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Portugese magte in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

Portugese magte in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

Op 7 Augustus 1914 verklaar president de Arriaga van Portugal sy steun aan die Geallieerdes. Op die oomblik het Portugal meer as 33 000 man in sy leër gehad. Teen November 1914 was Portugese troepe betrokke by skermutselings met Duitse troepe op die grens tussen Mosambiek en Duits -Oos -Afrika. Dit het egter nie 'n volskaalse oorlogsverklaring ontlok nie.

In Februarie 1916 het die Portugese regering sy vloot beveel om Duitse skepe in sy hawens in beslag te neem. Duitsland reageer deur oorlog teen Portugal te verklaar. Ongeveer 100 000 Portugese het uiteindelik met die Geallieerdes aan die Westelike Front en in Mosambiek geveg. Die weermag het 21 000 slagoffers gely, waaronder meer as 7 000 dood.


Portugese Ryk

Die Portugese Ryk (Portugees: Império Português), ook bekend as die Portugees oorsee (Ultramar Português) of die Portugese koloniale ryk (Império Colonial Português), bestaan ​​uit die oorsese kolonies en gebiede wat deur Portugal beheer word. Dit was een van die langste geleefde ryke in die wêreldgeskiedenis, dit bestaan ​​al byna ses eeue lank, van die verowering van Ceuta in 1415, tot die oorhandiging van die Portugese Macau aan China in 1999. Die ryk begin in die 15de eeu en vanaf die vroeë 16de eeu het dit oor die hele wêreld gestrek, met basisse in Noord- en Suid -Amerika, Afrika en verskillende streke van Asië en Oseanië. [1] [2] [3]

Die Portugese Ryk het ontstaan ​​aan die begin van die ontdekkingstydperk, en die mag en invloed van die koninkryk van Portugal sou uiteindelik oor die hele wêreld uitbrei. In die nasleep van die Reconquista het Portugese matrose in 1418–19 die kus van Afrika en die Atlantiese eilande begin verken, met behulp van onlangse ontwikkelings in navigasie, kartografie en maritieme tegnologie soos die caravel, met die doel om 'n seeroete na die bron te vind van die winsgewende speseryhandel. In 1488 het Bartolomeu Dias die Kaap die Goeie Hoop afgerond, en in 1498 het Vasco da Gama Indië bereik. In 1500, óf deur 'n toevallige val of deur die geheime ontwerp van die kroon, bereik Pedro Álvares Cabral wat Brasilië sou wees.

In die daaropvolgende dekades het Portugese matrose voortgegaan om die kus en eilande van Oos -Asië te verken en vestings en fabrieke te vestig. Teen 1571 het 'n rits marine -buiteposte Lissabon verbind met Nagasaki langs die kus van Afrika, die Midde -Ooste, Indië en Suid -Asië. Hierdie kommersiële netwerk en die koloniale handel het 'n aansienlike positiewe impak op die Portugese ekonomiese groei gehad (1500–1800), toe dit ongeveer 'n vyfde van Portugal se inkomste per capita uitgemaak het.

Toe koning Filips II van Spanje (Filippus I van Portugal) die Portugese kroon in 1580 in beslag neem, begin 'n 60-jarige unie tussen Spanje en Portugal, bekend aan die latere geskiedskrywing as die Iberiese Unie. Die koninkryke het steeds afsonderlike administrasies gehad. Aangesien die koning van Spanje ook koning van Portugal was, het Portugese kolonies die onderwerp geword van aanvalle deur drie mededingende Europese moondhede wat vyandig teenoor Spanje was: die Nederlandse Republiek, Engeland en Frankryk. Met sy kleiner bevolking was Portugal nie in staat om sy uitgestrekte netwerk van handelsposte effektief te verdedig nie, en die ryk het 'n lang en geleidelike agteruitgang begin. Uiteindelik het Brasilië die waardevolste kolonie van die tweede era van die ryk geword (1663-1825), totdat dit as deel van die golf van onafhanklikheidsbewegings wat Amerika gedurende die vroeë 19de eeu getref het, in 1822 weggebreek het.

Die derde era van die ryk dek die laaste fase van die Portugese kolonialisme na die onafhanklikheid van Brasilië in die 1820's. Teen daardie tyd is die koloniale besittings verminder tot forte en plantasies langs die Afrikaanse kuslyn (uitgebrei na die binneland tydens die Scramble for Africa in die laat 19de eeu), Portugees Timor en enklawe in Indië (Portugees Indië) en China (Portugees Macau). Die Britse ultimatum van 1890 het gelei tot die inkrimping van Portugese ambisies in Afrika.

Onder António Salazar (in die amp 1932–1968) het die Estado Novo diktatuur het 'n paar rampspoedige pogings aangewend om vas te hou aan sy laaste oorblywende kolonies. Onder die ideologie van Pluricontinentalism het die regime sy kolonies hernoem tot "oorsese provinsies", terwyl die stelsel van dwangarbeid behou is, waaruit slegs 'n klein inheemse elite gewoonlik vrygestel was. In 1961 het Indië Goa en Damaon geannekseer en Dahomey het Fort van São João Baptista de Ajudá geannekseer. Die Portugese koloniale oorlog in Afrika duur van 1961 tot die laaste omverwerping van die Estado Novo regime in 1974. Die Anjerrevolusie van April 1974 in Lissabon het gelei tot die haastige dekolonisering van Portugese Afrika en tot die anneksasie van Portugese Timor in 1975 deur Indonesië. Dekolonisering het gelei tot die uittog van byna al die Portugese koloniale setlaars en baie mense van gemengde rasse uit die kolonies. Portugal het Macau in 1999 teruggekeer na China. Die enigste besittings in die buiteland wat onder Portugese bewind oorgebly het, die Azore en Madeira, het albei oorwegend Portugese bevolkings gehad, en Lissabon het hul grondwetlike status daarna verander van "oorsese provinsies" na "outonome streke".


Radikale voorwerp: Militêre liefie -borsspelde van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

'N Paar jaar gelede, terwyl ek deur 'n paar dokumente in die Mass Observation Archives aan die Universiteit van Sussex gelees het, het ek op 'n opname onder Londense kleinhandelaars uit 1939 afgekom wat melding maak van toenemende oorlogsverkope van goud en diamant' sweetheart badge broches ', 'n term wat ek nie gehad het nie voorheen teëgekom het. Kort daarna, soos gereeld gebeur, het ek die frase weer gehoor. Op BBC One's Antique's Roadshow (11 Maart 2011), het die juweliersware -konsultant John Benjamin opgemerk dat lede van die publiek hierdie borsspelde gereeld na hom toe gebring het om te identifiseer, maar dat hulle selde, indien ooit, weet wat hulle is of iets oor hul geskiedenis. Verdere navorsing het aan die lig gebring dat duisende van hierdie borsspelde, hoofsaaklik in Birmingham en Londen, van die laat 1880's tot vandag vervaardig is, terwyl dit tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog 'n hoogtepunt van gewildheid bereik het, maar dat dit grootliks uit die openbare bewussyn verdwyn het. Dit lyk asof daar 'n verwaarloosde onderwerp hier was wat ryp was om te studeer, en soos dit blyk, het niemand hierdie emosionele, persoonlike voorwerpe en die gevoelens en motiverings wat daarin is, van naderby bekyk nie.

Hierdie klein borsspelde is miniatuur replika's van die kentekens van militêre regimente, vlooteenhede, die Royal Flying Corps en die RAF, algemeen bekend as liefdesborsspelde, omdat dit deur lede van die weermag gereeld as romantiese herinneringe aan hul vrouens en vriendinne gegee is voordat hulle links na die voorkant. Een Londenaar onthou dat hulle 'as geskenke, liefdesbriewe of simbole ontvang is om aan te toon dat een van u geliefdes' hul bes doen 'en onthou dat' dit lyk asof byna elke wyfie een dra '. Gesinne wat wyd verkoop word in kleinhandel- en juwelierswinkels regoor die land en in klein winkels wat in militêre kampe opgerig is waar geskenke op die laaste oomblik gekoop kon word, het gesinne hul ondersteuning vir hul mans duidelik sigbaar verwoord toe hulle na oorlogstyd verlaat het. dra borsspelde wat pas by die soldate se kentekens. Op die onderstaande foto sit 'n baie jong rekruut aan die Loyal North Lancashire Regiment in sy ongerepte nuwe uniform voordat hy na sy pos na Frankryk vertrek. Die hele gesin dra replika's van sy pet -kenteken om hom te ondersteun: sy vrou dra 'n borsspeld aan die kraag van haar bloes en selfs die baba se dummy word met 'n ander aan 'n lint vasgemaak.

Soldaat van die Loyal North Lancashire Regiment saam met sy gesin (British Library)

Dit was natuurlik al lank gebruiklik dat soldate stukke van hul uniforms in aandenkings sou aanpas sodat hulle gesinne kon dra: metaalhalsbande, skouertitels en knope was veral gewild en weermagbevele moes uitgereik word om die oefening te voorkom. Handgemaakte voorwerpe, tesame met items vervaardig uit die slagveld matériel, wat soms juweliersware van skrapnel of koeëls bevat, staan ​​bekend as loopgraafkuns en bevat dikwels kentekens wat vir die doel vervaardig is: soldate kon byvoorbeeld gedrukte of geborduurde kentekens koop om aan te pas speldekussings as geskenke. Maar die eerste replika -kenteken wat kommersieel as 'n juweliersware gemaak is vir 'n vrou om te dra, kan herlei word na 'n goue, diamant- en emalje -borsspeld in die vorm van die kentekens van die 10de Royal (Prince of Wales's Own) Huzaren, in opdrag van die Graaf van Airlie as 'n geskenk vir sy vrou Mabell op hul troudag op 19 Januarie 1886. Lady Airlie het in haar dagboek opgeteken dat sy geglo het dat sy 'n nuwe manier begin het, want dit lyk asof sy korrek was, aangesien geen vroeëre borsspeld geïdentifiseer is nie en deur die aan die begin van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was borsspelde beskikbaar vir elke regiment van die Britse leër, sowel as vir eenhede van die Royal and Merchant Navy en die Royal Flying Corps, met die hand gemaak deur goudsmede en silwersmede aan die een kant van die ekonomiese spektrum en massa vervaardig in fabrieke aan die ander kant, in materiale wat wissel van koper of pasta tot duur edelstene. Hulle materiële waarde was egter altyd minder belangrik as hul simboliese en emosionele vermoë om mense en herinneringe op te roep.

Die Airlie Broche (1885-1886). Witgoud-, diamant- en blou emalje -replika -insignes van die 10de Royal (Prince of Wales ’s Own) Huzaren (Beeld: Penny Streeter, versameling van die King ’s Royal Hussars, Tidworth)

Die sigbare en tasbare teenwoordigheid van die borsspelde in die lewens van vroue in alle lae van die samelewing was 'n sterk skakel tussen personeellede en burgerlikes aan die tuisfront. Maar hierdie kenmerkende juweliersware het meer as eenvoudige romantiese toewyding gekommunikeer en gevoelens uitgespreek oor 'n verskeidenheid sosiale en kulturele temas, insluitend opvattings oor status, maatskaplike solidariteit en patriotisme. Hedendaagse koerantberigte beskryf hoe hulle as talismans gedra is in die hoop dat hulle geluk kan wek en die soldaat veilig huis toe kan bring, en sodoende die borsspeld en die oorspronklike kentekens wat dit geïnspireer het, herenig. Op foto's uit die tyd word 'n uniforme bruidegom uitgebeeld wat gereed is om aan die voorkant te vertrek, terwyl sy op die bruidsrok van haar bruid 'n militêre liefdesborsspeld kan sien, 'n ontstellende sigbare simbool, aangesien dit die hoopvolle egpaar saambind, maar ook die konflik voorskou wat ons verstaan ​​sal skei hulle binnekort, miskien permanent. Beelde soos hierdie, wat net voor die begin van die oorlog of tydens 'n kort verlofperiode geneem is, was soms byna die enigste oorblyfsel van haastig uitgevoerde oorlogshuwelike van so 'n kort tydperk dat dit kan lyk as die soldaat nie terugkom nie en sonder 'n liggaam vir begrafnis, het nooit gebeur nie. Baie sulke foto's dui aan dat vroue hul borsspelde gedra het as 'n konstante herinnering aan die afwesigheid van 'n vermiste man of seun, dikwels met sy portret in 'n medalje, en dat hulle hul hartseer in die openbaar getoon het.

George Errall Withall het by die Queen's (Royal West Surrey) Regiment aangesluit en is op 16 Mei 1915 in Festubert in Noord -Frankryk in aksie doodgemaak. :

Annie Gertrude Withall dra haar koningin -borsspeld in die Queen ’s (Royal West Surrey), saam met haar seuns Richard Henry (links) en George Thomas, c. 1915 (Beeld: Penny Streeter)

Voordat hy ingeskryf het, was George Withall 'n plaaswerker in Frensham, Surrey, en die foto toon Annie en haar twee seuntjies, George en Richard, waarskynlik buite die huis van die gesin. Die kinders se ouderdomme (George sou ongeveer vyf jaar oud gewees het tydens sy pa se dood en Richard net drie) dui op 'n waarskynlike datum vir die foto van 1915. Hulle is almal geklee in hul beste formele klere en, te oordeel na hul droewige uitdrukkings Dit is waarskynlik dat hierdie beeld 'n diens in Withall se geheue opneem. Sy liggaam is nie teruggevind nie, so in plaas van 'n geïdentifiseerde graf is hy in die 1920's herdenk op die Le Touret -gedenkteken naby Festubert. Net soos miljoene ander vroue wat weens die oorlog dood is, is Annie die troosritueel van 'n begrafnis ontken. Vir bedroefde vroue soos Annie wat nie 'n graf gehad het om na te gaan nie en die fokus vir hul herinneringe gemaak het, het liefdesborsspelde wat as tekens van liefde en toegeneentheid gegee is, dikwels kosbare herdenkingsvoorwerpe geword.

Die ongekende dodetal van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het beteken dat baie borsspelde wat oorspronklik in baie gelukkige omstandighede gegee is, noodwendig met hartseer verband hou as bewaarplekke van geheue en rou. Ons moet ook onthou dat baie soldate te jonk was om hul eie gesinne te stig of dat hulle nie geliefdes gehad het om hul geheue te koester terwyl hulle in diens was nie. Vir hierdie gewoonlik jonger mans was hul ma nog steeds die belangrikste vroulike invloed in hul lewens, en daarom sou sy 'n borsspeld kry. Die redes waarom bedroefde vroue die militêre borsspelde gedra het wat hulle in gelukkiger tye gekry het, was kompleks en is moeilik om af te haal. Vir sommige was die borsspeld 'n eenvoudige simbool van trots, terwyl ander meen dat slegs 'n patriotiese uitstalling hul verliese kan regverdig en hulle borsspelde uitdagend gedra het. Maar moeders, susters, vroue en geliefdes is sterk aangemoedig deur regeringspropaganda en samelewingsverwagtinge om hul manne te oorreed om in te skryf en 'n regimentspeldjie te dra om aan te toon dat hulle dit gedoen het en is dus medepligtig aan hul eie rou. As vroue egter woede voel oor die dood van vriende en familie, was dit 'n onaanvaarbare verwerping van die kode van stoïese aanvaarding waaraan hulle sou voldoen om die moraal op die tuisfront te handhaaf. Vir meer kwaad of eenvoudig ambivalente vroue in rou, was die borsspelde se militêre konnotasies treffende, onwelkome herinneringe aan die oorsaak van hul geliefdes se dood en 'n rede waarom hulle hierdie herinneringe vir hul families verberg het.

Dit is miskien een van die redes waarom so baie lieflike borsspelde van hul geskiedenis geskei is. Bedroefde moeders, vroue en geliefdes het die juweliersware wat geliefde seuns, mans en geliefdes aan hulle gegee het, opsy gesit wat nie die oorlog oorleef het nie, omdat hulle met sulke pynlike herinneringe ingebed was. Byvoorbeeld, net voor die einde van die oorlog, in Augustus 1918, is lt. Charles Bodman van die Durham Light Infantry naby Arras vermoor. Sy liggaam is nooit teruggevind nie, maar die weermag het sy persoonlike besittings, insluitend sy foto's, sy papiere en 'n liefdesspeldjie wat vermoedelik vir haar bedoel was, aan sy bedroefde moeder in Gloucestershire teruggegee. Sy kon nie aan hierdie angswekkende herinneringe dink nie, het sy dit in 'n houtkis gesit en dit aan haar oorlewende seun toevertrou en gevra dat dit veilig gehou moet word, maar nie oopgemaak word nie. Die boks is in die gesin se kruidenierswinkel gebêre en eers in 2015 herontdek.

Vrou wat 'n liefdesbroche van die Prince of Wales Own (West Yorkshire) Regiment, c. 1914-1918

En dus wys 'n diep persoonlike besluit om voorwerpe met pynlike assosiasies weg te steek hoe die verhale van liefdesborsels vir ons verlore raak namate hierdie emosionele voorwerpe verby die lewende geheue beweeg. 'N Ander rede waarom hulle van die openbare bewussyn verdwyn het, is hul status as hibriede voorwerpe. Uit 'n kuratoriese oogpunt is hulle nie amptelik militêr nie, maar ook eenvoudig dekoratief. As sodanig het hulle grootliks buite die taak en belang van militêre museums geval (waar hulle betekenis selde aan die besoeker verduidelik word as hulle vertoon word). Gewoonlik kom dit in museumversamelings as deel van privaat skenkings wat meer duidelik relevante items insluit, soos medaljes, uniforms en wapens. Of borsspelde vertoon of gemarginaliseer word, hang af van die belangrikheid van individuele kurators (of hul trustees) in die verband tussen die lede van die magte en hul gesinne, wat nie altyd baie belangrik is nie. Hulle pas egter ook nie maklik in die versamelings van ontwerpmuseums wat hulle miskien as militêre items beskou nie, en geen groot kultuurmuseum in Brittanje het voorbeelde nie. Tog gee kentekens en embleme altyd, of ten minste baie gereeld, persoonlike en politieke boodskappe oor.

Baie, sekerlik, word steeds deur die gesinne van hul oorspronklike eienaars bewaar. Toegang tot items wat deur privaat individue besit word, is altyd 'n uitdaging, maar net soos ander oorlogsvoorwerpe, is dit fassinerende voorwerpe met verhale om te vertel hoe mense geleef en gevoel het en hul geliefdes herdenk het in tye van ondenkbare spanning en verhoogde emosie. Ek hoop om 'n rekord op te stel van beelde van borsspelde, diegene wat dit gegee het en diegene wat dit gedra het, met gepaardgaande verhale en enige dokumentasie wat daarby is. As enige lesers hul familiegeskiedenis by hierdie databasis wil voeg, sodat hulle nie in die geskiedenis verlore gaan nie, hoor ek baie graag van u. Stuur my 'n e-pos na [email protected]

Hierdie artikel is oorspronklik op die blog geplaas Historici vir geskiedenis in Oktober 2018 en word weer geplaas met die toestemming van die skrywer en redakteurs.

Penny Streeter is 'n historikus van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Sy het onlangs 'n PhD in die Geskiedenis van Kuns aan die Universiteit van Sussex verwerf vir 'n doktorale projek wat juweliersware nagaan wat militêre kentekens herhaal, gedra deur gesinne van dienspersoneel uit die Boereoorloë en gedurende die 20ste eeu. Sy twiet as @pennystreeter2.


Die Kaapse Kleurlingkorps en die Eerste Wêreldoorlog

In September 1915 het die unieregering aangebied om 'n infanteriebataljon van Kaapse bruinmanne op te rig vir diens in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Daar is besluit op 'n streng keuringsproses. Slegs mans met 'n buitengewone goeie karakter, tussen die ouderdom van 20 en 30, minimum hoogte 5 voet. 3in., Borsmaat 33 ½ inch, ongetroud en sonder afhanklikes sal vir diens aanvaar word (Difford: 20). Die Cape Corps War Recruiting Committee is saamgestel met sy hoofkwartier in Kaapstad. Kennisgewings is in die pers geplaas waarin aangekondig word dat daar gewerf moet word. Op 25 Oktober 1915 het die eerste werwingstasie by die stadsaal in Kaapstad geopen. Die reaksie was so groot dat die hulp van die polisie nodig was om die skare te beheer. Slegs 22 rekrute is op die eerste dag aangewys, aangesien die oorgrote meerderheid nie aan die streng voorwaardes vir werwing voldoen het nie. Hulle is daarna na Simonstad gestuur vir opleiding en is saam met mede -rekrute van Stellenbosch, Worcester, Port Elizabeth, Kimberley en verskeie sendingstasies, waaronder dié van Saaron en Mamre, vergesel.

Die aantal mans wat uit landelike gebiede en sendingstasies aangewys is, was baie groter as dié van die stad Kaapstad, aangesien baie van die rekrute uit die stad nie aan die streng fisiese vereistes voldoen nie. Baie mans wat by die stadsaal kom inloer het, was ook ontevrede oor die salaris wat aangebied is.

Die Kaapse Korps in Oos -Afrika

Die Eerste Bataljon van die Kaapse Korps het op 9 Februarie 1916 aan boord van die H.M.T. Armadale -kasteel, op 17 Februarie 1916 in Mombasa aangekom. Gedurende die eerste nege maande was die bataljon besig met take wat die opkomende Britse troepe ondersteun het. Dit het bewaakingsbase, patrolleerpaaie, bou van brûe, vervoertake, hospitaalpligte en verskeie administratiewe take ingesluit. Baie het in die eerste weke van April 1916 aan malaria beswyk. Die 'C' Kompanjie onder bevel van kaptein Bagsawe en twee peloton 'D' Kompanjie en die helfte van 'B' Kompanjie is gestuur om Taveta, waar 'n spoorlyn was, te bewaak. gebou en blokhuise te bou. Die eenheid moes deur swaar moerasse beweeg gedurende die reënseisoen. Vyftig persent van die afdeling het aan malaria beswyk en moes deur 'n ander onderneming, wat op sy beurt ook met malaria gely het, verlig word. Einde April was die helfte van die Cape Corp -bataljon in die hospitaal of siek aan diens.

Die veldtog van die Rufjirivier

In Desember 1916 het die Cape Corps -bataljon vertrek om aan die veldtog van die Rufji -rivier deel te neem. Onder die bevel van luitenant-kolonel Morris het die bataljon met vier masjiengewere, 'n twee-geweer gedeelte van die Kashmir-bergbattery en 'n losband van die Faridhkot Sappers and Miners vertrek. Die hoofdoel van hierdie veldtog was om die Rufji -rivier oor te steek en die gebied aan die oorkantse oewer te beveilig teen vyandelike inbreuk. 'N Bajonetaanval teen die Duitse posisie by Makalinso is suksesvol geloods.

Terwyl die Britse opmars gevolg het van die terugtrekkende Duitse Oos -Afrikaanse weermag, wat probeer het om die opmars te vertraag deur 'n veldkompanie by Mkindu te posisioneer, is die Kaapse korps gestuur om 'n Nigeriese brigade by Mkindu te versterk. In Januarie 1917 het 'n kolom bestaande uit die Kaapse Korps, die Tweede Nigeriese regiment en 'n twee-geweer-afdeling van die Kashmir-bergbattery-onder bevel van Morris, gevorder op die Duitse posisie in Kibongo. Morris gebruik die Cape Corps as die sentrale aanvalsmag. Die Duitse weermag onder kaptein Ernst Otto bied 'n vasberade weerstand, maar word gedwing om 12h00 terug te trek. Op hierdie stadium het die swaar reën verdere militêre beweging onmoontlik gemaak en baie draers, lede van die South African Native Labor Contingent (SANLC), het gesukkel om voedselrantsoene deur swaar moerasse en modder te lewer. Beide lede van SANLC en die Cape Corps het aan malaria beswyk. Teen Maart was slegs vyf offisiere en 165 mans geskik vir diens. Baie is in militêre hospitale in Oos -Afrika behandel, terwyl sommige na Suid -Afrika teruggebring moes word.

Die volgende groot militêre operasie van die Cape Corps -bataljon was om by Britse en Belgiese troepe aan te sluit teen Duitse aanvalpartye onder leiding van kaptein Max Wintgens wat probeer het om Brits -Oos -Afrika binne te gaan. Teen Oktober 1917 is die Duitse bedreiging uit die weg geruim, 'n prestasie waarin die Cape Corps 'n groot rol gespeel het. Baie lede het toekennings gewen vir vername militêre optrede. In Oktober 1917 is die bataljon herorganiseer en sy getal tot 1 200 versterk en beveel om die verslete Britse troepe in die Lindi-gebied van Duits-Oos-Afrika te help. In November het die Kaapse Korps die opstand teen die vyand gelei en het dit swaar onder skoot gekom by Mkungu. Hulle moes 50 meter terugtrek en het op 'n rant ingegrawe.

Die volgende aksie het plaasgevind op die Makonde -plato, waar 'n Duitse hospitaal met 1 000 siekes en gewondes oorgegee het aan 'n kolom onder leiding van die Kaapse Korps. Die Duitse bevelvoerder, generaal Paul von Letow-Vorbeck, het met ongeveer 2 000 man na Portugese Oos-Afrika beweeg. Nadat hy met die opruimingsoperasies voortgegaan het, is die Cape Corps-bataljon deur 'n mediese raad ondersoek. Dit is aanbeveel dat hulle na Suid -Afrika teruggeplaas word. Alhoewel hul slagoffers nie baie hoog was nie, het baie aan malaria beswyk. Op 20 Desember klim die bataljon aan boord van die HMT Caronia terug na Suid -Afrika.

Uit Oos -Afrika is die Kaapse korps na Egipte, Palestina, Turkye.

Suid -Afrikaanse kanonniers in Duits -Oos -Afrika. bron: www.delvillewood.com

Terug in Suid -Afrika:

By sy terugkeer na Suid -Afrika is aangekondig dat, weens hul uitstekende militêre rekord in Oos -Afrika, nog 'n bataljon van die Kaapse Korps vir diens in Egipte opgewek sal word. Eers het die bataljon mediese aandag en rus nodig gehad. Voordat hulle mans huis toe gestuur het vir 'n periode van herstellende verlof, moes hulle ernstige mediese toetse vir malaria ondergaan. Twee groepe van driehonderd man is na Kimberley en Potchefstroom gebring, terwyl die res van seshonderd mans na Jacobs Camp in Durban gestuur is. Hulle sou tien dae lank in kwarantyn bly, en eers nadat hul bloedtoetse 'n dubbele negatief vir malaria aangeteken het, kon hulle huis toe gaan vir 'n maand se herstelverlof. Diegene wie se bloedtoetse nie negatief vir malaria was nie, is verder behandel en spesiale dieet met vars melk en eiers aangegee. Toe hulle herstel, is hulle vir 'n maand se verlof huis toe gestuur.

Teen 20 Februarie het die meeste mans teruggekeer na die depot in Kimberley. Die volgende maand was hulle betrokke by opleiding en voorbereiding vir die volgende fase van hul diens wat in Egipte sou plaasvind. Hulle het nuwe opleiding in kanonne, sein en bombardemente ondergaan. Net voor einde Maart is aangekondig dat hulle vroeg in April na Egipte sou vertrek. Die Bataljon het op 31 Maart met drie spesiale treine na Kimberley vertrek. Op 3 April vertrek hulle na Egipte op die H.M.T. Magdalena.

Die Kaapse korps in Egipte

Die bataljon het op 19 April 1918 in Port Suez in Egipte aangekom. Aanvanklik moes hulle by verskillende krygsgevangenekampe begelei word. Hulle was ook betrokke by kommunikasiewerk. Dit was nie in die vooruitsig gestel dat hulle by die werklike gevegte betrokke sou wees nie en hulle het sonder toerusting opgedaag. Dit het baie ontevredenheid veroorsaak en hul bevelvoerder, luitenant-kolonel Hoy, het 'n beroep op generaal Edmund Allenby, bevelvoerder van die British Empire's Egyptian Expeditionary Force (EEF), gedoen om aan die gevegte deel te neem. By sy versoek was 'n gedetailleerde memorandum wat die rekord van die bataljon in Oos -Afrika bevat. Generaal Allenby het die bataljon self ondersoek en ingestem om hulle in die voorste linie te laat, op voorwaarde dat hulle verdere intensiewe opleiding onderneem.

Cape Corps masjiengeweer instruksie. bron: www.kaiserscross.com

In Egipte het die Cape Corps -eenheid 'n heel ander stel omstandighede gehad as in Oos -Afrika. Die weermag was baie meer professioneel georganiseer, die militêre veldtog stelselmatig en metodies, en hulpdienste soos hospitale en voorrade uitstekend in vergelyking met Oos -Afrika. In die woorde van Difford, 'Ons het die amateurstadium agter ons gelaat en was professioneel. 'N Tydperk van intensiewe opleiding is begin in muskietery, bajonetgevegte, die gebruik van handgranate, gasoorlogvoering en slootoorlogvoering. Daar word verwag dat beamptes vaardig is in kaartlees en topografie.

In Julie 1918 is die Eerste Bataljon Cape Corps (ICC) toegewys aan die 160ste Infanteriebrigade van die 53ste Walliese Afdeling, een van verskeie wat die EEF uitmaak onder leiding van generaal Allenby. Teenoor die EEF was drie Ottomaanse leërs van 3 000 ruiters, 32 000 infanterie en 402 gewere. Die ICC betree die lyn op 19 Augustus teen die 53ste afdeling van die Turkse weermag, ongeveer tien kilometer noord van die huidige Ramallah. Die bataljon het die komende maand deurlopend te kampe gehad met swaar artillerievuur.

Mans van die Iste Bataljon, Cape Corps (160ste Brigade, 53 Walliese Afdeling)- Palestina 1918. bron: www.delvillewood.com

Allenby beplan 'n groot offensief om in die vroeë oggendure van 19 September te begin, en die eenheid is beveel om verkenning en repetisies te onderneem ter voorbereiding van die offensief, deur die voorste linies uit te dun en op hul aanvalposisies te konsentreer. Die 1/17 Indiese Infanterie Brigade sou die voorwag wees, gevolg deur die ICC. Die ICC sou deur hulle gaan, Square Hill neem en dan die regterkant van die Brigade beskerm. Die Cape Corps het daarin geslaag om Square Hill te neem in 'n aanval wat duur van 18:45 op 18 September tot 04:00 op 19 September 1918. Hulle het 181 gevangenes, agt offisiere en 160 lede van ander geledere, sowel as 'n vyandelike veldgeweer. Die ICC het een man verloor, en nog een is gewond in die slag by Square Hill. Hulle volgende optrede was die neem van KH Jibeit, 'n heuwel 700m noord van Square Hill. Hulle het nie artillerie -ondersteuning nie en verloor 51 mans, 101 is gewond en een is gevange geneem. Hierdie optrede was deurslaggewend om Allenby die weg te baan om na Damaskus deur te breek en 'die Ottomaanse Ryk uit die oorlog te slaan'.

Kerkparade van die 1ste bataljon, Cape Corps, in El Arish, Egipte, na die slag. bron: samilitaryhistory.org


Ander aspekte van die plaaslike lewe ↑

Soos in ander strydende lande, het inflasie dit nodig gemaak om salarisse in Macau se plaaslike markte te verhoog, maar daar was nie genoeg goedere nie, maar ander aspekte van die ekonomie en finansies is gehandhaaf sonder noemenswaardige veranderinge. Plaaslike owerhede het 30 000 pond aan die 'moederland' aangebied, veral om hospitale en soldate se gesinne te help. Om die studente se onvermoë om na Portugal te reis, te oorkom, het die plaaslike hoërskool 'n hoër opvoedingsvlak geïmplementeer.


Die meeste veldslae van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het in Europa plaasgevind, en die mense van die meeste lande was op 'n manier aktief in die konflik. Vir die Geallieerdes het 5 miljoen Britse mans in die konflik gedien, net minder as die helfte van die beskikbare groep mans tussen 18 en 51 jaar, 7,9 miljoen Franse burgers is opgeroep om te dien.

Altesaam 13 miljoen Duitse burgers het in die oorlog tussen 1914 en 1918 geveg. In die besette gebiede het Duitsland en sy bondgenote ook burgerlikes tot arbeid gedwing: burgers uit Italië, Albanië, Montenegro, Serwië, Roemenië en Russiese Pole het almal dienspligtiges wat veg of help met die Entente -pogings.


Die Sewejarige Oorlog: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog?

Selfs vanaf die vroegste historiese verslag van georganiseerde oorlogvoering, was daar twee soorte oorloë wat die geskiedenis vir ewig oorloë gevorm het wat 'n nasie verander en vorm en oorloë wat die wêreld verander en vorm. In Julie 1914 het oorlog in Europa uitgebreek wat gelei het tot 'n oorlog met veel teater en meervoudige deelnemers, wat gelei het tot net meer as vier jaar se stryd wat die titel van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog gekry het, wat dit vir ewig sal bly. Dit was egter nie die eerste meerparty -oorlog wat gevoer is oor verskeie streke waarvan die gevolge regoor die wêreld gevoel kan word nie. Die Sewejarige Oorlog, wat honderd en sestig jaar voor die Eerste Wêreldoorlog plaasgevind het, strek oor die hele wêreld vir nege jaar se stryd en het vyftien militêre stryd gevoer om eers in 1763 te eindig met die ondertekening van vier vredesverdragte. Dit het baie historici laat twyfel of dit nie eintlik die heel eerste wêreldoorlog is nie, en indien wel, hoe die wêreld 'n konflik van so 'n omvang oor die hoof gesien het.

Die Sewejarige Oorlog was in geen opsig gering nie, maar eerder uiters groot in omvang en oppervlakte wat tydens die oorlog gedek is. Baie herken egter nog nie die Sewejarige Oorlog nie; hulle herken wel die sewe afsonderlike oorloë wat binne die Sewejarige Oorlog in verskillende streke regoor die wêreld gevoer is. Net soos in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het die teaters waarin die oorlog gevoer is, oor die hele wêreld versprei oor die nege jaar van onrus en 'n ongekende hoeveelheid streke geraak. 1 Dit is die gevolg van teenstrydige oorheersing en alliansies van verskillende lande, wat oorlogvoerders in 'n paar van die berugste oorloë wat die wêreld ooit leer ken het, ingejaag het.

Die eerste van 'n reeks oorloë wat die Sewejarige Oorlog uitmaak, was die Franse en Indiese Oorlog, wat ook deur baie mense bekend staan ​​as die Oorlog van Oorwinning, tussen 1754 en 1763 in Noord -Amerika geveg het. 2 Geveg tussen die onderskeie Britse en Franse kolonies hulle in die streek gevestig en gesteun deur hul ouer militêrs, sowel as die bondgenote van Frankryk, die inheemse Amerikaners, aangesien beide partye gehoop het dat hulle oorheersing oor die streek sou hê. 3 In die 1750's is 'n groot deel van die land oos van die Mississippirivier oorheers deur die Franse en Britse setlaars wat na die vasteland gekom het om te kan lewe. 4 The British settlers, largely outnumbering that of the French, dominated the coat which the French greatly dispersed their settlers in the northern and central regions with some settlement in the south. This left the region in between the two settlements to be dominated by the Native Americans of the land. 5 As the British hoped to expand their influence over greater amounts of land, they granted settlement to a hundred families in the Ohio Valley region that France had already laid claim to in order to establish trade posts within the region smudging their borders and causing conflict between the two settlements. 6

In a series of battles for control of the continent, the French enlisted both its settlers and its allies the Native Americans to fight the British over the next nine years. This proved to have dire consequences on the British’s ability to secure victory over their adversaries fortunately for the British, they possessed strength in numbers and training that the French could not overcome. 7 With their superior equipped army, the British made a bold move and captured Fort Duquense from the French and renamed it after their Prime Minister William Pitt the British victory causing the Native Americans to begin to take sides with the opposing adversaries. 8 After this crucial victory, the British forces rallied toward Quebec where they secure yet another victory, this being a massive blow to the French. Finally, in 1760, the British took control of Montreal and the French were unable to recover losing the North American theater of the Seven Years’ War and ending with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763. 9

Though it is true that throughout the course of the war, the British and the French were engaged in battle in the North American Region east of the Mississippi, the Seven Years’ War extended to regions other then that covered by the British and French in the French and Indian War. The Seven Years’ war was also largely fought in the European theater with numerous battles in Spain, Portugal, Britain, Sweden, Prussia, and Austria. The earliest battles to form part of the Seven Years’ War in Europe was the Third Silesian War between Prussia and Austria.

The Third Silesian War was a series of battles connected to the Seven Years’ War involving Austria and Prussia from 1756 to 1762 as the two countries fought to secure Silesia from one another. Since 1740, the Austrians had been engaged in war with the Prussians in an attempt to recapture the province of Silesia from he reign of Frederick the Great. 10 Within the last two wars, this had been unachievable, yet Austria persisted, all the while, Prussia, under the leadership of Frederick II grew strong militarily and pushed back as the Austrians struggled to secure a decisive victory over the strong army. 11 This time, while Frederick pursued Saxony, the Austrians decided to attack once more in an attempt to once more reclaim the region. 11 Yet, as Austria’s ties to Britain were severely injured by the previous wars, the British began to switch their alliance to the Prussians, leaving Austria weaker in the battle yet, Russia still remained at Austria’s side. In the resulting years, the Austrian and Russians gained favor within the war, however, after the death of Russian Empress Elizabeth in 1763, Russian forces were recalled by the newly crowned Peter III and Peter sought to make concessions to Prussia which would prove detrimental to the Austrian war effort. 12 Within the year, the Austrians were forced to enter peace talks with the Prussians and the war ended in 1763 with the signing of the Treaty of Hubertusburg. 13

A year after fighting began in the Third Silesian War began between Prussia and Austria, Prussia entered another war in the European theater that would be forever recognized as part of the Seven Years’ War. This time the fighting would take place in several regions of Swedish and Prussian Pomerania between 1757 and would not end until six years later in 1763, leaving Prussia to face war against Sweden. 14 In 1757, the Swedish force made their way into Prussian Pomeranian territory yet were forced to retreat and faced a year long blockade at Stralsund until their Russian allies could relieve them. 15 As they began to once again gain more strength, the Swedish forces pushed forward into the Prussian territory, successfully destroying a Prussian fleet in the process which allowed them to advance as far as the Prussian territory of Prenzlau by 1760 only to retreat back to their own safe camps of Swedish Pomerania for the winter. 16

As the Swedish began yet another campaign the following summer, both armies struggled to gain an advantage over another and the Swedish army immense supply shortages that put their army at a greater disadvantage in 1761. 17 In the winter months of 1761 and 1762, the Swedish and Prussians met up once again for battle, this time just over the Swedish Pomerania border in Mecklenburg where they would engage in their last fight of the Pomeranian war before the Treaty of Ribnitz was agreed upon and signed in August 1762. 18 At this time, the Russians, their alliances waning ever so greatly, switched their loyalty over to the the side of the Prussians and it was clear to the Swedish that they would no longer have the strength to pursue and defeat the Prussian army. 19

As the Seven Years’ War pressed on, war also ensued in Spain as well as Portugal in what is known as the Spanish-Portuguese War from 1761 to 1763. Before this time, Spain and Portugal had succeeded to stay fairly neutral in the Seven Years’ War and, although they had had their own differences about their territories within South America at the time, all remained peaceful until the year of 1761, as Charles III ascended to the throne of Spain, bringing with him his fervent desire to maintain a strong empire for Spain. 20 This, however, threatened the Portuguese borders in the South American colonies as they had previously been agreed to in treaties signed with the former Spanish ruler, King Ferdinand VI, throwing the two countries into war. 21 As the British began to win the war in the colonies against the French, it became ever clearer that the rising power of Britain would soon threaten the imperial balance across Europe thus, prompting the Spanish to seek an alliance with the French making the countries stronger and angering the British who would, in response, joined the fight in 1762, just one year after it had commenced. 22

Under the advisement of the French, the Spanish-Portuguese War pressed on with the Spanish attacking the borders of the neutral Portuguese whose army was less than capable of taking the assault. 23 As it was known that Portugal had become an ally of the British, the French hoped to divert some of the force from the North American theater with hopes of gaining an advantage in the French and Indian War. 24 The fighting not only extended to the borders of Spain and Portugal, but also to the provinces possessed by the Portuguese in South America, something that the Portuguese had feared would happen as Charles III of Spain had assumed reign over the country in 1761. 25 The war heightened as the dominating Spanish army stormed and captured the Colonia de Sacramento, a region in Portuguese control. 26 The war did not see its end until the end of the Seven Years’ War when finally the British and French signed the Treaty of Paris in 1763, extending peace to their allies in Spain and Portugal and the previous Treaty of Madrid was once again in place, leaving Spain and Portugal in peace and neutrality once more. 27

As an extension of the Spanish-Portuguese War, the British and Spanish were engaged in the Anglo-Spanish War as well until 1763. This was a result of the Spanish attacks on the Britain’s ally, the Portuguese and caused the British to divide their forces between the American colonies where they were engaged in war with France and Portugal, where they would send over five thousand troops to attempt to thwart the Spanish aggression against the Portuguese. 28 While the Spanish were engaged in the battle in Portugal, the British turned their attention to Spanish territories that they could attack and made their way toward the shores of Havana, Cuba. In the raid against Cuba in August 1762, the British took the Western Cuban region and captured as many a fourteen ships of the Spanish Caribbean Fleet. 29 Furthermore, the British did not stop at merely Cuba, but decided to attack Spanish claimed territory in the Philippines as they took Manila for their own, cutting Spain off from their capital cities in the West and East Indies. 30 The Spanish gained some success against the British in South America in 1762 as the British unsuccessfully attempted to attack a Spanish coastal outpost, only to be sunk just off shore. This, however, did not give Spain the complete advantage after numerous devastating blows from the British within Portugal as well as in their satellite territories around the world, leading to the success of the British and the end of the war in 1763, just as the Spanish-Portuguese War ended with the signing of the Treaty of Paris between the British and French. 31

The Seven Year’s War was undoubtedly fought largely within the European theater, however, the war was one of global proportion and was fought on several other continents as well. By 1757, the war was to include a new territory on the Asian continent, as the Third Carnatic War between British and French East India Companies shook the divided lands of India in a power struggle for imperial control. South India had faced much hardship since 1744 as small independent nations struggled to maintain sovereignty throughout their region from the increasing powers of the French India Company and the British India Company who both sought influence over the land. 32 Further still, the British and French tensions rose as dominance over the trade economy within the area became more important and battle ensued. 33 The conflict was heightened further still as the native leaders struggled amongst themselves as well as the French and British to solidify their borders for themselves. 34

In the third series of battles, deemed the Third Carnatic War that laster from 1757 to 1763, the British and French once again saw the importance of their positions in India as their influence was threatened by the French and Indian War on the North American continent. 35 This left the both the French and British in a precarious position, just as the war between the Spanish and Portuguese in Portugal and South America would just five years later. If the French were to compel the British to deploy forces to the Indian territory, they would then have far less resources and personnel expendable for the war over the colonies in and around the Ohio Valley in North America and the French might have a better chance of meeting the Britain’s force with their own and gain an advantage. This, however, would also do the same to France’s expendable amounts of resources as they too would be compelled to engage in a war in on the Indian subcontinent, deploying numerous men and resources in order to defeat the Britain’s force.

In 1757, Britain pushed the conflict into Bengal where they would achieve success in capturing the French territory of Chandernagore. 36 This was not the decisive victory in the war, however, and the fighting moved back into Southern India where the British were gaining an advantage over the French. In 1760, the French under the command of the Comte de Lally, were decisively defeated by the British in the Southern province of the Indian territory. 37 Within the next year, the French were losing all hope of withstanding the war and securing a victory as the British further gained advantage on their weakening state and seized their capitol city of Pondicherry. It was clear that the French had lost the fight in India, yet the fighting continued just as all the corresponding conflicts of the Seven Years’ War involving France and Britain with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763. 38

It was clear that the Seven Years’ War had reached nearly every continent across the globe and its numerous participants were torn between the expansive battlefronts as resources and personnel were divided in an effort to support and combat the ever growing war effort and tension between the leading forces of the age. The war also gave birth to the dividing and aligning of numerous nations as tensions brought forth by imperialism and dominant influence that were heightened by the extended land grab efforts made primarily by countries such as Spain, France, and Britain that were the leading forces within the global market in regard to trade and settlement abroad. Some, however, have contended that even though the Seven Years’ War reached many different theaters across the globe, affected numerous nations, and ended in not one, but four consequential treaties the Seven Years’ War has not, and will not, be considered the first world war because it was not what is called a “total war” and that this is a defining factor of a world war.

The term “total war” refers to a war that includes every and all aspect of private infrastructure and man power in order to mobilize for a war. A total war would extend this burden on private infrastructure and production to not only one or two countries, but across the globe to the point that the world’s economy would be affected by the mobilization and continued supply effort before the war. This can be seen during the First World War as the Triple Entente and their corresponding allies as well as the Triple Alliance worked toward best supplying their troops overseas and at home for four years of vigorous warfare. In the United States, this can be seen as the country struggled to mobilize to its best ability. It was not until the end of the war that the production of the nation’s infrastructure was to an adequate level yet, the war did work toward an exemplary ratification of wartime production, supply, and consumption.

In the United States, just as abroad, total war takes over many aspects of the national economy as they work toward a most efficient army on every front. Civilian food supply is rationed, and great lengths are taken to ensure that resources, especially those imported from countries that are engaged in the war are supplemented to their best abilities. In the First World War, the United States government went as far as to virtually take over the wool industry within the entire United States in order to ensure that the troops within the war were not faced with a shortage of uniforms. 39 This has become a well known standard of a world war for historians with the modern era.

The Seven Years’ War was a defining series of wars during the time of imperialism and growing influence as empires expanded their reaches to every corner of the globe. The infamous war lasted not seven, but nine years and included more than seven independent wars within regions from the Americas, the Caribbean, Asia, and Northern, Central, and Southern Europe, ending in four peace treaties which would include existing and newly solidified borders and alliances for each of the involved countries.

The theaters in which the fighting took place were war torn and exhausted of resources as the war came to an end in 1763. The two most incorporated nations within the battles were the British and French as they engaged in five simultaneous wars during the nearly decade of fighting, the battlefields spread from Asia to Europe and across the Atlantic to the American continents. The most decisive war in which they fought throughout the years was the French and Indian War in North American which was the first to ensue and determined their ability and willingness to engage in fighting in other theaters during the Seven Years’ War. In fact, France’s difficulty in the French and Indian War lead to their support of their allies, the Spanish as they pursued their adversaries during the Spanish-Porteguese War beginning in 1761 and their presence within the Indian subcontinent where they competed against the British for trade dominance and influence. Northern Europe was also torn at the time by the Seven Years’ war as Prussia’s Frederick II actively pursued dominance within his own region, bringing forth conflict between his nation, Austria, and Sweden as well as forming an alliance with Russia at the end of the war. The dramatic and long lasting implications of the Seven Years’ War proves that regardless of whether or not a “total war” is achieved, the massive war was in fact the first true world war.


Deconstructing the traditional narrative on the 1919 Revolution

In March 2019, Hakim Abdelnaeem published an article in Maha Masr titled “What is the first thing that pops to your mind when 1919 Revolution is mentioned?” The article is a thoughtful analysis of the popular imagination of the 1919 Revolution, and Abdelnaeem concludes that this imagination is primarily a visual one, shaped by film and TV series. He also argues that this visual imagination locates the revolution in the city, primarily in Cairo, and reduces the revolution to a series of demonstrations protesting against the arrest of Saad and his colleagues, and culminates in the army opening fire on the demonstrators on 10 March. Then there are of course the cliché images of upper-class women participating in the demonstrators and Coptic and Muslim clerics holding hands. Absent from this popular imagination, Abdelnaeem argues, are scenes of the workers strikes in urban centers and the peasant uprisings throughout the country, in the Delta and al-Said.

Fahmy’s death in “Bayn al-Qasrayn”, Hasan al-Imam, dir., 1964

Relying on the scholarship of Hakim Abdelnaeem, Kyle Anderson and Ali Mossallam, in this article I tried to point out to recent research that beseeches us to locate the origins of the Revolution not on March 9, 1919, when Saad was arrested, but in a much earlier period, in the summer and autumn of 1918, and not to restrict the Revolution to Cairo and other cities, but to look for the origins in the countryside among peasants who saw their livelihoods destroyed after four years of war. This was a war in which, as the Arabic saying goes, they neither had a camel or a she-camel لا ناقة ولا جمل, but a war to which they were dragged to serve for years on end losing in it limb and life.

The sacrifices endured during the First World by Egyptian peasants, by far the overwhelming majority of the population, are what lay behind the 1919 Revolution. A key factor in this hardship was being “volunterred” in the Egyptian Labour Force. Hundreds of thousands of Egyptian men were dragged into serving in this dreaded force as part of the British imperial war effort. The months they spent in the different fields of operation, in Mesopotamia, Palestine, Gallipoli and the Western Front, hardened them and threw the injustice they suffered from back home into sharp relief. While most were eager to return to the comfort of their loved ones, few must have also been radicalized on the Front. Upon returning home, and upon finding that their compatriots had fared only slightly better due to what al-sulta had subjected them to, the situation was then rife for a nationwide revolution to erupt.

The facebook page of the spokesman of the Armed Forces, 11 November 2013

However, the present Egyptian army is now making preposterous claims that distort the historical record. By relying on a charlatan, it has convinced itself that the Egyptian Labor Force was composed of soldiers not of peasants, that this force was part of the Egyptian not the British army, and that the sacrifices endured during the war were endured by the military rather by the civilian population. Behind these claims is not the desire to point out a long forgotten chapter in the nation’s history or to uphold the right of the Egyptian people to live in peace and dignity, but rather and as the army spokesman himself admitted to have the opportunity to “raise the Egyptian flag in London and in Greece next to the mightiest armies of the world.”

The army can have its flags and it can have its cheap photo ops. But snatching the 1919 Revolution from us, just as it has robbed us of the 2011 Revolution, is something that should not and will not pass.

You can watch a video recording of this lecture below (the lecture starts at 2:45:00)


K is for… Knitting

All kinds of knitwear were sent in quantity to the men at the front. Women sent articles directly to their loved ones, but they also knitted (from around the world) for organisations such as Queen Mary’s Needlework Guild, which in turn sent on the socks (718,388 pairs), balaclava helmets, mittens and many other articles it received. The beneficiaries included not only men on active service, but also their families, the wounded, refugees, prisoners of war (PoWs) and even civilians who had lost their jobs as a result of the war.

Surviving letters of thanks reveal how gratefully received these comforts often were. However, it was not always a chorus of approval. One officer in 1914 complained in a letter that “bales” of well-intended knitwear were jamming up the postal system, and took a dim view of the “heel-less sock”. Stockings without heels figured largely among the knitted garments needed in hospitals. They were especially wide to allow room for splints and bandages, and pattern booklets for such hospital garments were readily available, including items ranging from bath gloves to eye bandages.


Attitudes To The First World War History Essay

Attitudes to World War 1 (WW1) known as 'The Great War' changed throughout the duration of the conflict. At the outbreak of war the general attitude to the war was positive the British public had feelings of euphoria. Despite objection from conscientious objectors, support for the war remained relatively high through out, however the positive attitude of the British people soon began to dwindle. There were several reasons for this, such as the increasing number of casualties, and the reality of trench welfare. The government attempted to intervene through propaganda, and rationing systems in order to maintain positive public opinions and ensure supply of production and men to the front line.

Initial attitudes to the war were positive. British government justified their participation in the war as a moral obligation ‘its pledge to Belgium and its duty to destroy Prussianism in a war to end war’ [i] Britain decided to aid Belgium and France and declared war on Germany. The declaration of the war was greeted by most with enthusiasm and jingoism. British people had not experienced anything on this scale for over a century. The public felt a 'mixture of fear, curiosity and anticipation, spurred by the realisation that this was a struggle for national preservation' [ii] A joyous mood swept over Britain as they began gearing in support of the war, there were street celebrations throughout the whole of Britain as they rejoiced in the nationalism and pride the war would bring unaware that it would take the lives of over 700,000 British Soldiers. The British people believed the war was going to be short crusade and that it would all ‘be over by Christmas’ as they believed that victory against Germany was a certainty. Young soldiers saw the war as an adventure, they were eager and determined to show their bravery and devotion to their country, unaware of the horrors which faced them believing it would be a romantic heroic affair. Positive attitudes to the war at the outbreak is apparent due to the number of volunteers that enlisted, 'recruiting figures ran at 300,000 in August, 450,000 in September, 137,000 in October, 170,000 in November, 117,000 in December and 156,000 in January 1915’ [iii] Much of this motivation is believed to be the result of government propaganda. Prime Minister Asquith said ' no nation has ever entered a great conflict with clearer conscience or stronger conviction to defend principles vital to the civilized world’. Soldiers were made to believe that Germany posed a threat to British interests.

During the First World War Propaganda in many different forms were used by government to influence the attitudes and public opinion of the British People and to ensure that people knew only what they wanted them to. With only a small army at the start of the war the government attempted to use propaganda to gain support for the war and increase recruitment into the Army from volunteers. Media-enhanced propaganda was one of the most influential forms of shaping public opinion. The government used Poster campaigns throughout the war, they were used to appeal to patriotism and to honour and showed picture of soldiers, woman and children in order to conjure up support for the war. It was important that the government got more men to enlist, as the number of deaths and causalities increased, they instilled a sense of duty into the nation with slogans saying 'your country needs you' which led to the recruitment of many patriotic men. Huge efforts were also made to blacken the enemies name in order to twist peoples thoughts and viewpoints towards the war and create a hatred and suspicion that would encourage them to sign up for example newspapers printed headlines that would stir emotions and write stories about German atrocities, this led British soldiers to believe that the war was worth fighting for. Propaganda was used to maintain high spirits and morale on the home front. Public opinion also had to remain positive following the appalling casualties of the young soldiers as the war progressed. All forms of information was controlled and censored by the government including newspapers and soldiers letters. The government realized that they needed the support of the people in order to win the war. Often newspapers report information only beneficial to Britain in order to keep public opinion in support of the war. They would fabricate the number of British deaths or write only of the deaths of the enemies. British successes were emphasized whilst minimal gains were omitted from their information this led British people to believe the conflict was benefiting them. Propaganda was aimed at woman as they aimed to show that everyone was part of the war despite being excused for military services, and give them a sense of importance. They produced posters with slogans on posters such as 'Woman of Britain say GO'. Men were encouraged to sign up as they would be seen as masculine and courageous by the woman. If they did not sign up they were made to feel guilty and shameful as woman ridiculed them by giving men out of uniform white feathers which was a sign of cowardice, this was a successful method of pressuring many able men to enlist with the army. ,

However this positive attitude to war was not unanimous by everyone. Conscientious objectors (COs’) made it clear that not everyone had a positive attitude towards the war. COs’ were mainly middle class people rather than working class people. There was several types of conscientious objectors pacifists who refused to have any participation in the war, political objectors who did not consider the Germans their enemy and religious objectors such as ‘Quakers’ who felt that war and fighting was against their religion, Bert Brocklesby said ‘God did not put me on this earth to destroy his children’ [iv] . However many COs’ joined the Non-Combatant Corps where they did not have to fight but did jobs such as acting as stretcher-bearers for those who did. Following the increasing numbers of casualties in the early stages of the war conscription for British men was looking likely Pacifists campaigned successfully for a 'conscientious clause' which freed them from military service following the assessment of their claims at a tribunal, however only 16,000 COs’ refused conscription and therefore remained a small minority as they compromised ‘only 0.33 per cent of the total conscripts plus volunteers’ [v] . Many woman became active in public affairs setting up to campaign against the war, as they were excused from military services they could not be accused of being cowards, they set up groups such as the Women’s International League (WIL) however they had very little influence. Although they did not express the same feelings of jingoism as the majority of the British public, by the end of the first month of the war opposition to the conflict had declined and most decided to back government’s effort as they realized that war was necessary.

As the war progressed positive attitudes to the war were not always maintained as war weariness and opposition to the war began to grow. It was difficult for the government to maintain a positive public opinion once the reality of modern welfare became apparent. The Liberals were worried that once positive attitudes to the war began to wear off pacifist campaign may gain support from the British people. Soldiers who had initially excited to go to war quickly changed their attitudes once trench welfare set it. The devastation of the soldiers became apparent to the public back home through their poems and letters they expressed the horror that the young soldiers faced on a daily basis, British citizens were beginning to realise the reality of war for the first time, causing the public to have a more negative attitude of the war. Battles such as Ypres and Somme led to a large number of casualties, and voluntary recruitment had begun to dwindle by 1916, as people began to realize that this was not going to be a quick victory. Instead of excitement they were now eager for the war to come to an end as soon as possible. Shortages of men in the military caused the generals to appeal for conscription, and in 1916 the government eventually opted for it. This meant that all men ages 18-40 had to serve your country in the military for a certain period of time this had a huge impact on attitudes and morale to the war. Older men were pushed into the front line but did not share the same enthusiasm for the war as the young soldiers and the number of men refusing conscription increased. Inflation and Rationing systems introduced in 1917 also impacted on the attitude of the British people on the home front. The Defence of Realm Act (DORA) was used to ensure that food shortages did not occur in Britain as a result of Germany’s U-boat campaign to sink merchant ships in order to prevent the flow of imports entering Britain. Panic buying had also led to shortages and Inflation also meant that food prices increased, this meant that many working class families faced malnutrition by the end of the war causing negative attitudes towards the war.

The impact of the continual hardship faced by the British people on the home front led to civil unrest. Shortages began to occur to a short of male workers as more men were conscripted into the war, skilled workers in key industries such as engineering, mining and steel joined the armed forces. Female workers stepped in to fill the positions that previously only men had vacated, working in dangerous conditions in industrial factories producing weapons for the soldiers. The number of woman who agreed to work in these conditions shows the popular support for the war effort by the majority of British citizens at the beginning. However those who had been brought in to fill the gaps soon ‘realised that they were being exploited by government, who were making high profits.’ [vi] Trade union membership increased from 4 million to 6.5 million by the end of the war. There was a trade union agreement that meant that woman would only be employed during the war to ensure that men had jobs to come home to. The government knew that they had to maintain Britain’s economic strength. Lloyd George had to try and persuade leading trade unions to come to a truce in order to relax its ‘restrictive practices’ in industries vital for the war. many of the strikes which broke out during the war however they were quickly settled, and trade unions decided to postpone their demands until after the conflict had ended and turned their support towards helping government, in some cases even giving payments to their members, as they were worried that the war would lead to unemployment. Business owners were also encouraged by the government to pay unskilled workers higher wages as they did not want to hinder production. This shows that the British population knew that they must unite in order to win the war. Keir Hardie wrote ‘a nation at war must be united… With the boom of the enemy’s guns within earshot the lads that have gone forth to fight for their country’s battles must not be disheartened by any discordant note at home’ [vii]

British Soldiers on the front line were also finding it difficult to maintain a positive attitude. Young men enlisted in the Army for different reasons whilst some were forced into joining due to conscription, many had volunteered through loyalty to their country and felt they had to protect their country others were prompted by the unemployment. It can be said that they were ignorant to the horrors that life of the front line held for them. As the war progressed many soldiers began to suffer the misery of trench welfare. There are many written documents by WW1 soldiers such as ‘Goodbye to all that’ by Robert Graves or ‘All Quiet on the Western Front’ by Erich von Remarque. Documents such as these highlight the horrific experiences endured by the British soldiers. The war caused many soldiers to be alienated from home they had to witness horrifying sights which often resulted in psychological trauma such as shell shock ‘Between 1914 and 1918 the British Army identified 80,000 men (2% of those who saw active service) as suffering from shell-shock’ [viii] . Soldiers had to put up with rats and lice and were forced to witness killing and bombing so regularly that many of them had to disregard their feelings.

By the end of the war nearly everyone across Europe had a negative attitude towards the war. The war had brought many people suffering, and had negatively shaped public opinion. Amnesty day brought about rejoice that the war had finally ended the nation was ready to celebrate the return of the soldiers, which showed that they remained faithful to the cause throughout. However the memories of the war remained strong with the British people who were unhappy with the little gains that had come out of their struggles. Prime Minister Lloyd George declared his intention 'to make Britain a fit country for heroes to live in' [ix] . However the British people wanted more from their efforts and demanded that Germany take full responsibility for the war, this led Lloyd George to campaign for indemnities for the total cost of the war from Germany in order to show the British People that the War was not for nothing.

In conclusion attitudes towards the war did not stay positive throughout, at the outbreak of war the public had a positive attitude towards the war, they were full of excitement and determination, however as the conflict continued the public opinion changed to a more negative outlook. Increasing casualties and short supplies of food caused to British population to become disheartened and they simply wished for the conflict to come to an end. The government was forced to take action in order to sway the public to have a more positive attitude in order to supply soldiers to the front line they did this through various forms of propaganda. Soldiers had believed that the war was going to be a short, exciting experience, however once the reality of the horror of the war sunk in, the attitude of the soldiers soon changed, many felt isolated and alienated, and others experience physical and mental torture. However through poems and letters written by the soldiers, the horrors of trench life got back to the British people at home. After this public remained negative to the end, and even after the war attitudes towards the war remained unfavourable as the nation remained hurt over the lack of results for their struggles.


Kyk die video: 1915. Eerste wereldoorlog in België. In Europa 20072008 (Desember 2021).