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Die Ottomaanse Ryk sluit 'n verdrag met bondgenote

Die Ottomaanse Ryk sluit 'n verdrag met bondgenote

Op 30 Oktober 1918 aan boord van die Britse slagskip Agamemnon, veranker in die hawe Mudros op die Egeïese eiland Lemnos, onderteken verteenwoordigers van Groot -Brittanje en die Ottomaanse Ryk 'n wapenstilstandsverdrag wat die einde van die Ottomaanse deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog aandui.

Alhoewel die Ottomaanse Ryk - in 'n tydperk van relatiewe agteruitgang sedert die laat 16de eeu - aanvanklik ten doel gehad het om neutraal te bly in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, het dit gou 'n alliansie met Duitsland gesluit en in Oktober 1914 aan die kant van die Sentrale Magte toegetree. Die Turke het heftig geveg en die Gallipoli-skiereiland suksesvol verdedig teen 'n massiewe geallieerde inval in 1915-1916, maar teen 1918 het 'n nederlaag deur indringende Britse en Russiese magte en 'n Arabiese opstand gesamentlik die Ottomaanse ekonomie vernietig en sy land verwoes, wat ongeveer ses miljoen mense dood en nog miljoene honger.

Reeds in die eerste week van Oktober 1918 het beide die Ottomaanse regering en verskeie individuele Turkse leiers met die Geallieerdes in verbinding getree om vrede te vind. Brittanje, wie se magte toe 'n groot deel van die Ottomaanse gebiede beset het, was huiwerig om op te tree vir sy bondgenote, veral Frankryk, wat volgens 'n ooreenkoms wat in 1916 gesluit is, beheer oor die Siriese kus en 'n groot deel van die huidige Libanon sou neem. In 'n stap wat sy Franse eweknie, Georges Clemenceau, woedend gemaak het, het premier David Lloyd George en sy kabinet admiraal Arthur Calthorpe, Brittanje se vlootbevelvoerder in die Egeïese See, gemagtig om 'n onmiddellike wapenstilstand met Turkye te onderhandel sonder om Frankryk te raadpleeg. Alhoewel Brittanje alleen die Ottomaanse uittrede uit die oorlog sou bewerkstellig, sou die twee magtige Geallieerdes tydens die Vredeskonferensie in Parys, en nog jare daarna, oor die beheer in die streek worstel.

Onderhandelinge tussen Calthorpe se span en die afvaardiging uit Konstantinopel, onder leiding van die Ottomaanse minister van mariene aangeleenthede, Rauf Bey, begin om 09:30 die oggend van 30 Oktober 1918 aan boord van die Agamemnon. Die Verdrag van Mudros, wat die aand onderteken is, lui dat vyandighede die volgende dag om die middag sou eindig. Volgens sy voorwaardes moes Turkye die seestraat Dardanelle en Bosporus oopmaak vir geallieerde oorlogskepe en sy forte vir militêre besetting; dit was ook om sy leër te demobiliseer, alle krygsgevangenes vry te laat en sy Arabiese provinsies te ontruim, waarvan die meerderheid reeds onder geallieerde beheer was. Bey en sy mede -afgevaardigdes het geweier om die verdrag te beskryf as 'n daad van oorgawe vir Turkye - wat later ontnugtering en woede in Konstantinopel veroorsaak - maar dit is eintlik wat dit was. Die Verdrag van Mudros het die Ottomaanse deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog beëindig en was effektief - indien nie wettig nie - die ontbinding van 'n eens magtige ryk. Uit sy ruïnes het die oorwinnaars van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog probeer om die naoorlogse vredesonderhandelinge te gebruik om 'n nuwe, meer onvoorspelbare entiteit te skep: die moderne Midde-Ooste.


Die Ottomaanse Ryk sluit 'n verdrag met bondgenote

Op 30 Oktober 1918 aan boord van die Britse slagskip Agamemnon, veranker in die hawe van Mudros op die Egeïese eiland Lemnos, onderteken verteenwoordigers van Groot -Brittanje en die Ottomaanse Ryk 'n wapenstilstandsverdrag wat die einde van die Ottomaanse deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog aandui. Alhoewel die Ottomaanse Ryk - in 'n tydperk van relatiewe agteruitgang sedert die laat 16de eeu - aanvanklik ten doel gehad het om neutraal te bly in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog, het dit gou 'n alliansie met Duitsland gesluit en in Oktober 1914 aan die kant van die Sentrale Magte toegetree. Die Turke het heftig geveg en die Gallipoli-skiereiland suksesvol verdedig teen 'n massiewe Geallieerde inval in 1915-1916, maar teen 1918 het 'n nederlaag deur indringende Britse en Russiese magte en 'n Arabiese opstand saamgesmelt om die Ottomaanse ekonomie te vernietig en sy land te verwoes, wat ongeveer ses miljoen mense dood en nog miljoene honger. Reeds in die eerste week van Oktober 1918 het beide die Ottomaanse regering en verskeie individuele Turkse leiers met die Geallieerdes in verbinding getree om vrede te vind. Brittanje, wie se magte toe 'n groot deel van die Ottomaanse gebiede beset het, was huiwerig om op te tree vir sy bondgenote, veral Frankryk, wat volgens 'n ooreenkoms wat in 1916 gesluit is, beheer oor die Siriese kus en 'n groot deel van die huidige Libanon sou neem.

In 'n stap wat sy Franse eweknie, Georges Clemenceau, woedend gemaak het, het premier David Lloyd George en sy kabinet admiraal Arthur Calthorpe, Brittanje se vlootbevelvoerder in die Egeïese See, gemagtig om 'n onmiddellike wapenstilstand met Turkye te onderhandel sonder om Frankryk te raadpleeg. Alhoewel Brittanje alleen die Ottomaanse uittrede uit die oorlog sou bewerkstellig, sou die twee magtige Geallieerdes tydens die Vredeskonferensie in Parys, en nog jare daarna, oor die beheer in die streek worstel. Onderhandelinge tussen Calthorpe se span en die afvaardiging uit Konstantinopel, onder leiding van die Ottomaanse minister van mariene aangeleenthede, Rauf Bey, het om 09:30 die oggend van 30 Oktober 1918 aan boord van die Agamemnon begin. Die Verdrag van Mudros, wat die aand onderteken is, lui dat vyandighede die volgende dag om die middag sou eindig. Volgens sy voorwaardes moes Turkye die seestraat Dardanelle en Bosporus oopmaak vir geallieerde oorlogskepe en sy forte vir militêre besetting, dit was ook om sy leër te demobiliseer, alle krygsgevangenes vry te laat en sy Arabiese provinsies te ontruim, waarvan die meerderheid reeds onder geallieerde beheer was . Bey en sy mede -afgevaardigdes het geweier om die verdrag te beskryf as 'n daad van oorgawe vir Turkye - wat later ontnugtering en woede in Konstantinopel veroorsaak - maar dit is eintlik wat dit was. Die Verdrag van Mudros het die Ottomaanse deelname aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog beëindig en effektief - indien nie wettig nie - die ontbinding van 'n eens magtige ryk gemerk. Uit sy ruïnes het die oorwinnaars van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog probeer om die naoorlogse vredesonderhandelinge te gebruik om 'n nuwe, meer onvoorspelbare entiteit te skep: die moderne Midde-Ooste.


Grieks -Turkse Oorlog - Verdrag van Sèvres I DIE GROOT OORLOG 1920

Dit is Augustus 1920, en in die uitstallingsaal van 'n porseleinfabriek in Sèvres word die vredesverdrag tussen die Ottomaanse Ryk en die geallieerdes onderteken-selfs terwyl die Grieks-Turkse oorlog voortduur. Maar die Verdrag van Sèvres sou binnekort so broos wees soos die porselein wat daar rondom vertoon is.

Teen die somer van 1920 het die politieke en militêre situasie in Klein -Asië al hoe meer ingewikkeld geraak. Na die nederlaag van die Ottomaanse Ryk in die oorlog, veroorsaak die aankoms van die Grieke in Smirna 'n nasionalistiese opstand in Anatolië onder leiding van die Ottomaanse offisier Mustafa Kemal, wat spoedig momentum kry en 'n kragtige teenwoordigheid in die Ottomaanse parlement in Konstantinopel het - amper nie die voorwaardes vir vrede. U kan meer uitvind oor gebeure in 1919 in ons vorige episode oor die Grieks-Turkse oorlog. In hierdie episode kyk ons ​​na die onderhandeling en ondertekening van die Verdrag en die eskalasie van die Grieks-Turkse oorlog wat daarmee gepaard gegaan het tot einde 1920-en dit het alles 100 jaar gelede gebeur.

Vroeg in 1920 het 'n oorlogstoestand - hoewel 'n lae intensiteit - in Anatolië effektief bestaan, aangesien Griekeland probeer het om voordeel te trek uit die swakheid van die Turke om sy grense oor die Egeïese See te verleng en hul droom van Groter Griekeland te verwesenlik. Maar hoewel die Ottomaanse regering in die Brits-besette Konstantinopel oor die algemeen met die geallieerde eise voldoen het, verteenwoordig Kemal se nasionaliste nou 'n tweede Turkse regering: met politieke invloed in die ou parlement en toenemende militêre krag in die binneland van die land. bereik van die Geallieerde en Griekse magte langs die kus.

Die Griekse premier Eleftherios Venizelos kyk nou na die geallieerde moondhede, waarby Griekeland in 1917 aangesluit het om 'n vredesverdrag te sluit wat Griekse aansprake sou versterk, en miskien selfs meer.

Toe die onderhandelinge oor 'n Ottomaanse vredesverdrag uiteindelik ernstig begin op die Londense konferensie van Februarie 1920, was die Entente -alliansie al hoe meer gespanne. Ou koloniale wedywerings, veral tussen Brittanje en Frankryk, kom weer na vore. Hierdie kwessies is gedeeltelik versag met ooreenkomste oor invloed in Sirië, Palestina en Irak, maar die situasie daar was ook gespanne en onstabiel.

Vir die Britse minister van buitelandse sake, Lord Curzon, was die beperking van die Franse invloed 'n belangrike prioriteit: 'Ons is om redes van nasionale veiligheid in 'n alliansie met die Franse gebring, wat ek hoop sal duur, maar hul nasionale karakter verskil van ons en hul politieke belange bots in baie gevalle met ons eie. Ek is ernstig bang dat Frankryk die groot mag is waarvoor ons in die toekoms die meeste kan vrees. ” (Macmillan, 373)

Vir Brittanje was die oorlog teen die Ottomane duur, en hulle het die grootste deel van die gevegte gedra. Nou wou premier David Lloyd George die buit van die oorlog hê. Hy wou hê dat Brittanje se belangrikste vervoermiddels en kommunikasie na Indië beveilig word en toegang tot die Swart See kry. Die manier om dit te bereik was die internasionalisering van die Bosporusstraat en die ondersteuning van 'n sterk Griekse staat wat Brittanje in die Middellandse See sou ondersteun.

Die opening van die Straat sou ook ander Britse eise moontlik maak - die oprigting van Armeense en Koerdiese state in Klein -Asië. Die herinnering aan die onlangse Armeense volksmoord in die hande van die Turke was 'n motiverende faktor, soos Lloyd George verduidelik: 'Daar was nie 'n Britse staatsman van 'n party wat dit nie in gedagte gehad het dat as ons daarin slaag om hierdie onmenslike [Ottomaanse oorwinning' te verslaan nie. ] Ryk, ons belangrikste voorwaarde vir die vrede wat ons moes instel, was die verlossing van die Armeense dale vir ewig van die bloedige wanbestuur waarmee hulle deur die infamies van die Turke bevlek is. ” (Macmillan, 378)

Daar is gehoop dat die Verenigde State die mandaat vir 'n nuwe Armenië sou word. Protestantse Amerikaners, waaronder president Woodrow Wilson, het verhale gehoor van Moslem -onderdrukking wat deur sendelinge teruggebring is, en miljoene dollars is ingesamel vir Armeniërs. Maar enige Armenië wat deur die Wes ondersteun word, was onmoontlik sonder toegang tot die Swart See.

Vir die nuwe Franse premier, Alexandre Millerand, was die groot probleme finansieel. Die Ottomaanse Ryk was nog steeds aansienlike bedrae aan Frankryk verskuldig, en met sy eie oorlogskuld was Frankryk gretig om sy geld terug te kry en uitgebreide beheer oor die Ottomaanse finansies te verkry. Vir Millerand was die Griekse teenwoordigheid in Anatolië 'n probleem. Die onstabiliteit wat die Smyrna -landing veroorsaak het, het die Ottomaanse betalings aan Frankryk in gevaar gestel, aangesien die stad 'n belangrike ekonomiese sentrum en hawe was wat nou buite Ottomaanse beheer was. Uiteindelik het Frankryk gevra dat Griekse troepe verwyder en vervang word deur 'n internasionale mag. Italië, wat teen 1920 sy aanvanklike uitbreidingsplanne laat vaar het, het ingestem.

En alhoewel Lloyd George die Grieke begunstig het, het baie landgenote dit nie gedoen nie. Edwin Montagu, die minister van buitelandse sake vir Indië, was bekommerd dat as Moslem in die Britse Indië Konstantinopel aan die Grieke sou gee, probleme veroorsaak, aangesien die stad nog steeds die tuiste van die kalief is.

Minister van Buitelandse Sake vir Oorlog, Winston Churchill en hoof van die keiserlike generale staf Henry Wilson, was ook van mening dat Griekse magte verwyder moes word, aangesien geen verdrag moontlik was terwyl hulle in Anatolië was nie. Maar Lloyd George, wat in die Liberale Party was, verwerp hierdie kommer op partydige gronde: 'Ons moet Konstantinopel en die Dardanelle beveilig. U kan dit nie effektief doen sonder om die Turkse mag te verpletter nie. Natuurlik is die weermag teen die Grieke. Hulle was nog altyd. Hulle bevoordeel die Turke. Die weermag is bevestig Tories. Dit is die Tory -beleid om die Turke te ondersteun. Daarom is Henry Wilson, 'n Tory van die korstigste soort, baie gekant teen wat ons gedoen het. (Riddell 208)

Vir Venizelos was die hele probleem van onstabiliteit in die streek nie omdat die Grieke in Anatolië was nie, maar omdat daar geen vredesverdrag was nie. Sodra die vrede onderteken is, sou die Turke 'bewus van hul nederlaag' wees, en die situasie sou kalmeer. Hy pleit vir 'n ernstige verdrag, en gee Smyrna aan Griekeland, skep Franse en Italiaanse mandate, sowel as 'n groot Armeense staat. As Turkye nie tot 'n klein, swak staat beperk is nie, was hy van mening dat miljoene Christene uitgeroei sou word.

Ondanks sy openbare bravade was Venizelos privaat, pessimisties. Hy het die ondersteuning van Lloyd George gehad, maar nie veel meer nie, en hy het dit geweet. Henry Wilson herinner aan 'n dramatiese ontmoeting met Venizelos: 'Ek het dadelik vir hom gesê dat hy sy land en homself verwoes het deur na Smirna te gaan, en die arme man het ingestem, maar hy het gesê dat die rede was omdat Parys nie die Turk voltooi het nie en gemaak het vrede met hom. Hy het my gesmeek om vir Lloyd George te vertel dat beide hy [Venizelos] en Griekeland klaar was. Ek het gesê ek sal. Die ou seuntjie is klaar. ” (Llewellyn Smith, 116)

Terwyl die Entente -magte onderling oor die verdrag debatteer en die Grieke angstig op die uitslag wag, het gebeure in Konstantinopel spoedig sake verder ingewikkeld.

Sedert die verkiesing van Januarie 1920 het Turkse nasionaliste 'n kragtige stem in die Ottomaanse parlement gehad. Die Britte het besef dat die vergadering waarskynlik nie sal saamstem met die soort vrede wat die Geallieerdes beplan het nie, en daarom het hulle Konstantinopel formeel in Maart 1920 beset - hoewel hulle informeel daar was sedert 1918. Regeringsgeboue is beset en sommige nasionaliste in hegtenis geneem. Daar kan nou op die Ottomaanse regering staatgemaak word om die vredesverdrag wat die Geallieerdes wil hê, te onderteken.

Die bepalings van die Sevres -verdrag is in April afgehandel. Brittanje het die meeste gekry wat dit wou hê, waaronder internasionalisering van die Straat en 'n waarborg van Armeense en Koerdiese state. Frankryk en Italië sou invloedsfere in Anatolië kry, en nog belangriker, sterk finansiële toegewings. Die Grieke sou die streek Oos -Thracië verower, terwyl Smyrna deur Griekeland geadministreer sou word, maar formeel deel van Turkye sou bly. Na vyf jaar sou 'n referendum oor die finale lot daarvan besluit. Net soos die ander vredesverdragte, sou die Ottomane vergoeding betaal en moes hulle hul weermag verminder tot 50 000 man en 'n handjievol klein bote. Geen lugmag is toegelaat nie.

Vir Mustafa Kemal en die nasionaliste was die voorgestelde verdrag politieke goud. Hulle kan hul stryd nou nog sterker omskep as 'n stryd teen buitelandse besetting. Die konsepvoorstel het vroeër openbaar geword, maar daar het berigte verskyn oor Britse buiteposte wat aangeval word deur nasionalistiese magte.

Die vraag na die handhawing van die verdrag het nou ernstig ontstaan. Marshall Foch het geraam dat 27 afdelings nodig sou wees om die nasionaliste te verslaan en die verdrag op te lê - ver buite die magte wat die Geallieerdes in die streek beskikbaar gehad het. Intussen het die openbare mening in Brittanje, Frankryk en Italië in die algemeen gekant teen versterking.

Hy het gehoop dat as hy die Griekse magte belowe om Kemal te help verslaan, hy moontlik die Geallieerdes sou oortuig om Griekeland toe te staan ​​wat hy wou. 'N Duidelike oorwinning sou ook die politieke druk wat hy tuis ondervind het, verlig om die resultate van die duur en gevaarlike Smyrna -operasie te toon. Die Britte en Franse het ingestem om die Grieke hul kans te gee, en dit lyk asof Venizelos hernieude vertroue in Griekse oorwinning kry.

Dit was dus onder hierdie brose omstandighede en 'n dreigende eskalasie van die Grieks-Turkse oorlog dat die verdrag op 10 Augustus 1920 in Sevres, buite Parys, onderteken is. Maar alhoewel die regering van die Sultan onderteken het, was dit vir almal duidelik dat die werklike mag in Turkye by Kemal lê, wat geweier het om die voorwaardes te aanvaar. Dit sou militêre mag wees, eerder as 'n vredesverdrag, wat die lot van Klein -Asië sou bepaal.

Die militêre beheerlyne in Klein -Asië was min of meer staties sedert die Griekse en Geallieerde landings in die eerste helfte van 1919. Die Grieke het grotendeels binne die Milne -lyn ongeveer 100 km rondom Smyrna gebly. Teen die middel van 1920 is die Griekse magte in die Smyrna-gebied versterk tot ongeveer 60 000 man, en hierdie mag sou teen die einde van die jaar tot meer as 100 000 groei. Hulp- en paramilitêre eenhede bestaan ​​uit die Griekse en Armeense milisies. Oor die algemeen kan hierdie groepe tot 50 man tel, alhoewel die Mauri Mari - of 'Black Fate' guerrilla's - ongeveer 5 000 getel het. Die milisies het as ligte kavallerie geveg of op die platteland teen guerrillaoorlog geveg teen Turkse inwoners.

Die Turkse magte, baie van hulle ook onreëlmatige milisie, het vrylik op die Anatoliese plato gewerk, en plaaslike bevelvoerders het dikwels besluit wanneer en waar hulle sal toeslaan. Hulle het Griekse eenhede geteister, maar ook Griekse en Armeense dorpe aangeval. Maar Kemal het geweet dat hy meer as milisies nodig gehad het om te wen, en hy het in 1920 probeer om hierdie onreëlmatige magte in 'n gewone leër op te neem - wat nie altyd goed gegaan het nie, soos die Turkse skrywer Halide Edib Adivar verduidelik het: 'Die privates van hierdie onreëlmatige leër het ontvang van vyftien pond tot dertig pond per maand, wat drie keer soveel was as wat aan dié van die gewone leër betaal is. En die stamgaste was sleg geklee en onreëlmatig betaal, behalwe dat hulle onder 'n streng dissipline was. Enige arm en skaam privaat kon sy bataljon verlaat en by die onreëlmatiges aansluit, waar uitstekende toerusting, 'n goeie perd, 'n silwer gemonteerde sweep, 'n gordel met blink patrone, 'n beter en gereelde loon, sowel as 'n makliker lewe op hom gewag het. Waarom moet iemand 'n gewone soldaat wees onder sulke omstandighede? ” (Adivar, 231)

Ten spyte van hierdie stryd, teen die einde van 1920, het die gereelde Turkse leër ongeveer 86 500 mans getel, met die diensplig van mans tussen 16 en 60 jaar.

Beide die Griekse en Turkse magte was gewapen met 'n mengsel van wapens van verskillende ouderdomme en nasionale vervaardiging. Kemal het selfs beweer dat hy 40 000 Britse Lee Enfield -gewere onderskep het wat bestem was vir Armeense en Wit -Russiese eenhede, en na die oorlog sou Kemal vir Lloyd George 'n sarkastiese brief stuur om hom te bedank vir die bydrae. Gepantserde motors en vliegtuie was van beperkte gebruik op die slagvelde van Anatolië, hoewel die Griekse lugmag van 55 vliegtuie vir verkenning gebruik is. Kavallerie was egter die sleutel - veral vir die Turke, wat die klein, geharde Anatoliese ponies gebruik het om Griekse toevoertreine en agterste gebiede te tref.

Dit was dus hierdie twee magte wat sou bots in die komende Griekse offensief in die somer 1920. Griekse moraal het tot nou toe swaar gekry, aangesien hulle agter die Milne Line moes bly en gefrustreerd was omdat hulle nie in staat was om terug te slaan toe hulle deur Turkse aangeval word nie. onreëlmatiges, wat ooswaarts oor die lyn kon ontsnap. In Junie sou dit alles verander.

Alhoewel die Geallieerdes en Grieke ingestem het tot 'n Griekse aanval om Kemal te verslaan, was daar steeds politieke kommer oor hoe om dit te regverdig, veral omdat die meeste Westerse publiek nie veel maag gehad het om meer te veg nie. 'N Botsing tussen Britse troepe en Turkse onreëlmatighede op 14 Junie naby Izmit bied 'n geskikte regverdiging. Die Britse generaal Milne het versterkings gevra, maar sonder enige beskikbare het die Grieke aangebied om te help. Brittanje en Frankryk het stilswyend goedkeuring verleen dat die Grieke die Milne -lyn oorsteek en die Anatoliese binneland binnedring om Kemal te verslaan. Die Grieke sou beweer dat hulle bloot reageer op Turkse provokasies, wat die offensief vir geallieerde publiek sou regverdig. Hierdie plan het egter nie almal beïndruk nie. Lord Curzon, wat nou al hoe meer gekant was teen Lloyd George, was nie optimisties nie: 'Venizelos dink dat sy manne die Turke in die berge sal vee. Ek twyfel of dit so sal wees. ” (Dockrill, 210)

Op 22 Junie het die Griekse magte die Milne -lyn in twee hoofpunte oorgesteek, en aanvanklik was hul doelwitte relatief konserwatief. Dit was nog nie 'n all -out druk vir die nasionalistiese basis in Ankara nie. Die belangrikste aanval was om noordoos na Bandirma te vorder

Maar in hierdie stadium het Italiaanse en Franse afgevaardigdes gevra dat die veldtog gestaak word.

Militêr gesproke het Griekeland nou twee opsies gehad. Hulle kon vasbyt in Anatolië en die vang van Oostelike Thracië voltooi, of Thracië ignoreer en konsentreer op Anatolië. Die Griekse bevelvoerder Leonidas Paraskevopoulos het voorgestel om in Anatolië te vorder, na Ankara en Konya. Deur die belangrikste spoorweë in hierdie gebied te vang, kon die Grieke Kemal logistieke steun ontneem, terwyl hy ook sy magte aan weerskante van die sentrale Anatoliese woestyn verdeel het. Paraskevopoulos was van mening dat baie inwoners Kemal nie ten volle ondersteun nie en dat 'n vinnige opmars nodig was om voordeel te trek uit Turkse disorganisering.

Venizelos, aan die ander kant, was huiwerig. Hy het gehoop dat Griekse troepe onder Britse bevel geplaas sou word, maar dit het nie gebeur nie. Hy het ook gehoop dat die klein leër van die Sultan, die leër van die kalifaat, saam met die Grieke sou veg, maar dit het verbrokkel en meestal by die nasionaliste aangesluit. En met 'n verkiesing in Griekeland, was Venizelos onder huishoudelike druk om die weermag te demobiliseer. Hy het 'n beroep op Lloyd George gedoen om meer Britse troepe te pleeg en meer van Turkye te beset - maar dit het ook nie gebeur nie.

Teen die vroeë herfs was dit dus asof Griekeland die Turke aan die gang gehad het - en tydens die gevegte het beide partye die ander beskuldig dat hulle gruweldade teen burgerlikes gepleeg het. Turkse magte het die Griekse leër sporadies verset voor die val van Usak, maar daarna het Kemal self die bevel oorgeneem wat bereid was om terug te slaan.

Tydens die Griekse offensief het die Turkse onreëlmatige magte grotendeels teruggetrek in die lig van die Griekse vuurkrag en hulle beperk tot opportunistiese teenaanvalle. Desondanks het nasionalistiese magte op 5 Julie op die someroord Beykoz, net langs Konstantinopel, toegeslaan en 'n Britse offisier gevange geneem. Voorvalle soos hierdie het tot dramatiese berigte in die media gelei: die New York Times het byvoorbeeld die Turke daarvan beskuldig dat hulle dosyne vroulike gyselaars geneem het, en die Britte daarvan dat hulle gedreig het om moskees te vernietig deur lugbomaanvalle.

Aan die begin van die herfs 1920 is die Turkse magte uit 'n groot deel van Wes -Anatolië ontruim en teruggestoot na die sentrale plato. Maar dit was geensins 'n ramp nie, want die Turke het minimale verliese gely en nog baie gebiede in hul agterkant gehad vir strategiese diepte. En hoe verder die Grieke gevorder het, hoe meer raak hul kwesbare toevoerlyne. Op 24 Oktober het Kemal 'n teenaanval by die Gediz -rivier geloods met ongeveer 7 300 man, 29 masjiengewere en 18 artillerie -stukke. Alhoewel die Grieke die druk kon weerstaan, het dit getoon dat Kemal nie geslaan is nie en dat sy leër sterker word.

Terwyl die Griekse opmars gestaak is, het Kemal sy aandag gevestig op die beveiliging van sy oostelike grens, waar Armeense magte ook teen die nasionalistiese Turke in die Turks-Armeense oorlog geveg het. In Oktober het die Turkse magte die ou tsaristiese grens oorgesteek en Kars gevange geneem. Dit het die siklus van etniese geweld wat die streek tydens die Armeense volksmoord deur die Turke verwoes het, hernu, en weer toe Armeense magte na 1918 teruggekeer het en wraak geneem het. Kemal se begrip met die Bolsjewistiese Rusland was suksesvol, en Armenië was verpletter tussen die Turkse en die Bolsjewistiese magte in Novembe. Ondanks die geallieerde planne vir 'n groot Armeense staat in die Sevres -verdrag, het hulle min hulp verleen toe Armenië verslaan is. Die VSA kon nie by die Volkebond aansluit nie, wat die idee van 'n Amerikaanse protektoraat oor Armenië 'n pypdroom gemaak het, en dit was spoedig verplig om 'n Sowjetrepubliek te word.

Aangesien Kemal se noordelike en oostelike flanke nou veilig was, kon hy nou al sy magte, insluitend sy nuwe gereelde weermag, op die front konsentreer met Griekeland. Toe die winter nader kom, het albei kante ingegrawe en hul volgende stap beplan. Venizelos het 'n militêre oorwinning behaal, maar Kemal het sy basis behou en sy leër verbeter en vergroot teen 'n tempo wat die Grieke nie kon hoop om op lang termyn te pas nie. Die toekoms was onseker - maar een ding was seker: daar was geen vredesverdrag in sig nie.

Dat die Verdrag van Sevres misluk het, het die geallieerde moondhede nie verlore gegaan nie. Lloyd George het nog steeds die Grieke gesteun, maar die Franse en Italianers het dit nie gedoen nie, en distansieer hulle van Griekeland nog voordat die someroffensief begin het. Franse troepe het teen Kemal in die Franse besettingsgebied aan die suidelike kus van Turkye geveg, maar wou nou uitkom sodat hulle kon konsentreer op Sirië. Die Franse het gehoop dat hulle die ekonomiese en finansiële toegewings van Kemal kon kry in ruil daarvoor dat hulle hul magte onttrek. Italië sukkel met gewelddadige interne politieke probleme en wou nie 'n sterk Griekse mededinger in die Middellandse See sien nie - eintlik het die Italianers dit selfs oorweeg om Kemal te help om te voorkom dat die Grieke te sterk word. Die ondersteuning van Griekeland en die Verdrag van Sevres was nie meer in die nasionale belang van Italië of Frankryk nie. Omdat die Britte verdeeld was en die Amerikaners afwesig was, sou Sevres beslis misluk.

Die Verdrag van Sevres het die vrede geword wat nooit was nie. Dit is oortref deur gebeure, nie net die veranderende belange van die Geallieerdes nie, maar die groeiende mag van Kemal en die nasionalistiese Turkye. Die verdrag was duidelik onafdwingbaar en is nooit bekragtig nadat dit onderteken is nie: in die woorde van historikus A.E. Montgomery: "Die Verdrag van Sèvres is doodgebore."

die Geallieerdes is nie meer verbind tot 'n gemeenskaplike beleid nie, en die Grieke is geïsoleer en blootgestel. Hy het die somer -offensief oorleef en was nou gereed om sy mag bymekaar te maak en die volgende jaar teen die Grieke terug te slaan.

Ten spyte van die probleme vir die Grieke, het hulle steeds vasgehou aan die hoop dat hul oorwinnings in 1920 en die volgehoue ​​steun van Brittanje nog steeds die Griekse saak kan red. Ongelukkig vir Venizelos sou 'n geveg tussen 'n hond en 'n aap binnekort onbedoelde en rampspoedige gevolge hê vir sy visie op Groter Griekeland.

Halide Edib Adivar, The Turkish Ordeal: Being the Further Memoirs of Halidé Edib, (Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2012)

John Darwin, Brittanje, Egipte en die Midde -Ooste, (Londen: Macmillan Press, 1981)

M.L. Dockrill en J. D. Goold. Vrede sonder belofte: Brittanje en die vredeskonferensies, 1919-1923 (Connecticut: Hamden, 1981)

TG Fraser, Andrew Mango en Robert McNamara, Die makers van die moderne Midde -Ooste, (Londen: Gingko -biblioteek, 2015)

Phillip S Jowett, "Leërs van die Grieks-Turkse oorlog: 1919-122" Mans by Arms, nr 501, (2015)

Michael Llewellyn Smith, Ioniese Visie: Griekeland in Klein-Asië 1919-1922, (Londen: Allen Lane, 1973)

Margaret Macmillan, Parys 1919: Ses maande wat die wêreld verander het, (Londen: Macmillan, 2019)

A.E. Montgomery, "Die maak van die Verdrag van Sevres van 10 Augustus 1920" Die Historiese Tydskrif Vol. 15, nr. 4 (Desember, 1972)

New York Times, "Turk Nationalists Capture Beicos" (6 Julie 1920) https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1920/07/07/102866909.pdf

George Riddell, Lord Riddell's Intimate Diary of the Peace Conference en daarna: 1918-1923, (Londen: Victor Gollancz Ltd, 1933)


Inhoud

Sosiale konflikte Wysig

Europa het oorheers deur nasiestate met die opkoms van nasionalisme in Europa. Die Ottomaanse Ryk was 'n godsdienstige ryk. In die 19de eeu het nasionalisme onder die Ottomaanse Ryk ontstaan, wat gelei het tot die oprigting van 'n onafhanklike Griekeland in 1821, Serwië in 1835 en Bulgarye in 1877-1878. Baie van die plaaslike Moslems in hierdie lande sterf tydens die konflikte en slagtings terwyl ander vlug. Anders as die Europese nasies, het die Ottomaanse Ryk geen poging aangewend om verowerde volke deur kulturele assimilasie te integreer nie. [2] Die Porte het geen amptelike beleid gehad om die nie-Moslems van die Balkan of Anatolië in Islam te omskep nie. In plaas daarvan sou die Ottomaanse beleid deur die gierstelsel regeer, bestaande uit belydenisgemeenskappe vir elke godsdiens. [a]

Die Ryk het sy verowerings nooit ekonomies geïntegreer nie en het daarom nooit 'n bindende band met sy onderdane gevestig nie. [2] Tussen 1828 en 1908 het die Ryk probeer om die industrialisasie en 'n vinnig opkomende wêreldmark in te haal deur die hervorming van staat en samelewing. Ottomanisme, afkomstig van Young Ottomans en geïnspireer deur Montesquieu, Rousseau en die Franse Revolusie, bevorder gelykheid onder die gierstes en verklaar dat die onderdane gelyk is voor die wet. Voorstanders van Ottomanisme het geglo dat hulle alle afsonderlike etnisiteite en godsdienste aanvaar as Ottomane sosiale kwessies kan oplos. [4] Na die hervormings van Tanzimat is groot veranderinge aangebring in die struktuur van die Ryk. Die essensie van die gierstelsel is nie afgebreek nie, maar sekulêre organisasies en beleide is toegepas. Primêre onderwys en Ottomaanse diensplig moes op nie-Moslems sowel as Moslems toegepas word. Michael Hechter voer aan dat die opkoms van nasionalisme in die Ottomaanse Ryk die gevolg was van 'n terugslag teen Ottomaanse pogings om meer direkte en sentrale vorme van heerskappy in te stel oor bevolkings wat voorheen groter outonomie gehad het. [5]

Ekonomiese aangeleenthede Redigeer

Die kapitulasies was die belangrikste bespreking gedurende die tydperk. Daar word geglo dat inkomende buitelandse hulp met kapitulasie die Ryk kan baat. Ottomaanse amptenare, wat verskillende jurisdiksies verteenwoordig, het by elke geleentheid omkoopgeld gesoek en die opbrengs van 'n bose en diskriminerende belastingstelsel teruggehou, wat elke sukkelende bedryf deur die transplantasie verwoes het en teen elke bewys van onafhanklikheid van die vele onderdane volke van die Ryk geveg het.

Die Ottomaanse staatskuld was deel van 'n groter plan van politieke beheer, waardeur die kommersiële belange van die wêreld gepoog het om voordele te verkry wat moontlik nie van die Ryk se belang was nie. Die skuld is deur die Ottomaanse Openbare Skuldadministrasie geadministreer en die bevoegdheid daarvan is uitgebrei tot die Imperial Ottoman Bank (of Sentrale bank). Die totale skuld voor die Eerste Wêreldoorlog van Empire was $ 716,000,000. Frankryk het 60 persent van die totaal gehad. Duitsland het 20 persent. Die Verenigde Koninkryk besit 15 persent. Die Ottomaanse Skuldadministrasie het baie van die belangrike inkomste van die Ryk beheer. Die Raad het mag oor finansiële aangeleenthede, en sy beheer het selfs uitgebrei om die belasting op vee in die distrikte te bepaal.

1908 Abdul Hamid Edit

Sultan Abdul Hamid het die konstitusionele monargie in 1876 gestig tydens wat bekend staan ​​as die eerste grondwetlike era. Hierdie stelsel is twee jaar later in 1878 afgeskaf.

Young Turk Revolution Revueer

In Julie 1908 verander die Young Turk Revolution die politieke struktuur van die Ryk. Die Jong Turke het in opstand gekom teen die absolute heerskappy van Sultan Abdul Hamid II om die Tweede Grondwetlike Tydperk te vestig. Op 24 Julie 1908 kapituleer sultan Abdul Hamid II uit sy pos en herstel die Ottomaanse grondwet van 1876.

Die revolusie het veelparty-demokrasie tot stand gebring. Eens ondergronds verklaar die Young Turk -beweging sy partye. [6] (p32) Onder hulle "Committee of Union and Progress" (CUP), en "Freedom and Accord Party", ook bekend as die Liberal Union of Liberal Entente (LU).

Aan die begin was daar 'n begeerte om verenig te bly, en die mededingende groepe wou 'n gemeenskaplike land handhaaf. Die Interne Masedoniese Revolusionêre Organisasie werk saam met die lede van die "CUP", en Grieke en Bulgare sluit aan by die tweede grootste party, die "LU". The Bulgarian federalist wing welcomed the revolution, and they later joined mainstream politics as the People's Federative Party (Bulgarian Section). The former centralists of the IMRO formed the Bulgarian Constitutional Clubs, and, like the PFP, they participated in 1908 Ottoman general election.

New Parliament Edit

1908 Ottoman general election was preceded by political campaigns. In the summer of 1908, a variety of political proposals were put forward by the CUP. The CUP stated in its election manifesto that it sought to modernize the state by reforming finance and education, promoting public works and agriculture, and the principles of equality and justice. [7] Regarding nationalism, (Armenian, Kurd, Turkic..) the CUP identified the Turks as the "dominant nation" around which the empire should be organized, not unlike the position of Germans in Austria-Hungary. According to Reynolds, only a small minority in the Empire occupied themselves with Pan-Turkism. [8]

1908 Ottoman general election held in October and November 1908. CUP-sponsored candidates were opposed by the LU. The latter became a centre for those opposing the CUP. Sabaheddin Bey, who returned from his long exile, believed that in non-homogeneous provinces a decentralized government was best. LU was poorly organized in the provinces, and failed to convince minority candidates to contest the election under LU banner it also failed to tap into the continuing support for the old regime in less developed areas. [7]

During September 1908, the important Hejaz Railway opened, construction of which had started in 1900. Ottoman rule was firmly re-established in Hejaz and Yemen with the railroad from Damascus to Medina. Historically, Arabia's interior was mostly controlled by playing one tribal group off against another. As the railroad finished, opposing Wahhabi Islamic fundamentalists reasserted themselves under the political leadership of Abdul al-Aziz Ibn Saud.

Christian communities of the Balkans felt that the CUP no longer represented their aspirations. They had heard the CUP's arguments before, under the Tanzimat reforms:

Those in the vanguard of reform had appropriated the notion of Ottomanism, but the contradictions implicit in the practical realization of this ideology – in persuading Muslims and non-Muslims alike that the achievement of true equality between them entailed the acceptance by both of obligations as well as rights – posed CUP a problem. October 1908 saw the new regime suffer a significant blow with the loss of Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Crete, over which the empire still exercised nominal sovereignty. [7]

The system became multi-headed, with old and new structures coexisting, until the CUP took full control of the government in 1913 and, under the chaos of change, power was exercised without accountability.

Annexations Edit

The de jure Bulgarian Declaration of Independence on 5 October [O.S. 22 September] 1908 from the Empire was proclaimed in the old capital of Tarnovo by Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria, who afterwards took the title "Tsar".

The Bosnian crisis on 6 October 1908 erupted when Austria-Hungary announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, territories formally within the sovereignty of the Empire. This unilateral action was timed to coincide with Bulgaria's declaration of independence (5 October) from the Empire. The Ottoman Empire protested Bulgaria's declaration with more vigour than the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, which it had no practical prospects of governing. A boycott of Austro-Hungarian goods and shops occurred, inflicting commercial losses of over 100,000,000 kronen on Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary agreed to pay the Ottomans ₤2.2 million for the public land in Bosnia-Herzegovina. [9] Bulgarian independence could not be reversed.

Just after the revolution in 1908, the Cretan deputies declared union with Greece, taking advantage of the revolution as well as the timing of Zaimis's vacation away from the island. [10] 1908 ended with the issue still unresolved between the Empire and the Cretans. In 1909, after the parliament elected its governing structure (first cabinet), the CUP majority decided that if order was maintained and the rights of Muslims were respected, the issue would be solved with negotiations.

CUP Government Edit

The Senate of the Ottoman Empire was opened by the Sultan on 17 December 1908. The new year brought the results of 1908 elections. Chamber of Deputies gathered on 30 January 1909. CUP needed a strategy to realize their Ottomanist ideals. [7] The task of stopping the collapse of the Empire became the majority seat holder CUP's burden. However, the new system may have arrived too late to have any impact. The Empire was already in constant conflict and only four years remained before the Great War ignited.

In 1909, public order laws and police were unable to maintain order protesters were prepared to risk reprisals to express their grievances. In the three months following the inauguration of the new regime there were more than 100 strikes, constituting three-quarters of the labor force of the Empire, mainly in Constantinople and Salonika (Thessaloniki). During previous strikes (Anatolian tax revolts in 1905-1907) the Sultan remained above criticism and bureaucrats and administrators were deemed corrupt this time CUP took the blame. In the parliament LU accused the CUP of authoritarianism. Abdul Hamid's Grand Viziers Said and Kâmil Pasha and his Foreign Minister Tevfik Pasha continued in the office. They were now independent of the Sultan and were taking measures to strengthen the Porte against the encroachments of both the Palace and the CUP. Said and Kâmil were nevertheless men of the old regime. [7]

After nine months into the new government, discontent found expression in a fundamentalist movement which attempted to dismantle Constitution and revert it with a monarchy. The Ottoman counter-coup of 1909 gained traction when Sultan promised to restore the Caliphate, eliminate secular policies, and restore the rule of Islamic law, as the mutinous troops claimed. CUP also eliminated the time for religious observance. [7] Unfortunately for the advocates of representative parliamentary government, mutinous demonstrations by disenfranchised regimental officers broke out on 13 April 1909, which led to the collapse of the government. [6] ( p33 ) On 27 April 1909 counter-coup put down by "31 March Incident" using the 11th Salonika Reserve Infantry Division of the Third Army. Some of the leaders of Bulgarian federalist wing like Sandanski and Chernopeev participated in the march on Capital to depose the "attempt to dismantle constitution". [11] Abdul Hamid II was removed from the throne, and Mehmed V became the Sultan.

The Albanians of Tirana and Elbassan, where the Albanian National Awakening spread, were among the first groups to join the constitutional movement. Hoping that it would gain their people autonomy within the empire. However, due to shifting national borders in the Balkans, the Albanians had been marginalized as a nation-less people. The most significant factor uniting the Albanians, their spoken language, lacked a standard literary form and even a standard alphabet. Under the new regime the Ottoman ban on Albanian-language schools and on writing the Albanian language lifted. The new regime also appealed for Islamic solidarity to break the Albanians' unity and used the Muslim clergy to try to impose the Arabic alphabet. The Albanians refused to submit to the campaign to "Ottomanize" them by force. As a consequence, Albanian intellectuals meeting, the Congress of Manastir on 22 November 1908, chose the Latin alphabet as a standard script.

1909–1918 Mehmed V Edit

After the 31 March Incident in 1909, the Sultan Abdul Hamid II was overthrown. [12]

Constitutional revision Edit

On 5 August 1909, the revised constitution was granted by the new Sultan Mehmed V. This revised constitution, as the one before, proclaimed the equality of all subjects in the matter of taxes, military service (allowing Christians into the military for the first time), and political rights. The new constitution was perceived as a big step for the establishment of a common law for all subjects. The position of Sultan was greatly reduced to a figurehead, while still retaining some constitutional powers, such as the ability to declare war. [13] The new constitution, aimed to bring more sovereignty to the public, could not address certain public services, such as the Ottoman public debt, the Ottoman Bank or Ottoman Public Debt Administration because of their international character. The same held true of most of the companies which were formed to execute public works such as Baghdad Railway, tobacco and cigarette trades of two French companies the "Regie Company", and "Narquileh tobacco".

Italian War, 1911 Edit

Italy declared war, the Italo-Turkish War, on the Empire on 29 September 1911, demanding the turnover of Tripoli and Cyrenaica. The empire's response was weak so Italian forces took those areas on 5 November of that year (this act was confirmed by an act of the Italian Parliament on 25 February 1912). Although minor, the war was an important precursor of World War I as it sparked nationalism in the Balkan states.

Ottomans were losing their last directly ruled African territory. The Italians also sent weapons to Montenegro, encouraged Albanian dissidents, seized Rhodes and the other. [ verduideliking nodig ] [13] Seeing how easily the Italians had defeated the disorganized Ottomans, the members of the Balkan League attacked the Empire before the war with Italy had ended.

On 18 October 1912, Italy and the Empire signed a treaty in Ouchy near Lausanne. Often called Treaty of Ouchy, but also named as the First Treaty of Lausanne.

Elections, 1912 Edit

The Liberal Union was in power sharing when the First Balkan War broke out in October. The Committee of Union and Progress won landslide the 1912 Ottoman general election. In this election CUP proved/developed into a real political party. Decentralization (the Liberal Union's position) was rejected and all effort was directed toward streamline of the government, streamlining the administration (bureaucracy), and strengthening the armed forces. The CUP, which got the public mandate from the electrode, did not compromise with minority parties like their predecessors (that is being Sultan Abdul Hamid) had been. [13] The first three years of relations between the new regime and the Great Powers were demoralizing and frustrating. The Powers refused to make any concessions over the Capitulations and loosen their grip over the Empire's internal affairs. [14]

When the Italian War and the counterinsurgency operations in Albania and Yemen began to fail, a number of high-ranking military officers, who were unhappy with the counterproductive political involvement in these wars, formed a political committee in the capital. Calling itself the Group of Liberating Officers or Savior Officers, its members were committed to reducing the autocratic control wielded by the CUP over military operations. Supported by the Liberal Union in parliament, these officers threatened violent action unless their demands were met. Said Pasha resigned as Grand Vizier on 17 July 1912, and the government collapsed. A new government, so called the "Great government", was formed by Ahmet Muhtar Pasha. The members of the government were prestigious statesmen, technocrat government, and they easily received the vote of confidence. This CUP excluded from cabinet posts. [6] ( p101 )

The 1912 Mürefte earthquake occurred causing 216 casualties on 9 August 1912. The Ottoman Aviation Squadrons established by largely under French guidance in 1912. [13] Squadrons were established in a short time as Louis Blériot and the Belgian pilot Baron Pierre de Caters performed the first flight demonstration in the Empire on 2 December 1909.

Balkan Wars, 1912–1913 Edit

The three new Balkan states formed at the end of the 19th century and Montenegro, sought additional territories from the Albania, Macedonia, and Thrace regions, behind their nationalistic arguments. The incomplete emergence of these nation-states on the fringes of the Empire during the nineteenth century set the stage for the Balkan Wars. On 10 October 1912 the collective note of the powers was handed. CUP responded to demands of European powers on reforms in Macedonia on 14 October. [15] Before further action could be taken war broke out.

While Powers were asking Empire to reform Macedonia, under the encouragement of Russia, a series of agreements were concluded: between Serbia and Bulgaria in March 1912, between Greece and Bulgaria in May 1912, and Montenegro subsequently concluded agreements between Serbia and Bulgaria respectively in October 1912. The Serbian-Bulgarian agreement specifically called for the partition of Macedonia which resulted in the First Balkan War. A nationalist uprising broke out in Albania, and on 8 October, the Balkan League, consisting of Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Bulgaria, mounted a joint attack on the Empire, starting the First Balkan War. The strong march of the Bulgarian forces in Thrace pushed the Ottoman armies to the gates of Constantinople. The Second Balkan War soon followed. Albania declared independence on 28 November.

The empire agreed to a ceasefire on 2 December, and its territory losses were finalized in 1913 in the treaties of London and Bucharest. Albania became independent, and the Empire lost almost all of its European territory (Kosovo, Sanjak of Novi Pazar, Macedonia and western Thrace) to the four allies. These treaties resulted in the loss of 83 percent of their European territory and almost 70 percent of their European population. [16]

Inter-communal conflicts, 1911–1913 Edit

In the two-year period between September 1911 and September 1913 ethnic cleansing sent hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees, or muhacir, streaming into the Empire, adding yet another economic burden and straining the social fabric. During the wars, food shortages and hundreds of thousands of refugees haunted the empire. After the war there was a violent expel of the Muslim peasants of eastern Thrace. [16]

Cession of Kuwait and Albania, 1913 Edit

The Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913 was a short-lived agreement signed in July 1913 between the Ottoman sultan Mehmed V and the British over several issues. However the status of Kuwait that came to be the only lasting result, as its outcome was formal independence for Kuwait.

Albania had been under Ottoman rule since about 1478. When Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece laid claim to Albanian-populated lands during Balkan Wars, the Albanians declared independence. [17] The European Great Powers endorsed an independent Albania in 1913, after the Second Balkan War leaving outside the Albanian border more than half of the Albanian population and their lands, that were partitioned between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece. They were assisted by Aubrey Herbert, a British MP who passionately advocated their cause in London. As a result, Herbert was offered the crown of Albania, but was dissuaded by the British prime minister, H. H. Asquith, from accepting. Instead the offer went to William of Wied, a German prince who accepted and became sovereign of the new Principality of Albania. Albania's neighbours still cast covetous eyes on this new and largely Islamic state. [16] The young state, however, collapsed within weeks of the outbreak of World War I. [17]

CUP takes control Edit

At the turn of 1913, the Ottoman Modern Army failed at counterinsurgencies in the periphery of the empire, Libya was lost to Italy, and Balkan war erupted in the fall of 1912. LU flexed its muscles with the forced dissolution of the parliament in 1912. The signs of humiliation of the Balkan wars worked to the advantage of the CUP [18] The cumulative defeats of 1912 enabled the CUP to seize control of the government.

The Liberal Union Party presented the peace proposal to the Ottoman government as a collective démarche, which was almost immediately accepted by both the Ottoman cabinet and by an overwhelming majority of the parliament on 22 January 1913. [6] ( p101 ) The 1913 Ottoman coup d'état (23 January), was carried out by a number of CUP members led by Ismail Enver Bey and Mehmed Talaat Bey, in which the group made a surprise raid on the central Ottoman government buildings, the Sublime Porte (Turkish: Bâb-ı Âlî). During the coup, the Minister of the Navy Nazım Pasha was assassinated and the Grand Vizier, Kâmil Pasha, was forced to resign. The CUP established tighter control over the faltering Ottoman state. [6] ( p98 ) Mahmud Sevket Pasha was assassinated just in 5 months after the coup in June 1913. LU supporters had been involved in the assassination their crush followed. Cemal Pasha was responsible for executing revenge. The execution of former officials had been an exception since the Tanzimat (1840s) period the punishment was the exile. The public life could not be far more brutish 75 years after the Tanzimat. [18] The Foreign Ministry was always occupied by someone from the inner circle of the CUP except for the interim appointment of Muhtar Bey. Said Halim Pasha who was already Foreign Minister, became Grand Vizier in June 1913 and remained in office until October 1915. He was succeeded in the Ministry by Halil.

In May 1913 German military mission assigned Otto Liman von Sanders to help train and reorganize the Ottoman army. Otto Liman von Sanders was assigned to reorganize the First Army, his model to be replicated to other units as an advisor [he took the command of this army in November 1914] and began working on its operational area which was the straits. This became a scandal and intolerable for St. Petersburg. The Russian Empire developed a plan for invading and occupying the Black Sea port of Trabzon or the Eastern Anatolian town of Bayezid in retaliation. To solve this issue Germany demoted Otto Liman von Sanders to a rank that he could barely command an army corps. If there was no solution through Naval occupation of Constantinople, the next Russian idea was to improve the Russian Caucasus Army.

Elections, 1914 Edit

The Empire lost territory in the Balkans, where many of its Christian voters were based before the 1914 elections. The CUP made efforts to win support in the Arab provinces by making conciliatory gestures to Arab leaders. Weakened Arab support for the LU and enabled the CUP to call elections with unionists holding the upper hand. After 1914 elections, the democratic structure had a better representation in the parliament the parliament that emerged from the elections in 1914 reflected better ethnic composition of the Ottoman population There were more Arab deputies, which were under-represented in previous parliaments. The CUP had a majority government. The Ottoman imperial government was established in January 1914. Ismail Enver became a Pasha and was assigned as the Minister of War Ahmet Cemal who was the military governor of Constantinople became Minister for the Navy and once a postal official Talaat became the Minister of the Interior. These Three Pashas would maintain de facto control of the Empire as a military regime and almost as a personal dictatorship under Enver Pasha during the World War I. Until the 1919 Ottoman general election, any other input into the political process was restricted with the outbreak of the World War I. [18] The 1914 Burdur earthquake occurred on 4 October 1914.

Local-Regional politics Edit

Arab politics Edit

The Hauran Druze Rebellion was a violent Druze uprising in the Syrian province, which erupted in 1909. The rebellion was led by the al-Atrash family, in an aim to gain independence. A business dispute between Druze chief Yahia bey Atrash in the village of Basr al-Harir escalated into a clash of arms between the Druze and Ottoman-backed local villagers. [19] Though it is the financial change during second constitutional area the spread of taxation, elections and conscription, to areas already undergoing economic change caused by the construction of new railroads, provoked large revolts, particularly among the Druzes and the Hauran. [20] Sami Pasha al-Farouqi arrived in Damascus in August 1910, leading an Ottoman expeditionary force of some 35 battalions. [19] The resistance collapsed. [19]

In 1911, Muslim intellectuals and politicians formed "The Young Arab Society", a small Arab nationalist club, in Paris. Its stated aim was "raising the level of the Arab nation to the level of modern nations." In the first few years of its existence, al-Fatat called for greater autonomy within a unified Ottoman state rather than Arab independence from the empire. Al-Fatat hosted the Arab Congress of 1913 in Paris, the purpose of which was to discuss desired reforms with other dissenting individuals from the Arab world. They also requested that Arab conscripts to the Ottoman army not be required to serve in non-Arab regions except in time of war. However, as the Ottoman authorities cracked down on the organization's activities and members, al-Fatat went underground and demanded the complete independence and unity of the Arab provinces. [21]

Nationalist movement become prominent during this Ottoman period, but it has to be mentionas that this was among Arab nobles and common Arabs considered themselves loyal subjects of the Caliph. [22] ( p229 ) Instead of Ottoman Caliph, the British, for their part, incited the Sharif of Mecca to launch the Arab Revolt during the First World War. [22] ( pp8–9 )

Armenian politics Edit

In 1908, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) or Dashnak Party embraced a public position endorsing participation and reconciliation in the Imperial Government of the Ottoman Empire and the abandonment of the idea of an independent Armenia. Stepan Zorian and Simon Zavarian managed the political campaign for the 1908 Ottoman Elections. ARF field workers were dispatched to the provinces containing significant Armenian populations for example, Drastamat Kanayan (Dro), went to Diyarbakir as a political organizer. The Committee of Union and Progress could only able to bring 10 Armenian representatives to the 288 seats in the 1908 Ottoman general election. The other 4 Armenians represented parties with no ethnic affiliation. The ARF was aware that the elections were shaky ground and maintained its political direction and self-defence mechanism intact and continued to smuggle arms and ammunition. [6] ( p33 )

On 13 April 1909, while Constantinople was dealing with the consequences of Ottoman countercoup of 1909 an outbreak of violence, known today as the Adana Massacre shook in April the ARF-CUP relations to the core. On 24 April the 31 March Incident and suppression of the Adana violence followed each other. The Ottoman authorities in Adana brought in military forces and ruthlessly stamped out both real opponents, while at the same time massacring thousands of innocent people. In July 1909, the CUP government announced the trials of various local government and military officials, for "being implicated in the Armenian massacres.".

On 15 January 1912, the Ottoman parliament dissolved and political campaigns began almost immediately. Andranik Ozanian participated in the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 alongside general Garegin Nzhdeh as a commander of Armenian auxiliary troops. Andranik met revolutionist Boris Sarafov and the two pledged to work jointly for the oppressed peoples of Armenia and Macedonia. Andranik participated in the First Balkan War alongside Garegin Nzhdeh as a Chief Commander of 12th Battalion of Lozengrad Third Brigade of the Macedonian-Adrianopolitan militia under the command of Colonel Aleksandar Protogerov. His detachment consisted of 273 Armenian volunteers. On 5 May 1912, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation officially severed the relations with the Ottoman government a public declaration of the Western Bureau printed in the official announcement was directed to "Ottoman Citizens." The June issue of Droshak ran an editorial about it. [6] ( p35 ) Shortly after the war started, rumours surfaced that Armenians fighting together with the Bulgarians near Kavala had massacred Muslims. There were overwhelming numbers of Armenians who served the Empire units with distinction during Balkan wars. The ARF quickly disproved 273 Armenian volunteers of Macedonian-Adrianopolitan militia from killing Muslims by pointing out that there were no Armenian names in the list of those accused and published telegrams and testimonials from the Armenians in the Ottoman units. [6] ( pp89–90 )

In October 1912, George V of Armenia engaged in negotiations with General Illarion Ivanovich Vorontsov-Dashkov to discuss Armenian reforms inside the Russian Empire. In December 1912, Kevork V formed the Armenian National Delegation and appointed Boghos Nubar. The delegation established itself in Paris. Another member appointed to the delegation was James Malcolm who resided in London and became the delegation's point man in its dealings with the British. In early 1913, Armenian diplomacy shaped as Boghos Nubar was to be responsible for external negotiations with the European governments, while the Political Council "seconded by the Constantinople and Tblisi Commissions" were to negotiate the reform question internally with the Ottoman and Russian governments. [6] ( p99 ) The Armenian reform package was established in February 1914 based on the arrangements nominally made in the Treaty of Berlin (1878) and the Treaty of San Stefano.

During the Spring of 1913, the provinces faced increasingly worse relations between Kurds and Armenians that created an urgent need for the ARF to revive its self-defence capability. In 1913, the Social Democrat Hunchakian Party (followed by other Ottoman political parties) changed its policy and stopped cooperating with the Committee of Union and Progress, moving out of the concept of Ottomanism and developing its own kind of nationalism. [23]

The plan called for the unification of the Six Vilayets and the nomination of a Christian governor and religiously balanced council over the unified provinces, the establishment of a second Gendarmerie over Ottoman Gendarmerie commanded by European officers, the legalization of the Armenian language and schools, and the establishment of a special commission to examine land confiscations empowered to expel Muslim refugees. The most important clause was obligating the European powers to enforce the reforms, by overriding the regional governments. [b] [6] ( pp104–105 )


Ottoman Empire signs treaty with Allies - HISTORY

Weatherkiss: Why did Constantinople get the works?

Perhaps we should involve ourselves more in their affairs.

Weatherkiss: Why did Constantinople get the works?

None ya beeswax. But ask the Turks

shoegaze99: If you build an industrial complex in South Africa you can keep the Germans from taking Africa, securing the Mediterranean

How far is South Africa from the Mediterranean?

Not a trick question. Take your time.

shoegaze99: If you build an industrial complex in South Africa you can keep the Germans from taking Africa, securing the Mediterranean and forcing the Germans to put all their focus on the endless piles of infantry the Russian player will put on the board.

But then you're surrendering Southeast Asia to the Japanese!

jaytkay: shoegaze99: If you build an industrial complex in South Africa you can keep the Germans from taking Africa, securing the Mediterranean

How far is South Africa from the Mediterranean?

Not a trick question. Take your time.

True, South Africa is better for holding and capturing African colonies, unless you are really willing to stretch the game out.

On October 30, 1918, aboard the British battleship Agamemnon

Wow, that is god-tier trolling by the British. And British-tier cultural appropriation at the same time.

You're confusing your wars, subby.

WWII was Axis vs Allies. WWI was Triple Entente vs Triple Alliance.

And the Ottomans weren't actually members of the Alliance.

FrancoFile: You're confusing your wars, subby.

WWII was Axis vs Allies. WWI was Triple Entente vs Triple Alliance.

And the Ottomans weren't actually members of the Alliance.

jaytkay: shoegaze99: If you build an industrial complex in South Africa you can keep the Germans from taking Africa, securing the Mediterranean

How far is South Africa from the Mediterranean?

Not a trick question. Take your time.

Plenty close enough. In both classic and the current 1942 and 1941 versions, it puts you one armor movement away from the German front lines in North Africa, while also keeping the base out of range of Germany's mainland airforce. That means you can quickly strike at German lines without risking the complex.

It also puts naval units into the Suez in just one move, allowing you to quickly close off the Mediterranean. One that's all secured, you now have some support for India, too.

NM Volunteer: FrancoFile: You're confusing your wars, subby.

WWII was Axis vs Allies. WWI was Triple Entente vs Triple Alliance.

And the Ottomans weren't actually members of the Alliance.

Yeah, because Avalon Hill is a primary source.

FrancoFile: NM Volunteer: FrancoFile: You're confusing your wars, subby.

WWII was Axis vs Allies. WWI was Triple Entente vs Triple Alliance.

And the Ottomans weren't actually members of the Alliance.

Yeah, because Avalon Hill is a primary source.

At least they figured out that the Triple Alliance fell apart because the Italians left it, and joined forces with the Triple Entente and the overall coalition (of Allies) that consisted of the USA, Japan, many small European states, and Brazil. It wasn't the signatories of two treaties fighting it out. Or do you think Italy sided with Germany and Austria-Hungary during World War I?


Terms

Both the Allies and the Austrians opposed this grand scheme, fearing Russian power. The final treaty consisted of the following points:

  • Russian annexation of an area of the Caucuses east of Kars Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Novi Pazar Dobruja given to Walachia and Moldavia Greek annexation of Thessaly, Epirus, Northern Epirus, Chalkidiki, and Western Macedonia.
  • Independence of Wallachia, Moldavia, (Under de jure Russian occupation), Montenegro, (Under de jure Austrian occupation), Bulgaria, and Serbia.
  • The Russian fleet would be allowed through the Bosporus.
  • The Ottomans granted the British naval bases on Crete and Lesbos, while the Greeks let the Russian fleet dock at Salonica.

Treaty of Lausanne 1923: The past and future of Turkey (Part 1)

Turkey claims that the Treaty of Lausanne will expire by 2023. Although, the Treaty itself doesn’t mention any expiry date. However, the fast-approaching much-propagated expiry date of the Treaty has triggered a hot debate among all those interested in Turkish affairs.

There are many speculations. Is Turkey going to revive the Ottoman Empire in the region? What would be the future geopolitical and geo-economic map of the region? Can Turkey regain its regional dominance? There are several other questions that are debated worldwide in political and strategic discussions.

What is the Treaty of Lausanne?

The Treaty of Lausanne officially ended the state of war between turkey and other empires and kingdoms. These empires and kingdoms include the Allied British Empire, the Kingdom of Greece, the Empire of Japan, and the French Republic. It also ended the war between Turkey, and the Kingdom of Italy, Serb-Croat-Slovene, and the Kingdom of Romania. The treaty was signed on 24 July 1923 in Lausanne, Switzerland. It was called a peace treaty.

The Ottoman Empire had also signed “The Treaty of Serves” with allies of world War 1, in Serves, France in 1920. It gave independence to other than Turkish nationalities within Ottoman Empire. It stirred Turkish nationalism and Turks rejected the treaty which led to a brutal war against the allies. Turks achieved victory over Greece in the war of 1922-23.

Therefore, The Treaty of Lausanne was another attempt to create peace after the Treaty of Serves to end the conflict. The Treaty of Lausanne defined the borders of modern Turkey which renounced all the Non-Turkish parts of the Ottoman Empire. Responding to this move the Allies recognized Turkey as a new sovereign state with newly defined borders.

Important features of this Treaty

The treaty comprised of 143 articles in 17 documents including agreement, declaration, charter, and annexes. It addresses conciliation between the parties and the diplomatic relations among signatories to the treaty as per principles of international law.

It also abolished the “Treaty of Serves”. Also, it demarcated the borders of the Ottoman Caliphate Empire which led to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey with its capital Ankara. Islamic caliphate system was abolished and a secular Turkish state was founded. Kamal Ataturk became its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938.

The treaty created laws for traffic rules and navigation and for the use of Turkish water straits. It also specified the conditions of trade, residence, and the judiciary in the Republic of Turkey. The treaty reviewed the changed status of the Ottoman empire and the future of all those areas and territories which were part of it before its defeat in World War I.

It demarcated the borders of Greece and Bulgaria with the Turkish state. Turkey left its control over Libya, Sudan, Cyprus, Egypt, Iraq, and the Levant, except cities were located in Syria, such as Urfa, Adana, and Gaziantep, and Kells and Marsh. Also, as of November 1914, the Ottoman Empire had to abandon its political and financial rights over Sudan and Egypt.

This treaty provided protection to the Muslim minority in Greece and the Christian minority in the Republic of Turkey. It upheld the equal rights of all populations before the law irrespective of religion, origin, language, and nationality. Christians in Turkey, and Turkish Muslims in Greece, were exchanged through the Greek-Turkish population exchange signed between the two countries.

(To be Continued)

(Written by Ijaz Ali, a freelance journalist. He holds a Master Degree in European Studies from Germany and can be reached at [email protected])


Sevres at 100: The treaty that partitioned the Ottoman Empire

ISTANBUL: Next Monday August 10 marks the centenary of the Treaty of Sevres. This is the story of why the infamous treaty still resonates a hundred years later.

On August 10, 1920, a peace treaty signed between the Allied Powers and an Ottoman delegation was set to mark the formal end of First World War with the empire.

Signed in a porcelain factory outside Paris, the treaty was quickly proclaimed as brittle as the porcelain produced there. The ‘sick man on the Bosphorus’, as the Ottoman Empire had come to be known among the allied powers, was to be dismantled and partitioned.

With the Ottoman Empire exhausted from wars by 1918, the stage was set to deal a final and fatal blow that was Sevres. Though never implemented, the Treaty of Sevres continues to resonate a hundred years later. In fact, Sevres has become a byword for external interference in and double standards employed by European countries towards Turkey.

The Treaty of Sevres can be described as the lesser known equivalent of the Treaty of Versailles for the Ottoman Empire. The defining characteristic of these treaties were their exceptionally punitive measures.

Though Versailles also came to signify harsh treatment of a vanquished rival, the Treaty of Sevres was far more punitive. As Justin McCarthy notes, the Allies dictated peace terms as if the Turks were completely defeated.

The Sevres treaty prioritised Allied interests followed by Greek and Armenian interests. In fact, the Sevres treaty was on the verge of achieving the Greek nationalist project known as the Megali Idea, which would have deprived Turkey of its European territory, as well as most of its Aegean and Black Sea coast.

The Treaty of Sevres is a long and detailed document comprising 433 articles. Its purpose was partition, subjugation, and dispossession of what remained of the Ottoman lands at the close of the Great War. The treaty dealt with a number of issues ranging from establishment of new states on Turkish territory to petty details on railway wagons.

The most ominous was Part III, Section I, Article 36 which provided for Constantinople (Istanbul) to remain under Turkish control but subject to change if Turkey failed to “observe faithfully the provisions of the present Treaty.“ This was the leverage that the Allies would use to ensure compliance of the already subservient Istanbul government. Next, Article 37, stipulated the formation of a “Commission of the Straits“ comprising representatives of Allied Powers, including Greece, which would in effect control the Turkish Straits. With the Megali Idea’s proponents’ sights set on Constantinople, Articles 36 and 37 were ominous.

While Istanbul was all but officially subjugated, the treaty’s articles 63-122 can be termed “articles of partition of Turkish territory.“ For clauses that provided for partition of territory and establishment of new states at the expense of Turkey were in many ways the essence of Allies’ interests. Turkish territory was to be carved up for a Kurdish state (Articles 63-64), Greece would incorporate Izmir and its surrounding areas (Articles 65-83), and Armenia would be expanded at the expense of Turkey’s eastern territories (Articles 88-90).

The treaty clipped the wings of the already weakened position of the Sultan as Caliph of all Muslims. Article 139 was meant to ensure that the Sultan’s and Caliph’s reach would not extend beyond the increasingly shrinking territory of the Istanbul government.

The subjugation would further extend to the financial realm. A new and powerful Financial Commission was to be established which would have in essence taken over control of Turkey’s finances and the management of its resources. (Article 236).

The Treaty of Sevres gained infamy not only for dividing up territory but also for seeking to dispossess Turkey of its historical legacy and documents. The objectives of Articles 423-425 were precisely this.

Article 423 provided that Turkey would hand over to the Allies “books, documents and manuscripts from the Library of the Russian Archaeological Institute at Constantinople.“

Turkey was also to hand over local land registers to Greece for the territories taken over by Greece after 1912 (Article 424).

The Treaty of Sevres was rejected by the Turkish resistance movement. The Turkish Parliament, established in April 1920, had already taken shape and was leading the national struggle.

On August 19, 1920, the Parliament rejected this humiliating treaty and declared the signatories and those officials who supported it guilty of treason.

The terms imposed by the Sevres treaty confirmed that Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the resistance movement he led had read the situation well early on. In fact, the success of the national resistance movement ensured that the treaty was not implemented by European powers or their allies.

The scale and scope of the partition and subjugation envisioned by European powers became ingrained in Turkish consciousness ever since. In fact, the Sevres analogy and the Sevres syndrome come up frequently when European countries re-engage in the practice of double standards towards Turkey.

This crucial period in Turkish history reaffirms a basic tenet in international politics – namely that facts on the ground shape peace agreements. The Turkish War of Independence changed these facts on the ground, abrogated the Sevres treaty and led to the peace concluded at Lausanne.