en die Spaanse slawe op Europese grond vir hulle gewerk?

Ek weet dat die Portugese en die Spanjaarde slawe gehad het wat vir hulle werk in die oorsese kolonies, maar wat van hulle eie bodem in Europa?


Hulle het, en beslis 'n hele paar, soos 'n artikel in Wikipedia aangehaal:

In die middel van die sestiende-eeuse Sevilla was 7,4 persent van die bewoners wat slaags was, slawe en tussen 1682 en 1729 was die slawe-bevolking van Cádiz uiters groot, wat miskien tot 15 persent van die totale stedelike bevolking uitmaak. In ander stede, soos Málaga, Granada, Las Palmas, Huelva en Palos de la Frontera, was moontlik een uit elke tien inwoners slawe. […] Geskiedkundiges wat slawerny in Spanje bestudeer het, het dus tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat Renaissance en miskien selfs vroeg-moderne Spanje moontlik die grootste Afrika-bevolking in Europa gehad het.

Dit was meestal Afrika -slawe - voor die 15de eeu was daar ook slawe, Moslems (uit Suid -Spanje en Afrika) in die Christelike koninkryke en Christene (uit die res van Spanje en Oos -Europa) in Moslem -beheerde Spanje. Sien Wikipedia -artikel en sy bronne.


In 1761 het die markies van Pombal die slawerny in die vasteland van Portugal afgeskaf, wat daarop dui dat daar inderdaad slawe in die vasteland van Portugal was.

Hier is 'n skildery wat Lissabon uit die 16de eeu uitbeeld. Gee aandag aan die onderste regterhoek.


2.1 Portugese verkenning en Spaanse verowering

Portugese kolonisasie van Atlantiese eilande in die 1400's het 'n era van aggressiewe Europese uitbreiding oor die Atlantiese Oseaan ingewy. In die 1500's het Spanje Portugal as die dominante Europese moondheid oortref. Hierdie tydperk van verkenning en die daaropvolgende skepping van 'n Atlantiese wêreld was die vroegste fase van globalisering, waarin voorheen geïsoleerde groepe - Afrikaners, inheemse Amerikaners en Europeërs - eers met mekaar in aanraking gekom het, soms met rampspoedige gevolge.

PORTUGUESE VERKENNING

Prins Henry, die seevaarder, in Portugal was die leier van sy land se ondersoek na Afrika en die Atlantiese Oseaan in die 1400's. Met sy steun het Portugese seelui suksesvol 'n oostelike roete na Afrika opgevolg en daar 'n vastrapplek gevestig wat 'n grondslag van die handelsryk van hul land in die vyftiende en sestiende eeu geword het.

Portugese seelui het 'n Atlantiese ryk gebou deur die Kanariese Eilande, Kaap Verde en die Azore, sowel as die eiland Madeira, te koloniseer. Handelaars gebruik hierdie Atlantiese buiteposte dan as afskeidingspunte vir daaropvolgende reise. Vanuit hierdie strategiese punte het Portugal sy ryk langs die westelike kus van Afrika versprei na die Kongo, langs die westelike kus van Indië, en uiteindelik na Brasilië aan die oostelike kus van Suid -Amerika. Dit het ook handelsposte in China en Japan gevestig. Alhoewel die Portugese nie oor 'n enorme landmassa geheers het nie, het hul strategiese besit van eilande en kushawe hulle gedurende die 1400's byna ongeëwenaarde beheer oor seevaartroetes en 'n wêreldwye ryk van handelsposte gegee.

Die reise van Portugese handelaars na Wes -Afrika het hulle bekend gestel aan die Afrikaanse slawehandel, wat reeds flink onder Afrika -state was. Toe die Portugees die waarde van hierdie bron van arbeid in die verbouing van die winsgewende suikeropbrengs op hul Atlantiese eilande sien, het hulle vinnig begin om slawe van Afrika saam met Afrika -ivoor en goud uit te voer. Suiker het die Atlantiese slawehandel aangevuur, en die Portugese eilande het vinnig die tuiste van suikerplantasies geword. Die Portugese het ook hierdie slawe verruil en die nodige menslike kapitaal aan ander Europese lande bekendgestel. In die daaropvolgende jare, soos die Europese verkenning versprei het, het slawerny ook versprei. Mettertyd sou 'n groot deel van die Atlantiese Wêreld 'n reuse-suikerplantasie-kompleks word waarin Afrikane moeite doen om die hoogs winsgewende handelsware vir Europese verbruikers te produseer.

Americana

Elmina -kasteel

In 1482 bou Portugese handelaars die Elmina-kasteel (ook genoem São Jorge da Mina, of Saint George's of the Mine) in die huidige Ghana, aan die weskus van Afrika (Figuur 2.3). Dit was 'n versterkte handelspos en het kanonne gemonteer wat op die see uitkyk, nie in die binneland in die rigting van kontinentale Afrika nie. Die Portugese het groter vrees vir 'n vlootaanval van ander Europeërs as vir 'n landaanval van Afrikane. Portugese handelaars het gou begin vestig rondom die fort en het die stad Elmina gevestig.

Alhoewel die Portugese oorspronklik die fort hoofsaaklik gebruik het om goud te verhandel, het hulle teen die sestiende eeu hul fokus verskuif. Die kerker van die fort dien nou as 'n houer vir slawe van Afrikaners uit die binneland van die kontinent, terwyl Portugese handelaars op die boonste verdiepings in 'n kapel eet, slaap en bid. Verslaafde mense het weke of maande in die kerker gewoon totdat skepe aangekom het om hulle na Europa of Amerika te vervoer. Vir hulle was die kerker van Elmina hul laaste gesig van hul vaderland.

SPAANSE VERKENNING EN VERVOER

Die Spanjaarde vestig die eerste Europese nedersettings in die Amerikas, begin in die Karibiese Eilande en strek teen 1600 tot in Sentraal- en Suid -Amerika. Duisende Spanjaarde het na die Amerikas gestroom om rykdom en status te soek. Die bekendste van hierdie Spaanse avonturiers is Christopher Columbus (wat, hoewel Italiaans self, namens die Spaanse vorste verken het), Hernán Cortés en Francisco Pizarro.

Die geskiedenis van Spaanse ontdekking begin met die geskiedenis van Spanje self. Gedurende die vyftiende eeu het Spanje gehoop om voordeel te trek uit sy mededinger, Portugal. Die huwelik van Ferdinand van Aragon en Isabella van Kastilië in 1469 verenig Katolieke Spanje en begin met die bou van 'n nasie wat kan meeding om wêreldwye mag. Sedert die 700's was 'n groot deel van Spanje onder Islamitiese bewind, en koning Ferdinand II en koningin Isabella I, aartsverdedigers van die Katolieke Kerk teen Islam, was vasbeslote om die Moslems in Granada, die laaste Islamitiese vesting in Spanje, te verslaan. In 1492 voltooi hulle die Reconquista: die eeue lange Christelike verowering van die Iberiese Skiereiland. Die Reconquista was nog 'n stap vorentoe in die proses om van Spanje 'n keiserlike mag te maak, en Ferdinand en Isabella was nou gereed om verder weg te kyk.

Hulle doelwitte was om die katolisisme uit te brei en 'n kommersiële voordeel bo Portugal te behaal. Vir hierdie doel het Ferdinand en Isabella uitgebreide Atlantiese verkenning geborg. Die bekendste ontdekkingsreisiger van Spanje, Christopher Columbus, was eintlik van Genua, Italië. Hy het geglo dat hy, met behulp van berekeninge gebaseer op die reise van ander seelui, 'n roete na Indië kon vestig, wat gebruik kan word om die Europese handel uit te brei en die Christendom te versprei. Vanaf 1485 nader hy Genoese, Venesiaanse, Portugese, Engelse en Spaanse vorste en vra vir skepe en geld om hierdie roete na die weste te verken. Almal wat hy versoek het - insluitend Ferdinand en Isabella aanvanklik - het hom tereggewys; hulle was almal eens dat Columbus se ramings van die breedte van die Atlantiese Oseaan veels te laag was. Na drie jaar van versoeke, en, nog belangriker, die voltooiing van die Reconquista, het Ferdinand en Isabella ooreengekom om Columbus se ekspedisie in 1492 te finansier en drie skepe aan hom te voorsien: die Nina, die Pinta, en die Santa Maria. Die Spaanse vorste het geweet dat Portugese seelui die suidpunt van Afrika bereik het en die Indiese Oseaan vaar. Hulle het besef dat die Portugese binnekort Asië sou bereik, en in hierdie mededingende wedloop om die Verre Ooste te bereik, het die Spaanse heersers besluit om op te tree.

Columbus het verkeerde opvattings gehad wat sy denke gevorm het oor wat hy sou teëkom terwyl hy weswaarts vaar. Hy het geglo dat die aarde baie kleiner is as die werklike grootte, en omdat hy nie van die bestaan ​​van die Amerikas geweet het nie, het hy ten volle verwag om in Asië te land. Op 12 Oktober 1492 val hy egter op 'n eiland in die Bahamas aan. Daarna vaar hy na 'n eiland met die naam Hispaniola (die huidige Dominikaanse Republiek en Haïti) (Figuur 2.4). Omdat hy geglo het dat hy in Oos -Indië beland het, het Columbus die inheemse Taínos wat hy daar gevind het, 'Indios' genoem, wat die term 'Indiër' vir alle inboorlinge van die Nuwe Wêreld aanleiding gegee het. By die terugkeer van Columbus na Spanje, verleen die Spaanse kroon hom die titel van admiraal van die Oseaan en noem hom goewerneur en onderkoning van die lande wat hy ontdek het. As toegewyde Katoliek het Columbus met Ferdinand en Isabella ooreengekom voordat hy weswaarts vaar dat 'n deel van die verwagte rykdom uit sy reis gebruik sou word om die stryd teen Islam voort te sit.

Columbus se brief van 1493 - of probanza de merito (bewys van verdienste) - die beskrywing van sy 'ontdekking' van 'n nuwe wêreld het baie opgewondenheid in Europa gewek. Probanzas de meritos was verslae en briewe wat deur Spanjaarde in die nuwe wêreld aan die Spaanse kroon geskryf is, wat ontwerp is om koninklike beskerming te verower. Vandag beklemtoon hulle die moeilike taak van historiese werk, terwyl die briewe primêre bronne is, maar historici moet die konteks en die kultuur verstaan ​​waarin die conquistadors, soos die Spaanse avonturiers genoem is, dit skryf en hul vooroordeel en subjektiewe aard onderskei. Terwyl hulle vervul is met verdraaiings en versinsels, probanzas de meritos is nog steeds nuttig om die verwagting van rykdom onder die ontdekkingsreisigers te illustreer, sowel as hul siening dat inheemse mense nie 'n ernstige struikelblok vir kolonisasie sou inhou nie.

In 1493 stuur Columbus twee eksemplare van 'n probanza de merito aan die Spaanse koning en koningin en hul minister van finansies, Luis de Santángel. Santángel het Columbus se reis ondersteun en hom gehelp om finansiering van Ferdinand en Isabella te bekom. Afskrifte van die brief het binnekort oral in Europa versprei en nuus versprei oor die wonderlike nuwe land wat Columbus 'ontdek' het. Columbus sou in die volgende dekade nog drie reise onderneem en die eerste vestiging van Spanje in die nuwe wêreld op die eiland Hispaniola vestig. Baie ander Europeërs volg in Columbus se voetspore, getrek deur drome om rykdom te wen deur wes te vaar. 'N Ander Italianer, Amerigo Vespucci, wat vir die Portugese kroon vaar, het die Suid -Amerikaanse kuslyn tussen 1499 en 1502 verken. Anders as Columbus, het hy besef dat die Amerikas nie deel van Asië was nie, maar lande wat aan die Europeërs onbekend was. Vespucci se wyd gepubliseerde verslae oor sy reise het spekulasie en intense belangstelling in die Nuwe Wêreld onder Europeërs aangewakker. Onder die wat die verslae van Vespucci gelees het, was die Duitse kaartmaker Martin Waldseemuller. Deur die voornaam van die ontdekkingsreisiger te gebruik as 'n etiket vir die nuwe landmassa, het Waldseemuller in 1507 'Amerika' aan sy kaart van die nuwe wêreld geheg, en die naam het vasgesteek.

Definieer Amerikaans

Columbus s'n Probanza de merito van 1493

Die uitbuiting van die beroemdste Spaanse ontdekkingsreisigers het die Westerse beskawing 'n verhaal gegee van Europese oppergesag en inheemse Amerikaanse wreedheid. Hierdie verhale is egter gebaseer op die selfversterkende pogings van conquistadors om koninklike guns te verkry deur die skryf van probanzas de meritos (bewys van verdienste). Hieronder is uittreksels uit Columbus se brief van 1493 aan Luis de Santángel, wat illustreer hoe fantastiese verslae van Europese ontdekkingsreisigers baie mites aangaande die Spaanse verowering en die nuwe wêreld laat ontstaan ​​het.

Hierdie eiland is, net soos al die ander, die omvangrykste. Dit het baie hawens langs die kus wat uitblink in die Christendom — en baie mooi, groot, vloeiende riviere. Die land daar is verhewe, met baie berge en pieke onvergelyklik hoër as in die middelste eiland. Hulle is die mooiste, uit duisend verskillende vorme, toeganklik en vol bome van eindelose variëteite, so hoog dat dit lyk asof hulle die lug raak, en ek is meegedeel dat hulle nooit hul blare verloor nie. . . . Daar is heuning, en daar is baie soorte voëls, en 'n groot verskeidenheid vrugte. In die binneland is daar talle myne van metale en ontelbare mense. Hispaniola is 'n wonderwerk. Die heuwels en berge, mooi vlaktes en oop land is ryk en vrugbaar vir aanplant en weiding, en vir die bou van dorpe en dorpe. Die hawens daar is ongelooflik mooi, asook die pragtige riviere, waarvan die meeste goud dra. Die bome, vrugte en grasse verskil baie van dié in Juana. Daar is baie speserye en groot myne van goud en ander metale op hierdie eiland. Hulle het geen yster, geen staal of wapens nie, en is ook nie geskik daarvoor nie, want alhoewel hulle goed gemaakte manne is met 'n sterk bevel, lyk hulle buitengewoon skugter. Die enigste arms wat hulle het, is rietstokkies wat in saad gesny is, met 'n skerp stok aan die einde, en hulle is bang om dit te gebruik. Dikwels het ek twee of drie mans aan wal gestuur na 'n stad om met hulle te gesels, en die inboorlinge kom in groot getalle uit, en sodra hulle ons manne sien aankom, vlug hulle sonder 'n oomblik se vertraging, alhoewel ek hulle teen alle beserings beskerm het.

Wat toon hierdie brief ons oor Spaanse doelwitte in die Nuwe Wêreld? Hoe dink jy sou dit die Europeërs vir die eerste keer beïnvloed het om oor die Nuwe Wêreld te lees?

Die landing in Columbus in 1492 versnel die wedywering tussen Spanje en Portugal, en die twee moondhede het om oorheersing geveg deur die verkryging van nuwe lande. In die 1480's het pous Sixtus IV Portugal die reg gegee op alle grond suid van die Kaap Verde -eilande, wat die Portugese koning laat beweer het dat die lande wat Columbus ontdek het, nie aan Spanje behoort nie. In 'n poging om te verseker dat Columbus se vondste Spaans sou bly, het die monarge van Spanje hulle tot die in Spanje gebore pous Alexander VI gewend, wat in 1493 twee pouslike dekrete uitgevaardig het wat die Atlantiese aansprake van Spanje wettig verklaar het ten koste van Portugal. In die hoop om Portugal se Atlantiese besittings te red, het koning João II met onderhandelinge met Spanje begin. Die gevolglike Verdrag van Tordesillas in 1494 het 'n noord-na-suidlyn deur Suid-Amerika getrek (Figuur 2.5) Spanje het gebied wes van die lyn gekry, terwyl Portugal die lande oos van die lyn behou het, insluitend die ooskus van Brasilië.

Columbus se ontdekking het 'n sluise van Spaanse ontdekking geopen. Geïnspireer deur verhale oor riviere van goud en skugter, buigbare inboorlinge, was later Spaanse ontdekkingsreisigers meedoënloos in hul soeke na grond en goud. Hernán Cortés het gehoop om oorerflike voorreg te kry vir sy gesin, huldebetaling en arbeid van inboorlinge en 'n jaarlikse pensioen vir sy diens aan die kroon. Cortés arriveer in 1504 op Hispaniola en neem deel aan die verowering van die eiland. In afwagting om sy eie eer en rykdom te wen, het Cortés later die Yucatán -skiereiland verken. In 1519 betree hy Tenochtitlán, die hoofstad van die Aztec (Mexica) Ryk. Hy en sy manne was verstom oor die ongelooflik gesofistikeerde paadjies, tuine en tempels in die stad, maar hulle was geskok oor die praktyk van menslike opoffering wat deel uitmaak van die Asteke -godsdiens. Bowenal het die rykdom van die Asteke in goud die Spaanse avonturiers gefassineer.

In die hoop om mag oor die stad te verkry, het Cortés Moctezuma, die Asteekse heerser, as gyselaar geneem. Die Spanjaarde vermoor toe honderde hooggeplaaste Mexika tydens 'n fees ter viering van Huitzilopochtli, die oorlogsgod. Dit het die mense van Tenochtitlán, wat teen die inbrekers in hul stad opgestaan ​​het, kwaad gemaak. Cortés en sy mense het vir hul lewens gevlug en op een van Tenochtitlán se paaie gehardloop na veiligheid aan die oewer. As gevolg van hul nederlaag in die hande van die Asteke, het Cortés stadig bondgenootskappe aangegaan met inheemse mense wat die Azteekse heerskappy ontstel het. Dit het byna 'n jaar geneem voordat die Spanjaarde en die tienduisende inheemse bondgenote wat by hulle aangesluit het, die Mexika in Tenochtitlán verslaan het, wat hulle gedoen het deur die stad te beleër. Slegs deur op die onenigheid tussen die uiteenlopende groepe in die Asteke -ryk te speel, kon die Spaanse die groot stad Tenochtitlán verower. In Augustus 1521, nadat hy 'n suksesvolle burgeroorlog aangevuur het en mededingende Spaanse ontdekkingsreisigers afgeweer het, eis Cortés Tenochtitlán vir Spanje en hernoem dit Mexico City.

Die tradisionele Europese verkenningsverhaal bied die oorwinning van die Spaanse oor die Asteke aan as 'n voorbeeld van die meerderwaardigheid van die Europeërs bo die "woeste Indiërs". Die werklikheid is egter baie meer kompleks. Toe Cortés die sentrale deel van Mexiko verken, het hy 'n gebied teëgekom wat van konflik dreineer. Baie mense in Mexiko was nie verenig en tevrede onder die Asteekse bewind nie, en was gereed om in opstand te kom. Veral een groep, die Tlaxcalan, het hul lot by die Spaanse ingegooi en tot 200 000 vegters in die beleg van Tenochtitlán voorsien. Die Spaanse het ook pokke na die vallei van Mexiko gebring. Die siekte het die mense in Tenochtitlán baie geëis, wat 'n baie groter rol in die dood van die stad gespeel het as die Spaanse wapenmag.

Cortés is ook bygestaan ​​deur 'n Nahua -vrou met die naam Malintzin (ook bekend as La Malinche of Doña Marina, haar Spaanse naam), wat die inboorlinge van Tabasco hom as huldeblyk gegee het. Malintzin het vir Cortés vertaal in sy omgang met Moctezuma en het, hetsy gewillig of onder druk, 'n fisiese verhouding met hom aangegaan. Hulle seun, Martín, was moontlik die eerste mestizo (persoon van gemengde inheemse Amerikaanse en Europese afkoms). Malintzin bly 'n omstrede figuur in die geskiedenis van die Atlantiese Wêreld. Sommige mense beskou haar as 'n verraaier omdat sy Cortés gehelp het om die Asteke te verower, terwyl ander haar as 'n slagoffer van Europese uitbreiding beskou. In beide gevalle toon sy een manier waarop inheemse mense gereageer het op die koms van die Spanjaarde. Sonder haar sou Cortés nie kon kommunikeer nie, en sonder die taalbrug sou hy sekerlik minder suksesvol gewees het om die Asteke -ryk te destabiliseer. Op hierdie en ander maniere het inheemse mense gehelp om die verowering van die Amerikas te vorm.

Die verkrygingsvermoë van Spanje ken skynbaar geen perke nie, aangesien groepe van sy ontdekkingsreisigers na die volgende groot rykdom gesoek het. Een so 'n ontdekkingsreisiger, Francisco Pizarro, het in 1509 na die Spaanse Karibiese Eilande gegaan, getrek deur die belofte van rykdom en titels. Hy het aan suksesvolle ekspedisies in Panama deelgeneem voordat hy gerugte oor die rykdom van die Inka in die suide gevolg het. Alhoewel sy eerste pogings teen die Inka -ryk in die 1520's misluk het, het Pizarro die Inka -keiser Atahualpa in 1532 gevange geneem en hom 'n jaar later tereggestel. In 1533 stig Pizarro Lima, Peru. Net soos Cortés, moes Pizarro nie net die inboorlinge van die nuwe wêrelde wat hy verower het nie, maar ook mededingers uit sy eie land bestry, waarna 'n Spaanse mededinger hom in 1541 vermoor het.

Die strewe van Spanje om sy ryk te vergroot, het daartoe gelei dat ander hoopvolle veroweraars verder na Amerika gestap het, in die hoop om die sukses van Cortés en Pizarro te herhaal. Hernando de Soto het deelgeneem aan Pizarro se verowering van die Inca, en van 1539 tot 1542 het hy ekspedisies na die huidige suidoostelike Verenigde State gelei, op soek na goud. Hy en sy volgelinge het die huidige Florida, Georgia, die Carolinas, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Louisiana en Texas ondersoek. Oral waar hulle gereis het, het hulle Europese siektes gebring, wat duisende inheemse lewens sowel as die lewens van die ontdekkingsreisigers geëis het. In 1542 sterf de Soto self tydens die ekspedisie. Die oorlewende Spanjaarde, met 'n bietjie meer as driehonderd, het teruggekeer na Mexico-stad sonder om die langverwagte berge goud en silwer te vind.

Francisco Vásquez de Coronado is in 'n adellike gesin gebore en het in 1535 na Mexiko gegaan, toe New Spain genoem. Tussen 1540 en 1542 het Coronado 'n groot ekspedisie van Spanjaarde en inheemse bondgenote na die lande noord van Mexikostad gelei, en die volgende paar jaar het hulle die gebied wat nou in die suidweste van die Verenigde State is, ondersoek (Figuur 2.6). Gedurende die winter van 1540–41 het die ontdekkingsreisigers oorlog gevoer teen die Tiwa in die huidige New Mexico. In plaas van die ontdekking van goud en silwer, het die ekspedisie Coronado egter net bankrot gelaat.

DIE SPANSE GOLDEN Age

Die uitbuiting van Europese ontdekkingsreisigers het 'n groot impak gehad in Amerika en in Europa. 'N Uitruil van idees, gedeeltelik aangevuur en gefinansier deur kommoditeite van die Nuwe Wêreld, het Europese nasies begin verbind en op hul beurt die dele van die wêreld wat die Europeërs verower het, aangeraak. In Spanje het goud en silwer uit die Amerikas gehelp om 'n goue era, die Siglo de Oro, aan te wakker toe Spaanse kuns en letterkunde floreer. Rykdom het uit die kolonies ingestroom, en nuwe idees het uit ander lande en nuwe lande ingestroom. Die Hapsburg -dinastie, wat 'n versameling gebiede insluit, waaronder Oostenryk, Nederland, Napels, Sicilië en Spanje, het die werk van skilders, beeldhouers, musikante, argitekte en skrywers aangemoedig en gefinansier, wat gelei het tot 'n opbloei van die Spaanse Renaissance -kultuur. Een van die bekendste werke van hierdie tydperk is die roman Die ingenieuse heer Don Quichote van La Mancha, deur Miguel de Cervantes. Hierdie twee-volume boek (1605 en 1618) vertel 'n kleurryke verhaal van 'n hidalgo (gentleman) wat soveel verhale van ridderlikheid en ridderskap lees dat hy nie die werklikheid uit fiksie kan vertel nie. Met sy getroue sidekick Sancho Panza, laat Don Quichote die werklikheid agter en wil hy ridderlikheid laat herleef deur te veg met wat hy as die vyande van Spanje beskou.

Klik en verken

Verken die versameling by The Cervantes Project vir beelde, volledige tekste en ander bronne wat verband hou met Cervantes se werke.

Spanje lok innoverende buitelandse skilders soos El Greco, 'n Griek wat by Italiaanse Renaissance -meesters soos Titiaan en Michelangelo gestudeer het voordat hy na Toledo verhuis het. Inheemse Spanjaarde het ewe blywende werke geskep. Las Meninas (The Maids of Honor), wat in 1656 deur Diego Velázquez geskilder is, is een van die bekendste skilderye in die geskiedenis. Velázquez het homself ingeskilder in hierdie indrukwekkende groot koninklike portret (hy word aan die linkerkant met sy kwas en esel gehou) en die kyker met vrymoedigheid op die plek geplaas waar die koning en die koningin in die toneel sou staan ​​(Figuur 2.7).


Portugal konfronteer sy slawehandelverlede

Beplande monument in Lissabon veroorsaak debat oor ras en geskiedenis.

LISBON - Meer as vyf eeue nadat die Atlantiese slawehandel begin het, berei Portugal voor om 'n gedenkteken te bou vir die miljoene Afrikane wat sy skepe in slawerny gedra het.

Inwoners van Lissabon het in Desember gestem dat die monument op 'n kaai gebou moet word waar slaweskepe eens afgelaai is. Alhoewel die gedenkteken breë steun het, het 'n verdelende debat ontstaan ​​oor hoe Portugal die koloniale verlede en die veelrassige hede die hoof bied.

"Dit sal baie goed wees vir ons stad," het Beatriz Gomes Dias, president van Djass, 'n vereniging van Afro-Portugese burgers wat die gedenkplan van stapel gestuur het, gesê.

"Mense het regtig agter die projek gekom, daar was 'n erkenning dat so iets nodig is," het Gomes Dias gesê. 'Baie mense het vir ons gesê dat dit belangrik is om geregtigheid te bring in die geskiedenis van Portugal hier in Lissabon, 'n kosmopolitiese en diverse hoofstad met so 'n sterk Afrika -teenwoordigheid.'

Portugese vaartuie het na raming 5,8 miljoen Afrikane in slawerny vervoer.

Sommige is egter bang dat die geskiedenis die risiko loop om deur die politiek gekaap te word.

'Ek dink dit is 'n goeie idee, maar diegene agter hierdie monument wil 'n bepaalde visie wat tot op 'n sekere punt 'n mite is, laat voortbestaan,' het historikus João Pedro Marques gesê.

Slawerny was 'n 'barbaarsheid', sê Marques, wat al verskeie boeke daaroor geskryf het. Teen die tyd dat dit sy hoogtepunt bereik het, het hy gesê, speel Lissabon egter slegs 'n marginale rol in 'n handel wat direk tussen handelaars in Angola en Brasilië plaasgevind het.

'Die idee dat Lissabon die hoofstad van die slawehandel was, is 'n leuen,' het hy gesê. 'Dit is deel van 'n politieke strategie ... die uiterste links in Portugal roer dit op. Hulle plaas dit op die politieke agenda. ”

Die Atlantiese slawehandel het in 1444 begin toe 235 mense wat van die nuut ontdekte kus van Wes-Afrika weggeruk is, te koop aangebied is in Lagos, nou 'n ontspanne Portugese strandoord aan die suidwestelike punt van Europa.

'N Graffiti in 'n gebied bekend as “Little Africa, ”, naby die Valongo -slawe -kaai in Rio de Janeiro, Brasilië | Mario Tama/Getty Images

Die kroniekskrywer Gomes Eanes de Zurara was byderhand. 'Kinders wat hulself van hul ouers verwyder het, hardloop vinnig na hulle toe,' het hy geskryf. 'Moeders het hul kinders in hul arms vasgehou en hulle vasgehou, op die grond neergegooi en hulle met hul liggame bedek sonder om ag te slaan op die houe wat hulle gekry het. ”

Gedurende die volgende vier eeue sou Portugese vaartuie na raming 5,8 miljoen Afrikane in slawerny vervoer. Die meeste het na Brasilië gegaan - 'n Portugese kolonie tot 1822.

'N Witgespoelde visie ’?

Die twis oor hoe Portugal sy rol in die slawehandel moet kenmerk, het verlede lente opgevlam toe president Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa 'n staatsbesoek aan Senegal gebring het.

Op 'n besoek aan Gorée Island, 'n berugte vertrekpunt vir slaweskepe, het hy gesê dat Portugal die 'ongeregtigheid van slawerny' erken het toe dit in 1760's beperkte afskaffingswette ingestel het. Hy het nie leiers soos pous Johannes Paulus II en die Brasiliaanse president Lula da Silva gevolg wat daar verskoning gevra het nie.

'N Groep van meer as 50 woedende intellektuele het geskryf om te kla. 'Die woorde van die president het die witgekalkte visie van koloniale onderdrukking wat nog steeds baie gewild is onder die mees retrograde sektore van die Portugese samelewing, laat herleef,' het hulle in 'n ope brief gesê.

Portugese president Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, sentrum, besoek die House of Slaves, 'n museum en gedenkteken vir die Atlantiese slawehandel op Goree -eiland, aan die kus van die stad Dakar, Senegal | Moussa Sow/AFP via Getty Images

Ander het Rebelo de Sousa se verdediging gehaas en 'n geveg ontstaan ​​op meningsbladsye en sosiale media wat weer aangesteek is met die debat oor die slawerny -gedenkteken.

'Dit is 'n uitstekende idee om 'n gedenkteken aan die oewer van die Taag te bou,' het António Barreto, 'n politieke kommentator en voormalige wetgewer van die Sosialistiese Party, in die koerant Diário de Notícias geskryf.

'Solank dit nie 'n monument vir selfvlag is nie, wat om redes van historiese opportunisme en politieke demagogie daarop gemik is om aan te toon dat Portugese kolonialisme wreder was as die ander,' het hy geskryf.

Slawerny werp 'n skaduwee oor wat die Portugese geskiedenis as 'n goue era uitbeeld, toe dapper manne in klein bootjies die eerste maritieme roetes verbind wat Europa verbind het met Afrika suid van die Sahara, Asië en Suid-Amerika in die 15de en 16de eeu.

The Age of Discoveries het van hierdie klein land op die marges van Europa 'n wêreldmoondheid gemaak en die uitbuiting van die vroeë ontdekkingsreisigers bly die kern van die nasionale identiteit.

Onder die Portugese bly 'n oortuiging dat hul kolonialisme in die land sagter was as ander Europese ryke.

Portugal se "helde van die see" word gevier in die openingswoorde van die volkslied. 'N Navorsingsfeer versier die vlag. Standbeelde van dapper seevaarders pryk oor die landskap. 'N Standbeeld van prins Henry die Navigator, wat die ontdekkingsprogram aan die gang gesit het, sit op die terrein van die eerste slawemark in Lagos. 'N Klein museum is ook in 2016 daar geopen.

Die Afrika -ryk van Portugal was die langste in Europa. Dit het hink tot in die middel van die sewentigerjare, toe junior weermagoffisiere, wat deur koloniale oorlog siek was, die heersende diktatuur omverwerp en die weg oopmaak vir demokrasie tuis en onafhanklikheid vir die "oorsese gebiede".

Land van verdraagsaamheid

Min Portugese mis hul keiserlike bewind. Vier dekades later klou geen politieke mag aan koloniale nostalgie nie. Tog bly die oortuiging dat die Portugese kolonialisme sagter was as ander Europese ryke, gekenmerk deur 'n verdraagsame interaksie met ander mense en wydverspreide rassemenging.

Die verdraagsaamheid, lui die verhaal, word weerspieël in die huidige Portugal.

Anders as byna oral in Europa, is daar geen beduidende regse party wat xenofobiese populisme tydens die vlugtelingkrisis in Europa uitsteek nie, 'n parlementêre konsensus wat die vlugtelingkwota van die land in 2015 verdubbel het, het Portugal rustig gestem in António Costa, wie se vader Indiër was, as premier .

"Almal wat iets van Europa weet, moet saamstem dat Portugal waarskynlik die minste rassistiese land in Europa is," het Renato Epifânio, president van die Internasionale Lusofoonbeweging, wat kulturele bande tussen Portugese sprekende lande bevorder, in die dagblad Público geskryf. 'Dit kan en behoort een van ons grootste oorsake van trots te wees.'

Ondersteuners van hierdie lyn het die heel linkerkant daarvan beskuldig dat hulle probleme met rassisme oordryf het om 'n Amerikaanse korrektheid in die Amerikaanse styl onvanpas te maak in 'n Portugese konteks.

Vroue tree op tydens vierings vir die Black Awareness Day in Rio de Janeiro | Leo Correa/AFP via Getty Images

As voorbeeld dui hulle op beskuldigings van rassisme wat na die voormalige sentrum-regse leier Pedro Passos Coelho gewerp is nadat hy die onlangse wetgewing wat die sosialistiese regering ingestel het om immigrasie te liberaliseer, gekritiseer het. Alhoewel Passos Coelho se vrou swart is, dui amptelike statistieke daarop dat die meeste migrante wat na Portugal is, dit nie is nie.

Onder die byna 47 000 nuwe aankomelinge wat die immigrasiediens in 2016 geregistreer het, kom meer as 21 000 van elders in die EU, onder leiding van Frans, Italianers en Britte. Brasiliane was die grootste enkele nasionaliteit met 7 000. Net meer as 6 100 immigrante kom uit Afrika suid van die Sahara.

Onder die buitelanders wat reeds in die land woon, is daar 88 000 Afrikane, meestal van Kaap Verde en Angola.

Dit is byna ongetwyfeld in getal deur Portugese burgers van Afrika -afkoms, hoewel die getalle onbekend is, aangesien die land geen statistieke op grond van ras of etnisiteit hou nie. Informele ramings dui daarop dat swart mense ongeveer 12 persent uitmaak van diegene wat in Sentraal -Lissabon woon en werk, met nog ongeveer 6 persent van Asiatiese afkoms.

Die rooskleurige prentjie van rasse -integrasie is vertroebel deur studies wat dui op diskriminasie op gebiede wat wissel van onderwys tot behuising, werk tot die regstelsel. Veldtogte betreur 'n tekort aan swart gesigte in die politiek, die sakewêreld en die media.

U hoor nog steeds die idee dat Portugese kolonialisme anders, welwillend, saggeaard was. Die idee is nog steeds algemeen, maar dit is ver van die werklikheid " - Fernando Rosas, historikus

"Daar is 'n marginalisering van swartes in Portugal ... rassisme is diepgewortel, sistemies en struktureel," het Gomes Dias gesê. 'Ons moet erken dat Portugal net so rassisties is as ander Europese lande.'

Sy hoop dat die slawerny -monument vandag sal help om rassisme te bekamp. Daar is tekens van verandering: Minister van Justisie, Francisca Van Dunem, is die eerste swart vrou wat die kabinet beklee het.

Among them was series of documentaries presented by historian Fernando Rosas on the RTP2 TV network that highlighted historical horrors from a 16th century “breeding center” for slaves in rural Portugal to forced-labor regimes that continued in Angolan diamond mines and cocoa plantations on São Tomé long after slavery was officially abolished.

“All forms of colonialism were like that the difference is that in Portugal it’s not talked about. It’s like it never happened,” Rosas said in an interview. “From people in authority and from the man in the street, you still hear the idea that Portuguese colonialism was different, benevolent, gentle. The idea is still common, but it’s far from the reality.”

Rosas was a founder of the Left Bloc, a radical party that is the most vocal political force in highlighting racial issues. The party stands accused, however, of not practicing what it preaches. Like other left-of-center parties, it has no black lawmakers.

Lone voice

The sole black member in the 230-seat parliament is Hélder Amaral, of the conservative CDS–People’s Party.

“In a country that has 500 years of links to Africa, there is just one black lawmaker,” Amaral said. “That’s odd, given that this is a country that likes to boast about being inter-racial and very open to relations with other peoples.”

Amaral agrees that there’s less overt racism in Portugal than many places, but says not enough is done to promote integration and opportunity.

“There are countries where the expression of racism and xenophobia is worse, but they have more capacity to integrate their communities,” he said. “We have a serious problem of inequality of opportunity, we have a serious problem with a society that is not fair in the treatment of its minorities.”

The excavation site of the biggest slave cemetery ever found in the Americas, at the New Blacks Memory and Research Institute (IPN) museum in Rio de Janeiro | Yasuyoshi Chiba/AFP via Getty Images

He welcomes the debate over the slavery memorial.

“Portugal is a fantastic country full of good things, but it has its faults and one of them is difficulty handling the bad periods in its history,” Amaral said. “The monument could be a step in the right direction.”

However, he warns against turning the memorial into “an ideological statement” that exacerbates divisions.

“I don’t want us to head towards a settling of scores with ourselves. I want people to understand what happened and why it happened and I want people to see this is the time to ensure that everybody has equal opportunities,” Amaral said. “This is not the moment to judge history, it’s the moment to understand history.”


The Spanish and Portuguese empires

The Spanish were the first Europeans to set foot in central and South America. Christopher Columbus was the first European to arrive in the Americas in 1492. This sailor from Genoa (now part of Italy) was funded by the Spanish king and queen. He landed in the Bahamas, a small group of islands in the Caribbean and claimed the land for Spain. Hernán Cortés, also from Spain, landed on the coast of Mexico in South America in 1519. Shortly afterwards, the Spanish defeated the Aztec people. The Aztec had settled in what is now Mexico City in AD 1345. They had built a huge, wealthy empire by warfare against neighbouring peoples. The country of Mexico was taken by the Spanish in 1521. In 1532, the Spaniard Francisco Pizarro arrived with a small force of men in Peru, a country south of Mexico. They defeated the Inca people. The Inca also had a large empire, which stretched along the coast of South America covering what is today the country of Peru and part of Chile. The Inca empire became part of the Spanish empire.

Spain conquered and ruled vast areas in central and South America. Precious metals such as gold and silver, land and a large population to provide labour were the attractions. The large population did not last, however. Before the Spanish arrived, the population of central and South America is estimated at about 50 million people. After one hundred years of Spanish rule, only about 8 million people were left. The local populations were killed by many different things. European diseases like smallpox and measles, never before encountered in the Americas, were deadly to local people. Warfare by the Spanish, using guns, and forced labour in mines and on plantations also contributed.

The local Amerindian population were enslaved by the Spanish, and forced to work. As they died, new workers were needed. Large numbers of Spanish people came to live and work in their new lands of Central and South America. However, it was not the Spanish that were going to do the hard work. The friar Bartolom‘ de Las Casas was appalled at the effect the Spanish conquest had on the Amerindian people. In 1535 he advised that Africans would be better suited to the work. Gradually, enslaved Africans were brought across the Atlantic Ocean from Africa to work in the mines and on the plantations. Later, de Las Casas came to regret this advice. He wrote against the enslavement of Africa, but this work was not published for 350 years.

The Portuguese explorer Cabral had discovered the South American country of Brazil in 1500. The Portuguese began to settle the land. For about 50 years the main interest was in the brazilwood, a tree used for dye, which gave its name to the new colony. Sugar plantations were first established in the 1540s, and over the years more and more land was cleared for growing sugar. Land and money to start plantations were given to the settlers by the Portuguese authorities to encourage them to go there. These land grants included the labour of the local Amerindian people, but this was forced, unpaid, labour. Many of the local people were enslaved. By 1570, there were about 20-30,000 enslaved Amerindians, who were valued at 1 escudo each. (The escudo was worth between 5 and 10 shillings, or 25 and 50 pence).There were also 2-3,000 enslaved Africans, valued at 13 to 40 escudos each. The higher price shows that the African slaves were obviously thought to be better workers. Their numbers rose as more were imported.

In 1630, the Dutch took Brazil from the Portuguese. Within twenty years, the Portuguese had regained Brazil from the Dutch. War between England and the Dutch in the 1660s was ended by an agreement called the Peace of Breda in 1667. By this peace agreement, the Dutch were in 1667 given their own South American colony. They were given the country of Surinam, on the north east coast of South America. The plantations here produced sugar, cacao (chocolate), wood for making dye, and tobacco. It was produced by the forced labour of 60,000 enslaved Africans, whom the Dutch brought in. Surinam had large numbers of runaway slaves or ‘maroons’. They had escaped from their plantations and lived in communities with other runaways in the mountains. They were not officially free, but were often left alone by the authorities because of the difficulties of fighting against them in the mountains and rainforest. The threat of rebellion from runaway slaves was always high. In 1761 the Dutch settlers were forced to make a peace agreement with the maroon communities.


Columbus’s Probanza de mérito of 1493

The exploits of the most famous Spanish explorers have provided Western civilization with a narrative of European supremacy and Indian savagery. However, these stories are based on the self-aggrandizing efforts of conquistadors to secure royal favor through the writing of probanzas de méritos (proofs of merit). Below are excerpts from Columbus’s 1493 letter to Luis de Santángel, which illustrates how fantastic reports from European explorers gave rise to many myths surrounding the Spanish conquest and the New World.

This island, like all the others, is most extensive. It has many ports along the sea-coast excelling any in Christendom—and many fine, large, flowing rivers. The land there is elevated, with many mountains and peaks incomparably higher than in the centre isle. They are most beautiful, of a thousand varied forms, accessible, and full of trees of endless varieties, so high that they seem to touch the sky, and I have been told that they never lose their foliage. . . . There is honey, and there are many kinds of birds, and a great variety of fruits. Inland there are numerous mines of metals and innumerable people. Hispaniola is a marvel. Its hills and mountains, fine plains and open country, are rich and fertile for planting and for pasturage, and for building towns and villages. The seaports there are incredibly fine, as also the magnificent rivers, most of which bear gold. The trees, fruits and grasses differ widely from those in Juana. There are many spices and vast mines of gold and other metals in this island. They have no iron, nor steel, nor weapons, nor are they fit for them, because although they are well-made men of commanding stature, they appear extraordinarily timid. The only arms they have are sticks of cane, cut when in seed, with a sharpened stick at the end, and they are afraid to use these. Often I have sent two or three men ashore to some town to converse with them, and the natives came out in great numbers, and as soon as they saw our men arrive, fled without a moment’s delay although I protected them from all injury.

What does this letter show us about Spanish objectives in the New World? How do you think it might have influenced Europeans reading about the New World for the first time?

The 1492 Columbus landfall accelerated the rivalry between Spain and Portugal, and the two powers vied for domination through the acquisition of new lands. In the 1480s, Pope Sixtus IV had granted Portugal the right to all land south of the Cape Verde islands, leading the Portuguese king to claim that the lands discovered by Columbus belonged to Portugal, not Spain. Seeking to ensure that Columbus’s finds would remain Spanish, Spain’s monarchs turned to the Spanish-born Pope Alexander VI, who issued two papal decrees in 1493 that gave legitimacy to Spain’s Atlantic claims at the expense of Portugal. Hoping to salvage Portugal’s Atlantic holdings, King João II began negotiations with Spain. The resulting Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494 drew a north-to-south line through South America Spain gained territory west of the line, while Portugal retained the lands east of the line, including the east coast of Brazil.

This 1502 map, known as the Cantino World Map, depicts the cartographer’s interpretation of the world in light of recent discoveries. The map shows areas of Portuguese and Spanish exploration, the two nations’ claims under the Treaty of Tordesillas, and a variety of flora, fauna, figures, and structures. What does it reveal about the state of geographical knowledge, as well as European perceptions of the New World, at the beginning of the sixteenth century?

Columbus’s discovery opened a floodgate of Spanish exploration. Inspired by tales of rivers of gold and timid, malleable natives, later Spanish explorers were relentless in their quest for land and gold. Hernán Cortés hoped to gain hereditary privilege for his family, tribute payments and labor from natives, and an annual pension for his service to the crown. Cortés arrived on Hispaniola in 1504 and took part in the conquest of that island. In anticipation of winning his own honor and riches, Cortés later explored the Yucatán Peninsula. In 1519, he entered Tenochtitlán, the capital of the Aztec (Mexica) Empire. He and his men were astonished by the incredibly sophisticated causeways, gardens, and temples in the city, but they were horrified by the practice of human sacrifice that was part of the Aztec religion. Above all else, the Aztec wealth in gold fascinated the Spanish adventurers.

Hoping to gain power over the city, Cortés took Moctezuma, the Aztec ruler, hostage. The Spanish then murdered hundreds of high-ranking Mexica during a festival to celebrate Huitzilopochtli, the god of war. This angered the people of Tenochtitlán, who rose up against the interlopers in their city. Cortés and his people fled for their lives, running down one of Tenochtitlán’s causeways to safety on the shore. Smarting from their defeat at the hands of the Aztec, Cortés slowly created alliances with native peoples who resented Aztec rule. It took nearly a year for the Spanish and the tens of thousands of native allies who joined them to defeat the Mexica in Tenochtitlán, which they did by laying siege to the city. Only by playing upon the disunity among the diverse groups in the Aztec Empire were the Spanish able to capture the grand city of Tenochtitlán. In August 1521, having successfully fomented civil war as well as fended off rival Spanish explorers, Cortés claimed Tenochtitlán for Spain and renamed it Mexico City.

The traditional European narrative of exploration presents the victory of the Spanish over the Aztec as an example of the superiority of the Europeans over the savage Indians. However, the reality is far more complex. When Cortés explored central Mexico, he encountered a region simmering with native conflict. Far from being unified and content under Aztec rule, many peoples in Mexico resented it and were ready to rebel. One group in particular, the Tlaxcalan, threw their lot in with the Spanish, providing as many as 200,000 fighters in the siege of Tenochtitlán. The Spanish also brought smallpox into the valley of Mexico. The disease took a heavy toll on the people in Tenochtitlán, playing a much greater role in the city’s demise than did Spanish force of arms.

Cortés was also aided by a Nahua woman called Malintzin (also known as La Malinche or Doña Marina, her Spanish name), whom the natives of Tabasco gave him as tribute. Malintzin translated for Cortés in his dealings with Moctezuma and, whether willingly or under pressure, entered into a physical relationship with him. Their son, Martín, may have been the first mestizo (person of mixed indigenous American and European descent). Malintzin remains a controversial figure in the history of the Atlantic World some people view her as a traitor because she helped Cortés conquer the Aztecs, while others see her as a victim of European expansion. In either case, she demonstrates one way in which native peoples responded to the arrival of the Spanish. Without her, Cortés would not have been able to communicate, and without the language bridge, he surely would have been less successful in destabilizing the Aztec Empire. By this and other means, native people helped shape the conquest of the Americas.

Spain’s acquisitiveness seemingly knew no bounds as groups of its explorers searched for the next trove of instant riches. One such explorer, Francisco Pizarro, made his way to the Spanish Caribbean in 1509, drawn by the promise of wealth and titles. He participated in successful expeditions in Panama before following rumors of Inca wealth to the south. Although his first efforts against the Inca Empire in the 1520s failed, Pizarro captured the Inca emperor Atahualpa in 1532 and executed him one year later. In 1533, Pizarro founded Lima, Peru. Like Cortés, Pizarro had to combat not only the natives of the new worlds he was conquering, but also competitors from his own country a Spanish rival assassinated him in 1541.

Spain’s drive to enlarge its empire led other hopeful conquistadors to push further into the Americas, hoping to replicate the success of Cortés and Pizarro. Hernando de Soto had participated in Pizarro’s conquest of the Inca, and from 1539 to 1542 he led expeditions to what is today the southeastern United States, looking for gold. He and his followers explored what is now Florida, Georgia, the Carolinas, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and Texas. Everywhere they traveled, they brought European diseases, which claimed thousands of native lives as well as the lives of the explorers. In 1542, de Soto himself died during the expedition. The surviving Spaniards, numbering a little over three hundred, returned to Mexico City without finding the much-anticipated mountains of gold and silver.

Francisco Vásquez de Coronado was born into a noble family and went to Mexico, then called New Spain, in 1535. He presided as governor over the province of Nueva Galicia, where he heard rumors of wealth to the north: a golden city called Quivira. Between 1540 and 1542, Coronado led a large expedition of Spaniards and native allies to the lands north of Mexico City, and for the next several years, they explored the area that is now the southwestern United States. During the winter of 1540–41, the explorers waged war against the Tiwa in present-day New Mexico. Rather than leading to the discovery of gold and silver, however, the expedition simply left Coronado bankrupt.

This map traces Coronado’s path through the American Southwest and the Great Plains. The regions through which he traveled were not empty areas waiting to be “discovered”: rather, they were populated and controlled by the groups of native peoples indicated. (credit: modification of work by National Park Service)


Inleiding:

Trad­ing slaves was a common practice amongst Africans and Arabs of the Middle Eastern region, however, the new devel­op­ment of slave trade through the Atlantic voy­ages brought new forms of slav­ery and slave trade business. First confrontations of Europeans and Africans led to the exchange of goods and an ever-growing business of slave trading flourished throughout the coastlines of Africa implementing new relations of exchange. With the big economic boom in the crops and mining industries across the Atlantic Ocean, slave trad­ing inten­si­fied back in Africa to where peo­ple are being kid­napped and forced into slav­ery. Many reg­u­la­tions by the Impe­r­ial British Crown were set out to even abolish slave trade prac­tices yet such reg­u­la­tions failed when it came to imple­ment­ing and enforc­ing them and slave trading continued for decades more. The new distinction of slave trade sprouted due to the massive amounts of economic growth for royal imperialist in Europe, colonizers, and as well African merchants and embodied race ideologies within.

Pre-Existing Slaveholding and Slave Societies

There is a common misconception that slavery only began with the Atlantic slave trade however, the concept of slavery had existed long before the Atlantic slave trade. Slavery, the term itself comes from a historical process dating back to 71 BCE in the battle between Greeks and Roman that portray power dynamics. In the chapter, The Setting for New World Slavery: An Overview, the author Eric Nellis states “examples of slavery are deeply embedded in the historical record as conquerors enslaved the conquered and the powerful enslaved the weak and vulnerable”, which shows that slavery poses for a dominant entity and a subordinate group (Nellis, 05).[i] An important historical event for understanding slavery as a former system is the famous slave revolt against Romans led by captured war slave Spartacus. The enslavement of Spartacus closely relates to those slaves in America because “his labor power was at the complete disposal of a master and though he was employed in a particular occupation, as a slave he could be put to any task in the economy” (Lindsay, 10).[ii] Spartacus relates closely to the slaves in America because he was seen as a commodity of labor and a property of his master, much like Africa slaves were to plantation owners. However, in areas of where this story and many other previous practices of enslavement differ from the Atlantic slave trade is the correlation between races. Like Spartacus, many slaves were not considered members of the community by being war captives of another area, “slaves themselves were captured from many outlying regions and comprised a multitude of ethnicities”(Blackburn, 67).[iii] Despite the various ethnicities of the slaves, the creation of race related slave hierarchy didn’t exist in Roman slavery as it did in the South American slave societies.

Pre-Atlantic Slave Trades

It is also important to look at the Europeans discovering the slave trade practices in Africa that already existed prior to their expeditions to Africa because it shows that the Europeans did not invent slave trading, but emerged them in it. As well, before slaves were taken to the Americas African slaves existed in Europe, Klein states, “slav­ery still existed in Europe in 1492…. and slav­ery in ear­lier cen­turies had been a fun­da­men­tal labor insti­tu­tion” (Klein, 01).[iv] The use of slaves for labor purposes was not a new concept for Europeans in America because it was in existence before voyages to the Americas. Primarily, Europeans were attracted to the gold but, “additionally, they thought they might procure some African slaves for sale in Europe, where some elites still held slaves as domestic servants and exotic status symbols” (Lindsay, 17). Having African slaves was a new commodity at the time, but clearly the treatment of slaves differed greatly to the type of treatment they receive in the Americas. Since, the slave trading began much earlier between Europe and Africa and later in the Americas the abundance of slaves grew the slaves no longer held the same amazement as they initially did. The Portuguese were one of the first European countries to be a slaveholding society of African slaves and “found existing slave trading patterns and met enthusiastic intermediaries” in Africa (Nellis, 03). Portugal was in advantage to other European countries, which also explains why they were able to explore the Americas first too. The drive for more resources and accumulated Portugal’s passion for exploring led them to the sugar cultivations in the islands of Madeira and the Azores and later the discovery of Cape Verde for gold and slaves were the first foundations of trade (Lindsay, 15-16). With the experience of using slaves for sugar cultivation as early as the 15th century can clearly show the knowledge and expertise Portuguese were obtaining in using slaves to extort more foreign resources. Mungo Park was one of the first European travellers that reached the inland of Africa and he documented the slave trade practices. Park states, “they [slaves] claim no reward for their services, except food and cloathing and are treated with kindness or severity, according to the good or bad disposition of their masters”, which shows the value of slaves as laborers to gain absolute profit.[v] Professor Munster created the map below supposedly some time in between the late 1500s and early 1600s.[vi] It is a very interesting map because it shows how much knowledge the people had of that time of Africa. Since most trade was conducted along the coastlines and the inland were considered dangerous territories therefore, the larger portion of Africa is drawn out to be the most West African part because it was most essential to them. Although the western coastline below the Gold Coast is not proportionate to scale, the map shows the advancement in knowledge about the African Coastline and how much time Europeans spent in exploring Africa.

The Progression of Slave Trading

Majority of the trading between the Portuguese and Africans was agreed from both parties after the Africans began resisting raids and kidnappings through their naval force killing many Portuguese raiders (Lindsay, 17). Coastal forts were created to ensure the safety of European buyers and sellers during European competition of established African territory for slaves, but after the large demand of slaves in the Americas, “the commercial weakness of African forts were quickly exposed”, diminishing their use (Walvin, 49-53).[vii] The inter tensions between European countries led some harsh impacts on dividing the coasts along Africa between them. Since, there had been established forts for agreed slave trading was established it made it easier for newer European countries to come in and raid for control. In an excerpt by John Hawkins a voyager describes a raid for slaves in 1567 he states, “assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire obtained the town, put the inhabitants to flight, where we took 250 persons, men, women, & children”.[viii] Throughout this whole process little respect is given to existing forms of trade and the Africans and the slave trading becomes harder to formalize the slave trade. The manner of in formalized trade began to trigger the trading of slaves that were not initially slaves by birth or war captives. A narrative from S.W. Koelle was able to collect stories of ex-slave and how they were forced into slavery. One of the stories Koelle brings to attention is Fije who had married two wives and from his father’s death he inherited 22 more, Koelle states, “when he was sold by his uncle because he had not presented him with a female slave and cows on his father’s death”, which shows the selling of relatives as a sort of punishment.[ix] Unfortunately, the second highest group of traded slave was kidnapped slave. Another story shared by Koelle’s portrays the power of control slavery had amongst Africans he states, “Sem born in the village of Wuram, where he was brought up and was probably upwards of thirty years old when he was kidnapped in the Basare country, where he had gone to buy corn”. In reaction to being kidnapped, Africans noticed they were being kid­napped and taken with­out con­sent for slav­ery. The author James F. Sear­ing shows in his book West African Slav­ery and Atlantic Com­merce that when other Africans who are not slaves were being kid­napped and taken far away that they began to hide and seek pro­tec­tion (Sear­ing, 02).[x] Slave trading became a scary and very real phenomenon for Africans who weren’t slaves as well. The demand for slave labor was rising at abundances of level and created a new type of slave trade because of profitable gains for both Europeans and African merchants acquired through kidnapping of innocent Africans or even through relative disputes. The image below is visual description of other African bartering a slave for what it looks like a couple of guns.[xi] In the image a European buyer is inspecting a slave while another European is communicating with African slave traders with hand motions. The picture portrays the slave trading business as an equal trade between both seller and buyer.

Once slaves did reach the peak of Atlantic slave trading during the eighteenth century laws and regulations started forming abroad in the Americas to provide legal handling of slaves in colonized areas by Imperial elites back in Europe. There can be a com­mon mis­con­cep­tion that slave trade was final­ized and only existed in Africa, but trad­ing slaves still con­tin­ued to exist in the Amer­i­cas. In this arti­cle titled “The Domestic Slave Trade” by Hugh A. Gar­land, he goes on to describe the re-selling and buy­ing of slaves in the Vir­ginia colony, he states, “ passed in 1748, authorising the sale of slaves for the payment of debts upon the failure of personal estate which had first to be exhausted”.[xii] This piece of text shows how slaves take on the same iden­tity, as does prop­erty. Slaves are no longer seen as human beings but a com­mod­ity of their own labor. Even though Garland was from the time period of 1800 he had a better understanding of slaves as humans and the treatment they receive as immoral. Later in the article he states, “a good negro gets comfortably established, has built himself a house, obtained a wife, and begins a young family about him…. in this situation he is seized by the sheriff’s officer, forcibly separated from his wife and children, dragged to public auction purchased by a stranger, and perhaps sent to terminate his miserable existence in the mines of Mexico”. Garland is not a plantation owner and is a diplomatic and can understand the unfairness in the treatment of former slaves in the U.S. This also clearly shows how no matter what the status is of an African descendant person either free or enslaved they are bounded unfortunates by their skin color. There are more laws of the old slave state Virginia and other parts of the Americas that bring even more detailed descriptions of laws favoring the dominant group. It’s not much later in the U.S. when Black Codes start appearing and bringing the racial disparities directly into legal terms.

Concluding thoughts:

With a pre-existing reg­u­la­tion of slave trad­ing and treat­ment we can bet­ter under­stand the dif­fer­ence between slave trad­ing before the Amer­i­cas ver­sus slave trade for the Amer­i­cas and within the Amer­i­cas. Since slaves were already a part of the Euro­pean coun­tries it means that Euro­peans knew slaves would pro­vide an effi­cient source of labor, which further moti­vat­ing the pur­chases of slaves from Africa for use of slave labor in the Americas. The discovery of Latin America and their rich sources, Portuguese already had an existing tool for extorting free labor and later use this tool to become massive slave societies in where unequal race related treatment began. The previous process of slave trading desensitized the harsh procedures of obtaining slaves through kidnaps and raids and as well desensitized their treatment in the Americas. What separates the Atlantic slave trade from any other slave trade is the race language established with it later in the Americas, it discriminates against a whole group of people on the basis of their skin color and forced many non-slave Africans in a system of verbal and physical abuse.

[i] Nellis, Eric Guest. Shaping the New World: African Slavery in the Americas, 1500-1888. Vol. 3. University of Toronto Press, 2013.

[ii] Lindsay, Lisa A. Captives as Commodities: The Transatlantic Slave Trade. Prentice Hall, 2008.

[iii] Blackburn, Robin. The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492-1800. Verso, 1998.

[iv] Klein, Herbert S. “The Atlantic S lave Trade.” (1999).

[v] Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa: Performed in the Years 1795, 1796, and 1797. London: John Murray, 1816. Northrup, David, ed. The Atlantic slave trade. DC Heath, 1994.

[vi] Münster, Sebastian, 1489-1552.

“Totius Africæ tabula, & descriptio uniuersalis, etiam ultra Ptolemæi limites extensa.” Woodcut map, with added color, 26 x 35 cm. From Münster’s Cosmographia uniuersalis (Basel, 1554). [Historic Maps Collection]

[vii]Walvin, James. Crossings: Africa, the Americas and the Atlantic Slave Trade. Reaktion Books, 2013..

[viii] “The Third Troublesome Voyage to the Parts of Guinea, and the West Indies, in the Yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. John Hawkins” in Richard Hakluyt, The Principle Navigation, Voyages, Traffiques and Discover of the English Nation. Northrup, David, ed. The Atlantic slave trade. DC Heath, 1994.

[ix] Koelle, S.W., “The Enslavement of Koelle’s Informants”, Journal of African History 6.2, 1965, pp. 193-201. Northrup, David, ed. The Atlantic slave trade. DC Heath, 1994.

[x] Searing, James F. West African slavery and Atlantic commerce: the Senegal River valley, 1700-1860. Vol. 77. Cambridge University Press, 2003.


When Matteo Ricci arrived in Macau on August 7, 1582, it had been more than four years since he left Europe. Sailing from Lisbon to Goa, India, along with a half dozen of his Jesuit brothers, Ricci had stayed in India learning the Chinese language and completing his training in the Society of Jesus. Summoned to China in the winter of 1582, he made his way to Macau. He wasn’t the first Christian missionary in China, nor did he found the Jesuit Mission there, but his name has since become synonymous with West meets East.

Ricci’s name appears on many American college campuses, particularly Jesuit universities like Georgetown, San Francisco, and my own Saint Joseph’s. Buildings, centers or institutes, faculty chairs, dormitory floors, scholarships…anything focused on the study of China or cross-cultural education and learning. In China as well, where he is known as Lì Mǎdòu 利玛窦, the learned Italian priest stands for mutual understanding.

The Jesuit presence in China is often put forward as a model of mutual cultural respect, something in short supply these days. And it is true that the Jesuits engaged with Chinese culture much more genuinely — learning the language and accepting aspects of Chinese culture — than did other Catholic orders. Before the Society was evicted in the 1720s, Jesuits had the ear of both Ming and Qing emperors, and their legacy can be seen in monuments like the Ming observatory in Beijing.

Sadly, the story of that early encounter is one riven with one of the most shameful aspects of the global trading empires that brought Europeans around the world: slavery.

Let’s begin with the setting of Ricci’s arrival: Macau, so close to Hong Kong. The contrast between Hong Kong and Macau is useful, for while Hong Kong represents the 19th- and 20th-century colonialism of the English language and empire, Macau’s connections to Europe are Iberian, and much older. Portugal was the most important European empire for centuries before the English took their place, first arriving at Guangzhou in 1517. For decades, the Portuguese attempted to establish a formal mission to the Ming Dynasty, finally succeeding with the establishment of a base at Macau in 1557.

Whereas the British colony arose out of treaties and leases, Macau’s origins are vague and ad hoc. Portugal did not claim sovereignty over the area — the two islands of Taipa and Coloane — until the 1880s. Before that, the only official agreement was a payment of 500 taels per year, and even that has unclear origins, though by the 1570s it was agreed that Portuguese officials would pay the amount as “rent.”

The clearest definition of the Portuguese presence in Macau during this early period was the Barrier Gate. Built in 1573, the gate was both the boundary and a threat: by closing the gate, Chinese authorities could stop the flow of food and supplies to Macau. On one side of the gate, the Ming Empire, though declining, was one of the world’s largest and most powerful states. On the other side, a precarious community perched at the edge of an empire. This was the world Matteo Ricci entered in 1582, summoned by Jesuit comrade Michele Ruggieri to join the Jesuits’ China mission he had founded.

By the time Ricci arrived, Jonathan Spence tells us in his narrative of Ricci’s life, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, about 10,000 people lived in Macau. About 400 to 500 were Portuguese. Most of the city comprised Chinese families who made their living as part of the growing trade with Europeans. Macau was a pivot between the Portugese trading through Malacca and then to the Indian Ocean, but also the Spanish, whose Galleons, laden with the wealth of the Americas, sailed from Acapulco to Manila, at the edge of the South China Sea.

Alongside global trading systems, a grim reminder of how that world was built was the presence of enslaved laborers, mostly Africans but also people from India, China, Japan, and the Americas. The Lisbon that Ricci had left was one of the world’s centers of the slave trade, and the Portuguese ship that Matteo Ricci sailed on from Mozambique to Goa in 1578 carried several hundred people in bondage along with its cargo, and in Macau, the Jesuit order owned slaves. Enslaved Africans outnumbered Portuguese in Macau by perhaps five to one: of the 10,000 people in Macau when Ricci arrived, perhaps a quarter of them were enslaved.

The Jesuits order itself enslaved Africans, both in India and in Macau. Ricci himself had “black slaves” working for him in Macau.

Some of those enslaved in Macau escaped across the border to China. Because the Jesuits were some of the few Europeans who worked directly in China, they became key elements of the system to capture fugitives. Spence vividly describes not only the extent of the slave economy in and around Macau, but also the Jesuit role in the practice: “Ricci discussed quite openly…his activist role in returning runaway slaves in China to Portuguese authorities in Macau.” He went on, “The Jesuit tactic was to try to identify those fugitive slaves that had been baptized as Christians, and to persuade them that it would better in the long run to return to…resume their lives in the Christian environment of Macau rather than live out their live among the heathen Chinese, especially since the Chinese in any case also ‘treated them just like slaves’.”

Southern China, including Guangzhou, has long been a center of anti-black racism in China. Responses to the COVID-19 pandemic included the demonization of Africans in Guangzhou, and recalled violence against Africans in China during the 1980s and before.

Ricci’s work and that of the other early Jesuits in China had many great successes, with legacies that include a generation of Catholic Chinese, monuments like the great churches of Beijing and other cities, and artifacts like Ricci’s 1602 map, drawn in collaboration with Chinese cartographers, that is the first map to combine Chinese and European mapping knowledge and technology. Ricci’s mastery of the Chinese language and respect to Chinese literary and cultural traditions are worthy of our admiration.

It is certainly too much to lay anti-black racism in China at the feet of the Portuguese in Macau or the Jesuits. It gives pause, though, to consider that the moment in August of 1582 when Ricci — considered by many to be the exemplar of cross-cultural empathy — first entered what is today China, he did so as part of a system of institutional and cultural racism that has endured through the centuries.

James Carter is Professor of History and part of the Nealis Program in Asian Studies at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. He is the author of three books on China’s modern history, most recently Champions Day: The End of Old Shanghai. Lees meer


Slavery's true beginning

The problem with treating 1619 as "the beginning of slavery in America" is that it simply doesn't tell the whole, multinational story of our country's origin. Smithsonian notes that is that it disregards an estimated "500,000 African men, women, and children who had already crossed the Atlantic against their will, aided and abetted Europeans in their endeavors, provided expertise and guidance in a range of enterprises, suffered, died, and – most importantly – endured."

African slaves made contributions ranging "from vocabulary to agriculture to cuisine, including staples like rice that were a key part of the English colonies' success. They probably also brought some Christian practices that they learned from the Portuguese Catholic missionaries in Africa."

The story we've been told is a one-dimensional, whitewashed version that disregards contributions from blacks, Hispanics and indigenous peoples. The simplified version makes it easy to gloss over centuries of struggle — and triumph in the face of adversity — that characterize the experience of minorities in America.


The former slaves’ “misuse” of freedom

Famous geographer Agustin Codazzi traveled to Choco in 1953 and concluded that former slaves in the Pacific province were “misusing their recently acquired freedom” as they were living off agriculture and fishing “in absolute independence” of their former masters.

The individuals of the [“African race”] used to engage in the exploitation of mines but today — making misuse of the newly acquired freedom — have mostly abandoned this job to live in absolute independence.

Geographer Agustin Codazzi

The geographer returned to the region in 1862, this time with his fellow-geographer Felipe Perez, who reported to the governor that the former slaves who had escaped exploitation “lacked love for work and an ambition for the comforts of civilized life.”

If this strong and robust race had a love of work and an ambition for the comforts of civilized life, they could enrich themselves quickly and exchange his miserable huts for comfortable and warm houses, the pieces of wood they use to sit for good and soft furniture his ugly nakedness for elegant clothes, and his ignorance, or at least that of his children, for the first and most indispensable rudiments of teaching. But for this it would be necessary to work constantly on minerals, to extract the rich metal, to pile up gold (which is not lacking) in order to enjoy later a less wild and more pleasant life and this is difficult in the present state of those populations, void of a healthy example.”

Felipe Perez

Codazzi concluded that the former slaves were of “a race that spends all his days in utter laziness” and were “of no use for the progress of the country.”

Curiously, the geographers’ opinion echoed those of fierce anti-abolitionists like Mosquera and Representative Geronimo Torres, who in 1922 claimed that slaves were “apathic, idle by nature” and “uneducated” who, “separated from the necessary vigilance of the masters to manage their conduct, would cause a fatal shock to this political body.”


Notas

James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, In Hope of Liberty: Culture, Community, and Northern Free Blacks, 1700–1860 (New York, 1998) Joanne Pope Melish, Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and “Race” in New England, 1780–1860 (Ithaca, 1998) Robert K. Fitts, Inventing New England’s Slave Paradise: Master/Slave Relations in Eighteenth-Century Narragansett, Rhode Island (New York, 1998).

Linford D. Fisher, “‘Why shall wee have peace to bee made slaves?’ Indian Surrenderers during and after King Philip’s War,” Etnogeskiedenis, LXIV (2017), 91–114 Margaret Ellen Newell, Brethren by Nature: New England Indians, Colonists, and the Origins of American Slavery (Ithaca, 2015), 76–77, 118–122.

Mark A. Peterson, “The Selling of Joseph: Bostonians, Antislavery, and the Protestant International,” Massachusetts Historical Review, IV (2002), 1–22.

In an unpublished paper—“‘Man Stealing, Bond Slaverie Villinage’: Reconsidering Slavery Slave Law in Early Massachusetts and England’s Empire” (2018)—Holly Brewer regards this case as a major debate about the legality and morality of slavery. Moreover, she argues that in comparison with other colonies, the law permitting slavery for captives in “just wars” was a much more limited rationale for slavery than those found in the statutes of other colonies.

George Henry Moore, Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts (New York, 1866), 9. For Peter Swinck, see Henry M. Burt, The First Century of the History of Springfield (Springfield, Mass., 1898), 302.

Warren, New England Bound, 121–124, 137–139, 172–175, 235–236, 239–241. Michelle Morris, Onder huishoudelike regering: seks en familie in Puriteinse Massachusetts (New York, 2013), 20.


Kyk die video: Артикли и предлоги в португальском языке. Португалия и Португальский язык с Диной Паулиштой. (November 2021).