Geskiedenis Podcasts

Grafgoedere eis dat geslagsrolle in die Viking -geskiedenis herskryf moet word. Of doen hulle?

Grafgoedere eis dat geslagsrolle in die Viking -geskiedenis herskryf moet word. Of doen hulle?


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

'N Noorse argeoloog, Marianne Moen, maak die groot bewering dat' die verlede 'verkeerd geïnterpreteer is en dat die kulturele rolle van mans en vroue in Viking Noorweë dieselfde was. Maar nie almal stem saam nie.

Die doktorale proefskrif van Marianne Moen aan die Departement Argeologie, Bewaring en Geskiedenis, Universiteit van Oslo, het die titel ' Uitdagende geslag. 'N Heroorweging van geslag in die Viking -tydperk met behulp van die lykhuis . ” Volgens 'n artikel oor haar artikel in Science Nordic beweer sy dat geslagsrolle in die Viking -tye nie so gedifferensieerd was as wat gedink is nie, en sy het aan verslaggewers gesê: 'Ek dink ons ​​moet wegbeweeg van die onderskeid tussen mans- en vrouerolle tydens die Viking -tyd' .

Nadat hy die inhoud van 218 Viking-grafte in Vestfold, 'n graafskap aan die suidwestelike kant van Oslofjord, bestudeer het en items gevind het van "bekers, borde tot perde en ander vee" in die grafte van "Nie net huisvroue nie", beweer Moen "boonste klas mans en vroue is oor die algemeen begrawe met dieselfde tipe items - insluitend kookgereedskap ”. En uit hierdie tipe 'denke' dui die koerant aan dat Viking -geslagsrolle herkleding moet word.

'N Speksteenbak uit die Vikingtyd. Speksteen is onder meer gebruik om kookgerei te maak. (Elinor Rajka / CC BY-SA 2.5 )

Maar kontroversieel, as Moen gelyk het, was byna elke wetenskaplike voor haar óf: eenvoudig dom, eenvoudig verkeerd, of miskien 'n 'misleide' lid van 'n verouderde argeologiese patriargie. Dit moet een hiervan wees. Reg? Nou is die bokshandskoene uit en die bedekte toespelings is nie meer in die skadu nie, laat ons kyk wat daar gesê word oor hierdie reuse -aanspraak, wat, as dit korrek blyk, onmiddellike herskrywing van nie net Viking nie, maar ook die Noorse geskiedenis in die algemeen vereis.

'N Gat van filosofie in die wetenskap?

Om 'n eeu se getuienis wat deur argeoloë versamel is, om te keer, wat daarop dui dat Viking -vroue 'meer as nie' verantwoordelik was vir die instandhouding van die huis, terwyl mans boere, handelaars en krygers geword het, moet die getuienis nie net groot wees nie, maar ook bullet proof. Anders gestel: is die ontdekking dat gereedskap en kookgerei gelykop tussen die begrafnisse tussen mans en vroue op 'een' toetslokaal versprei is, werklik 'n tasbare bewys om 'geslagsrolle' in die Viking -samelewing uit te daag?

  • Noorse argeoloë het die heiligdom van 'n wonderwerkende Viking-koning gevind
  • Tweede Angelsaksiese begraafplaas met boeiende grafgoed wat naby Stonehenge opgegrawe is
  • Die landerye verbrand, geplunder en opgesny: Viking -aanvalle in Engeland - Deel I

Viking -vroue as krygers - bevraagteken dit algemene geslagsrolle? ( delDrago / Adobe Stock)

Die oortuiging van Moen blyk duidelik uit haar opmerking aan Science Nordic waar sy gesê het; 'Ek dink' dit beteken dat mans ook kos gemaak het. Hierdie "gedagte", sê Moen, is gebaseer op 'n ander "gedagte"; dat "kooktoerusting dui op gasvryheid". Waar om selfs te begin?

Liberale gedagtes bevraagteken deur harde wetenskap

Om aan te neem dat mans net soveel kook as vroue omdat hulle met kookware begrawe is, is om aan te neem dat Vikings wat opgegrawe is met draakbroeke in werklikheid teen drake geveg het. Kry my? Dit is beslis 'n denkrigting wat die steun van Frans-Arne Stylegar, wat met kulturele bewaring en stadsbeplanning werk by die konsultasiefirma Multiconsult, kan vind, wat aan verslaggewers gesê het: "Dit is moeilik om die persona wat geïdealiseer is in begrafnisgebruike in werklike te vertaal. historiese werklikheid. Dit is amper 'n filosofiese vraag. "

En moenie vir 'n oomblik dink dat Frans-Arne Stylegar nie 'aan die gang' was nie, aangesien sy noukeurige gebruik van die woord 'filosofie' daarop dui dat die ontdekkings van Moens gebaseer is op 'filosofiese spekulasie' eerder as harde wetenskaplike datastelle. Die feit dat haar referaat 'geslagsrolle' wil uitdaag ', dui aan haar skeptici dat sy moontlik 'n ietwat voorafbepaalde idee gehad het om haar gevolgtrekking te maak, eerder as dat die gevolgtrekking uit waarnemings gekom het. Die laaste koerant van Moan het nie die titel gehad nie “ Mense in die landskap "Maar" Vroue in die Noorse landskap ”Wat openbaar is oor haar skuins of inherente vooroordele.

Oor die verdediging herinner Moen ons daaraan ...

Moen glo dat die gereedskap en kooktoerusting nie net vir konseptuele toepassing in die hiernamaals bedoel was nie, omdat die "items ook in huise gevind is". Hierdie kasteel is egter op sand gebou, en solank sy nie kan bepaal 'wie' die items gebruik het nie, is dit 'moontlik' dat dit 'almal' is wat deur vroue gebruik is.

Een van Moen se argumente rakende geslagsrolle was dat sommige van die grafgoed ook in huise gevind is. ( serg_did / Adobe Stock)

Maar laat ons 'n bietjie vertraag vir die navorsing van Moen, wat toon dat 'meer as 40 persent van die manlike grafte juweliersware bevat, soos borsspelde en krale'. Boonop bevat die mansgrafte toiletware, "insluitend 'n pincet en skeermesse wat waarskynlik vir persoonlike versorging gebruik word".

  • Vikings in Ierland: Onlangse ontdekkings werp nuwe lig op die vreesaanjaende krygers wat die Ierse kus binnegedring het
  • Die moord op swaarde: 'n vernietigende begrafnisritme om die gees van wapens in die hiernamaals vry te laat
  • Antieke wette en vroueregte: die 6000 jaar oue wêreldoorlog duur voort

Juweliersware soos borsspelde en krale is gevind in grafgoed van mans en vroue. Wat sê dit oor geslagsrolle? (Maia C / CC BY-SA 2.0 )

Goed. Diep asemhaal. Om te beweer dat mans, wat versorg en juweliersware gedra het, nie beteken dat hulle ook huise moes gekook en versorg het nie, is inderdaad seksisties, om nie te praat van geslagstereotipering nie! Ongeag, steun Moen al haar aannames om korrek te wees en wonder sy nou waar die idee van duidelike geslagsdifferensiasie in die verlede vandaan kan kom?

Grafte wat in die vroeë 1900's in Noorweë opgegrawe is, is natuurlik geïnterpreteer deur die kulturele standaarde en perspektiewe van daardie tyd, op dieselfde manier as wat Moen nou die artefakte vanuit haar moderne perspektief sien. En daardie perspektief is miskien net so ongebalanseerd as die manlike patriargie waarna sy in stilte verwys, want sy noem haarself 'n 'geslagsargeoloog' en wil openlik 'ander argeoloë se interpretasies van die Viking -kultuur' uitdaag.

'Ek ondervind 'n bietjie skeptisisme', het Moen gesê, want die oorgrote meerderheid van selfs moderne navorsers 'is baie vasbeslote oor geslag wat werkverwante rolle betref'. Sy meen egter dat 99,9% van die Noorse wetenskaplikes, beide mans en vroue, so verkeerd is dat dit makliker is om 'n historiese verhaal te "wat in ooreenstemming is met ons moderne verwagtinge".

Moen glo dat moderne navorsers hul mening oor Viking -geslagsrolle bepaal. ( Fxquadro / Adobe Stock)

Skeptici kom egter voor om aan te dui dat dit presies is wat Moan self doen, deur haar moderne geslagsideologieë op die verlede te projekteer en sodoende bewysgeskiedenis te herskryf.

Ten slotte, ek dink wat ons hier het, is 'n onbeskaamde omstrede referaat, gewaagd en duidelik in ooreenstemming met die European University Liberal Agenda, en om hierdie rede sal konserwatiewe wetenskaplikes in hul skoene draai. En so kan ook die dapper kryger Vikings, wat deur die swaard gesterf het, in hul grafte draai, skreeend, spektraal: "daardie ketel is vir my sampioen -tee in die ander wêreld, nie om sop vir die gesin te maak nie. En die kam, ek gebruik dit voordat ek my tent van vixens besoek, nie omdat ek 'n hipster is nie! Sheesh! Regtig! ”

Brons Viking ketel. Sê die vermoë om tee te maak regtig iets oor geslagsrolle? (Arild Finne Nybø / CC BY-SA 2.0 )


VIKING SOSIALE STRUKTUUR EN GESLAGROLLE IN core.ac.uk/download/pdf/ VIKING SOSIALE STRUKTUUR EN.

rol in die Viking -samelewing bedoel, asook watter rolle hulle kon speel.

Ek wil my leser dr. Susannah Lloyd bedank, asook my professor dr. David

Anderson vir al die hulp wat hulle albei vir my gegee het. Ek wil ook dankie sê vir my

Ma, Susan en my gesin vir hul ondersteuning.

In die moderne samelewing, as ons die woord klas in ag neem wanneer ons verwys na 'n posisie van 'n persoon in

mense in die samelewing dink gewoonlik aan laer sosiale klasse, werkersklasse en hoër klasse. dit is

algemene kennis dat alhoewel individue in 'n spesifieke klas kan woon, individue in staat is

beweeg op en af ​​in hierdie hiërargie. Soos ons weet, was dit nie altyd die geval nie, daar was 'n tyd

toe slawe in samelewings teenwoordig was en absoluut geen vermoë gehad het om van hul rang af te beweeg nie.

Sosiale statusse het mettertyd ontwikkel en verander en daarmee saam die rolle en reëls van die

verskillende samelewings. Dikwels is hierdie sosiale status gevorm en gevolg deur die verskillende

eienskappe wat mense gehad het. 'N Voorbeeld hiervan is die idee dat vroue rolle het

en hulle kon nie deelneem aan aktiwiteite wat deel was van die manlike status nie, en omgekeerd

die verskillende rolle wat gebaseer was op die hiërargie van die samelewing, byvoorbeeld die uiterste

verskille tussen 'n slaaf en koninklikes. Hierdie lyne tussen die statusse was deurgaans uiteenlopend

die antieke wêreld. En vir vorige kulture wat nie meer bestaan ​​nie, is dit baie moeilik om ten volle te volg

verstaan ​​wat die rolle van groepe en individue was. Deur argeologie die ontdekkings

verskillende begrafnisse help om die sosiale strukture van die samelewing saam te voeg. Deur te kyk na die

begraafplase in die gemeenskap, sowel as die grafgoed en ander funksies wat ons kan kry

groot insig in die status van die individue wie se grafte ontbloot is. So is die

saak vir die Vikingtydgenootskappe in die Skandinawiese gebied van Denemarke, Noorweë en Swede (Figuur

1). Deur na die begrafnisse in hierdie gebiede te kyk, kan ons sien hoe die sosiale struktuur daarvan opgebou is

asook hoe verskillende eienskappe van individue hul rolle beïnvloed het, spesifiek dié van

Figuur 1. Kaart van Skandinawië wat verskillende Vikingreise toon (Chartrand et co. 2006: figuur 1)

Die woord Vikings roep gewoonlik 'n prentjie op van 'n groot menigte mense wat met horings gehelm dra

terwyl hy 'n Engelse dorpie plunder. In werklikheid is die Viking -leefwyse in Skandinawië veel meer

as hierdie bevooroordeelde prentjie wat vir ons geskilder is. Die basiese oorsprong van die Viking -kultuur

kom uit die gebiede van Skandinawië, veral die onderste gedeeltes van Noorweë en Swede

met Denemarke. Die Viking -kultuur bestaan ​​van ongeveer 700 nC tot en met die elfde eeu, oftewel

rondom die vroeë middeleeue (Christiansen 2002). Baie van hulle tyd is aan seereise bestee

om nuwe lande te verken, asook om ander benodigdhede te bekom. Daarom is dit baie keer so

hulle ontvang die titel seerower of raider. Hulle sou vir lang tye op reise gaan,

en as sodanig uiters talentvol geword om deur water te beweeg. Die Vikings het gereis

in die antieke Europese wêreld sowel as op ander kontinente, soos gesien kan word in figuur 1.

Vikings het egter ook op land gewoon en beleef wat as normale lewens beskou is

hierdie tydperk ook as dit nie op see is nie.

Alhoewel baie van hul tyd weg van die huis af bestee is, het hulle gewoonlik hul winter deurgebring

Tuis. Terwyl hulle tuis was en weg van die see af, het hulle as boere, vissers,

handelaars, skeepsbouers, vakmanne, smede of timmermanne, om maar 'n paar beroepe te noem. Soos

baie ander kulture het die Vikings spesifieke sosiale klasse gehad. Uit bronne oor die Viking -kultuur, ons

weet dat die Koning heel bo in die sosiale hiërargie is. Die koning sou belasting invorder, eie

land regdeur die gebied, en in ruil daarvoor sou dit die beste beskerm en moontlik maak

omstandighede vir diegene wat onder hul bewind leef (Chartrand 2006). Onder die koning was 'n klein

'n aristokratiese groep het die jarls gebel wat grond besit het en dit aan huurders verhuur het. Onder die

jarls is 'n groep genaamd die bndi wat die grootste deel van die Viking -kultuur uitgemaak het. Al hierdie

groepe was vrye mense wie se opinies gehoor kon word, en wat van belang was. Op die bodem

van die sosiale hiërargie was die troos; hierdie groepe was gelykstaande aan wat ons as sou beskou

slawe, en was volledig in besit van hul meester en het alles en elke taak wat nodig was, opgelê

Viking -godsdiens en oortuigings van die hiernamaals

Die Vikings was 'n heidense volk en het geglo in die teenwoordigheid van verskeie gode, en ons hoor

oor hierdie gode in hul mites en legendes. Odin word gedink aan die Vader van Thor, maar in werklikheid

Viking -mitologie Thor is die God van die donderweer en die ware godheid. Ander belangrike gode

sluit Loki in wat half god en half demoon was, en Freyja. Sy is die Godin van liefde en

vrugbaarheid sowel as oorlog en dood. Met die geloof in hierdie gode was die spesifieke oortuigings in

verskeie gebiede waarop 'n individu na hul dood ontvang sou word (bladsy 2004). Viking

geloof was dat hulle, afhangende van die individu, toegelaat sou word om sekere sterfruimtes te betree,

wat gelei is deur een van die gode. Toe krygers op die slagveld sou sterf, was dit

het gesê dat die helfte verwelkom sal word in die Odins -koninkryk van Valhalla of Valhol, sowel as die

Valkyrie of vroulike krygers wat as goddelik beskou is, sou die mensesiel van die

slagveld. Almal het bymekaargekom om in die laaste geveg met Odin te veg. Die ander helfte van die oorledene in

die stryd is aangegaan in die koninkryk wat deur die godin Freyja beheer word. Helgafjell was 'n koninkryk wat geglo word

lyk baie soos die lewe op aarde, waar die mense hul daaglikse lewe in 'n pragtige omgewing voortsit

omgewing. In teenstelling met die ander word die koninkryk van Hel uitgebeeld as 'n plek van straf en

pyn. Onder beheer van die godin Hel, wat as die dogter van Loki beskou is, en duiwels in

voorkoms (Mortensen 1913). Met hierdie sowel as 'n verskeidenheid minder gode wat die Vikings geneem het

sorg baie om hul godsdiens te beoefen deur middel van rituele en spesifieke mense wat sjamaan was of

priesters en priesteresse, het vroue amper 'n eksklusiewe rol as 'n Vlva gehad, of 'n priesteres

gespesialiseer in profesie, en was bekend deur hul towerstaf wat 'n vlr genoem word (Shetelig 1937).

Magie kan gebruik word om probleme in die lewe op te los, sowel as om op die slagveld te veg.

Hierdie oortuigings en gebruike het 'n belangrike impak op die metode wat die Vikings begrawe

Argeologie oor die Vikings in Skandinawië het deur die jare plaasgevind, maar daar is nog steeds 'n

beperkte hoeveelheid Viking -begrafnisse wat bestudeer kan word. Die begrafnis van die vikingtydperk

is een van die beste maniere om na die aspekte van sosiale status van die Viking -kultuur te kyk, spesifiek die

geslagsrolle en hoe dit 'n rol speel in die samelewing. Terwyl ons fokus op Denemarke, Noorweë en

Swede, en ondersoek die verskeidenheid grafte in hierdie gebiede en die verskille en ooreenkomste in

die grafgoed wat dit bevat. Tussen hierdie gebiede is daar groot diversiteit binne die begrafnisse

waarna ek sal kyk. Die teenwoordigheid of afwesigheid van sekere artefakte saam met die unieke begrafnis

style gee 'n groot insig in hoe die sosiale struktuur en die reëls wat dit vir vroue beïnvloed het

Viking -kultuur. Sommige van die items waarop ek sal fokus, sal die teenwoordigheid van

wapens, artefakte wat ekonomiese mag voorstel, asook ander individue wat moontlik was

opgeoffer vir die begrafnis, en of die persoon begrawe is met 'n skip, koets of ander unieke

aspekte wat die belangrikheid van die begrawe individu toon.

Die teenwoordigheid of afwesigheid van artefakte soos hierdie kan die hoeveelheid prestige aandui

oorlede persoon gehad het, en hoeveel status selfs tydens die dood getoon is. Deur dit te vergelyk

artefakte tussen manlike en vroulike grafte kan 'n groter idee verkry word oor die rol van vroue in

Viking -kultuur. Uit historiese kennis ken ons baie van die rolle waarmee mans gespeel het


Watter stereotipes oor Viking -manlikheid word verkeerd

Die kuns van die Viking-beeld is vandag 'n karikatuur van manlikheid en die langharige vegter wat nog steeds in die logo's of advertensies vir produkte aangetrek word wat 'n veronderstelde ideaal van manlike gedrag aantrek. Maar die Skandinawiese werklikheid uit die Viking-tydperk omvat soveel meer, insluitend 'n ware vloeibaarheid van geslag. Patriargie was 'n norm in die Viking -samelewing, maar dit is om elke draai ondermyn, dikwels op 'n manier wat fassinerend en in sy strukture ingebou is.

Die Vikings was beslis bekend met wat vandag queer -identiteite genoem sou word. Geslagsgrense is noukeurig gepolisieer, soms met morele oorbelle, en die sosiale druk op mans en vroue was baie werklik. Terselfdertyd was hierdie grense egter deurdringbaar met 'n mate van sosiale sanksie. Daar is 'n duidelike spanning hier, 'n teenstrydigheid wat produktief kan wees vir almal wat die Viking -verstand probeer verstaan.

Hierdie temas en verbande kan nagestreef word in die bestudering van grafte. Argeoloë bepaal die geslag van die begrawe dooies deur middel van ontleding van hul bene (wat betroubaar is, maar nie seker nie) of DNA (wat 'n chromosomale definisie gebruik wat oor die algemeen onomstrede is). In baie gevalle is die oorledene egter veras, of bewaringstoestande in die grond is ongunstig vir die voortbestaan ​​van been in enige toestand. In hierdie gevalle het argeoloë al eeue lank besluit om die geslag van die dooies te bepaal deur assosiasie met vermoedelik geslagsvoorwerpe en met wapens in 'n graf wat daarop dui dat 'n man, juweliersware 'n vrou aandui, ensovoorts.

Behalwe die voor die hand liggende probleme van die koppeling van seks en geslag, en ook effektief geslagsgebruik van metaal, loop hierdie lesings bloot die risiko om een ​​stel aannames op 'n ander te stapel in wat forensiese besluitnemers 'n & ldquobias sneeubal & rdquo van kumulatief twyfelagtige interpretasies noem.

Alhoewel die meerderheid van hierdie seks/geslag/artefak-korrelasies waarskynlik die werklikheid van die Viking-tyd weerspieël, voldoen nie alle begrafnisse aan sulke patrone nie, en is 'n openheid vir die uitsonderings wat ons weet daar was en mdash noodsaaklik. Sonder hierdie kan 'n mens nooit hoop om argeologiese geregtigheid te doen aan die geslagspektrum wat in die Middeleeuse tekste te bespeur is nie, of dit kan vergelyk met die empiriese werklikheid van die Viking-tydperk. Meer opwindend, die argeologie kan bewys lewer van identiteite en geslagte wat nie die geskrewe bronne bereik het nie.

Die beginpunt kom in grafte met lewensvatbare beenoorlewing. In sulke gevalle vind argeoloë soms mense begrawe met voorwerpe en klere wat gewoonlik met die teenoorgestelde geslag verband hou. Dit sluit in manlike geraamtes wat rokke van die soort dra wat meer gereeld by vroue begrawe word, of met die ovaal borsspelde wat die voorskoot by die bors vashou, en soortgelyke kombinasies. Vir begrafnisse met vroulike liggame is 'n ekwivalent die teenwoordigheid van wapens in getalle wat voldoende is om 'n krygsidentiteit vir die dooies waarskynlik voor te stel. By Vivallen in die Sweedse H & aumlrjedalen was daar selfs 'n manlike liggaam begrawe volgens S & aacutemi-rituele, in 'n S & aacutemi-nedersetting, maar met konvensionele S & aacutemi man & rsquos-toerusting oor 'n Nordiese linne-rok vir vrouens, kompleet met juweliersware wat ooreenstem met die geslags- en kulturele norme .

Die mees prominente voorbeeld tot dusver kombineer byna al die Viking -geslag in 'n enkele begrafnis, wat meer vrae laat ontstaan ​​as wat dit beantwoord. In 'n kamergraf uit die 10de eeu, aangewys as Bj.581 van 'n stedelike begraafplaas in Birka in Swede, is 'n duur lyk aangetref, sit en omring deur 'n volledige wapenset (wat skaars is), met twee ryperde. Hierdie werklik skouspelagtige begrafnis is in 1878 opgegrawe en word sedertdien opgehou as 'n voorbeeld van 'n vegter met 'n hoë status uit die middel van die 900's, 'n soort Viking en die destydse soort. Bj.581 is as sodanig gepubliseer in generasies standaardwerke. As deel van hierdie interpretasiepakket word altyd aangeneem dat die oorledene 'n man was, want krygers was duidelik 'n man (wat seks en geslag op die bekende manier met mekaar verbind). In 2011 het 'n osteologiese studie egter voorgestel dat die begrawe persoon eintlik 'n vrou was, en dit is bevestig deur genomiese analise in 2017 en die oorledene het XX chromosome gedra. Die daaropvolgende debat oor die oënskynlike vroulike vegter en Birka van Birka het virale geraak en stuiptrekkings maak nou Viking-studies, in 'n soms vituperatiewe bespreking wat min te doen het met vroue en oorlog, maar meer kommer oor die onderliggende foutlyne van geslagtelike aanname in die dissipline en verder.

In 'n sekere sin maak dit nie regtig saak of die persoon in die Birka-graf 'n vroulike krygsvrou was of nie (alhoewel ek as een van die hoofskrywers in die navorsingspan glo dat dit al die dinge was). Hierdie persoon was moontlik ook transgender, in ons terme, of nie-binêre of geslagsvloeistof. Daar is ook ander moontlikhede, maar die punt is dat hulle almal as moontlike identiteite uit die Viking-tydperk erken moet word, terwyl & mdashcrucially & mdashnot dit moet die geval wees. In die interpretasie van Bj.581 moet geleerdes nie net die basiese instelling van vroue ontken nie, en hul potensiaal om een ​​lewenswyse bo ander te kies, hoef hierdie persoon nie noodwendig anders te wees nie. Boonop was al hierdie kruisings van aktiwiteit en identiteit op sigself diep geslagtelik en van alles tot mekaar.

Dit is belangrik dat niks hiervan reggemaak en permanent moes wees nie. In die latere prosatekste, alhoewel hulle moeilike bronne is, kom 'n mens in aanraking met individue wat van naam verander wanneer hulle 'n nuwe lewenspad begin, en as sekere vroue byvoorbeeld krygers word. Maar slegs soms is hier geen universele nie, en soos altyd is die Middeleeuse bronne problematies, laat, dubbelsinnig en onseker.

Alhoewel sommige van hul norme rigied kan lyk, het die Skandinawiërs dit op een of ander manier toegepas op 'n manier wat hulle ook in staat gestel het om te bevraagteken, te ondermyn en te weerspreek. Op baie maniere en vir baie jare was Viking -geleerdes naïef en simplisties oor hul erkenning en erkenning van geslagsvariasie in die latere Ystertydperk. Miskien het mense uit die Viking-tydperk elke dag hul identiteit gekies en heronderhandel, net soos baie van ons doen. Hulle idees oor geslag het veel verder gegaan as die binaries van biologiese seks, soos geleerdes nou begin verstaan. Ongelukkig word ons ook nou eers bewus van die voorreg waarmee ons dit so lank kon miskyk.


Hoe die vroulike Viking -kryger uit die geskiedenis geskryf is

In die 1880's het Skandinawiese argeoloë 'n graf opgegrawe met al die gereedskap wat nodig is vir die geveg, insluitend skilde, 'n byl, 'n spies, 'n swaard en 'n boog met 'n stel swaar pyle, saam met twee perde, 'n merrie en 'n hings. 'N Stel spelstukke het navorsers al lank laat glo dat hierdie persoon belangstel in strategie, en dat hy die stukke moontlik gebruik het om gevegstaktieke te beplan. Dit was die graf van 'n Viking -kryger en dit was natuurlik 'n mannetjie. Dit is aangewys en word steeds na verwys as Bj 581.

Fisiese antropoloë kon lankal kenmerke soos geslag en ouderdom uit osteologiese analise identifiseer, en sulke ondersoeke in die sewentigerjare het die vooruitsig gestel dat hierdie individu eintlik vroulik was. Maar die grafgoed! Vergeet die fisiese eienskappe van die skelet self, die insittende moes manlik wees.

Die afgelope maand het die American Journal of Physical Anthropology 'n kort studie gepubliseer wat die saak eens en vir altyd laat rus het. Hedenstierna-Jonson en haar span het die hel uit twee DNA-monsters wat uit die skelet geneem is, ondersoek, die genoom opeenvolgend, die mtDNA getoets en strontium-isotoopanalise uitgevoer om nie net die biologiese geslag van die skelet vas te stel nie, maar ook om geografiese oorsprong te identifiseer of "biologiese verwantskappe" (die bevolkings waarvan sy die meeste lyk- insluitend die Britse Eilande, die Noord-Atlantiese Eilande, Skandinawië en 'n bietjie van die Oos-Balkan) en die potensiële mobiliteit van die individu in die lewe. Saam voeg hierdie veranderlikes by tot die reeds komplekse prentjie van 'n kosmopolitiese Birka, die 8de-10de-eeuse Viking-stad waarin Bj 581 begrawe is.

Terwyl die gewilde verhaal handel oor 'n vroulike vegter, is die werklike verhaal wat hierdie studie onderlê, die aannames wat die navorsers net uit die water geblaas het. Hedenstierna-Jonson et al. maak nie duidelik in hul stellings dat hierdie persoon meer as 'n eeu lank verkeerdelik as 'n man geïdentifiseer is nie, omdat argeoloë wat in 'n westerse samelewing gekweek is met streng geslagsrolle, mans alleen as krygers of soldate of gewelddadigers beskou. 'N Kryger is, net soos oorlogvoering self, 'n kulturele konstruksie, praktyke en beroepe wat deur menslike samelewings geskep is om spesifieke begeertes te vervul. Om onkrities te aanvaar dat mans alleen stryders is, lei tot 'n kaskade van ander aannames oor menslike gedrag, wat ons poging om hierdie gedrag ietwat onstuimig te maak, maak.

Hierdie tipe aannames benadeel die wetenskaplike strewe van argeologie. Aannames rakende geslagsrolle maak vroue nie net onsigbaar in die argeologiese verslag nie, aannames rakende geslagsrolle verwater ons begrip van vorige samelewings en die enorme kompleksiteit van menslike prestasies en aktiwiteite. Vroue is nie net onsigbaar nie, maar mans is deterministies, en die hele mensegeskiedenis is vieslik, brutaal en kort.

Dit is nie 'n nuwe probleem in argeologie en antropologie nie. Ons mees basiese kategorisering van "man the tool maker" is in die vroeë 1990's uitgedaag deur feministiese navorsers soos Joan Gero. Gero se argument was toe dat klipgereedskap, die mees alomteenwoordige artefak in die argeologiese rekord, vermoedelik deur mans vervaardig en gebruik word, selfs in kontekste, soos huis- en dorpsgebiede, waar die aktiwiteite deur vroue gedomineer word. Gero het duidelik en bondig geïllustreer dat etnografiese en historiese bewyse in werklikheid nie die hipotese van die vervaardiger ondersteun nie, en dat ander aspekte van ons moderne waardesisteem-ons neiging om arbeid te kommodifiseer, "energie" en "uitgawes" te kwantifiseer en gee die dinge daarom 'n groter waarde- dit kan in werklikheid baie van ons navorsingsvrae en a priori gevolgtrekkings vervorm.

Skogstrand beweer dat androsentrisme in argeologie alle menslike geslagte 'n slegte diens doen, en beweer dat "die feit dat mans die hele prehistoriese samelewing verteenwoordig, is nie bloot omdat vroue geïgnoreer word nie, dit is hoofsaaklik omdat mans nie geslagtelik is nie." Deur die moderne geslagsrolle wat in die verlede toegepas is, onkrities aan te neem, verstaan ​​ons nie hoe mense in die verlede geleef het en hoe hulle die wêreld gesien het nie. Mans word dus net so onsigbaar gemaak as vroue, en die verlede word vervelig.

Die identifisering van Bj 581 word reeds vasgevang in pedantiese argumente wat bevraagteken of hierdie individu 'n vegter kon gewees het. Die genomika is redelik seker- dit is die oorblyfsels van 'n vrou wat geneties deel van die Viking-wêreld was, en wat in 'n Viking-graf begrawe was met die materiële kultuur van die Viking, spesifiek materiële kultuur wat verband hou met geveg en oorlogvoering. Dit bly 'n uitdaging vir sommige mense om hierdie veranderlikes te versoen. Maar dieselfde mense mis die groter implikasies van die genomika -studie. Die regte vrae, die interessante vrae: wat beteken dit dat Bj 581 'n vrou was? Wat sê dit vir ons oor hoe die Viking -samelewing gestruktureer is? Was Bj 581 uniek, of het sy 'n kategorie vroue verteenwoordig wat grootliks tot mitologie gedelegeer is? En wat kan dit ons vertel oor hoe gewelddadige konflik beskou en ondervind is? Hedenstierna-Jonson et al. het net 'n hele reeks navorsingsvrae oopgemaak wat ons herinner aan hoe kompleks, ryk en fassinerend menslike samelewings eintlik is as ons dit bestudeer vir wie dit was en nie om te weerspieël wie ons dink ons ​​is nie.

Hedenstierna-Jonson C., Kjellstrom A., Zachhrisson T., et al (2017) 'n Vroulike Viking Warrior bevestig deur Genomics. American Journal of Physical Anthropology.

Gero, Joan (1991) Genderlithics: Women's Roles in Stone Tool Production. In Engendering Archeology: Women in Prehistory, geredigeer deur Joan Gero en Margaret Conkey. Blackwell Uitgewers.

Skogstrand, Lisbeth (2010) Gaan Androsentriese argeologie werklik oor mans? Argeologieë: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress.


Een gedagte oor vroue in die Viking -tyd toe en nou

Ek stem heeltemal saam met jou benadering en hou baie van die hoek wat jy hierop inneem. Ja, u het reg. Die huidige navorsing het vroue in die verlede in tradisionele kategorieë ingedeel. Op die Osberg -begrafnisse was daar ook die artikel wat deur A.S Ingstadt geskryf is dat dit 'n begrafnis van 'n priesteres was en dat dit niks neerhalends hier was nie. Ek dink ook 'n mens kan nie vergeet wat dit in die middeleeuse wetskodes soos Grágás sê nie (ek werk in die Noord -Atlantiese Oseaan, ook 'n argeoloog wat aan vroue en tekstielwerk werk) Ek het daardeur gegaan met 'n fyn tandkam en daar is geen twyfel nie in hierdie vroeë Middeleeuse dokumente dat vroue nie as mans gelyk geag word nie en dat daar streng reëls is oor wie die plaaslike Þings kan bywoon, en wie die Goðorð kan erf en hoe. Ook die huwelik en algemene sosiaal aanvaarde gedrag is gereguleer. Hierdie boeke kom natuurlik nie direk uit die Vikingtydperk nie, en ek vermoed dat vroue meer mag in die Vikingtyd gehad het as in die vroeë Middeleeue, maar Grágás is byna direk gekopieer uit die Gulathing -wet van Noorweë wat in gebruik was voor die 12de eeu van Ysland. Ek werk aan vroulike mag in tekstielproduksie, en nie alle mag kom in die vorm van politieke leierskap nie; daar is ook 'n meer subtiele vorm van mag, en dit kan vrees en respek inboesem wat net so effektief is as laasgenoemde.


Hoe was die lewe vir vroue in die Viking -tydperk?

Tegnies sou vroue nie eens Vikings kon wees nie. Soos Judith Jesch, skrywer van “Women in the Viking Age ” (1991), uitgewys het, het die Oudnoorse woord “vikingar ” slegs van toepassing op mans, gewoonlik op die manne wat uit Skandinawië met hul beroemde lang bote aan boord gegaan het. en het tussen ongeveer 800-1100 nC na verre plekke soos Brittanje, Europa, Rusland, die Noord-Atlantiese eilande en Noord-Amerika gevaar.

Maar alhoewel hierdie Vikings berug geraak het as kwaai krygers en wrede stropers, was hulle ook bekwame handelaars wat handelsroetes oor die hele wêreld gevestig het. Hulle het nedersettings gevorm, dorpe en stede gestig (byvoorbeeld Dublin) en 'n blywende impak op die plaaslike tale en kulture van die plekke waar hulle hul skepe laat land het.

Terwyl vroeëre historiese navorsing oor die Vikings teoretiseer het dat die seevaardige Noormanne in slegs mansgroepe gereis het, miskien as gevolg van 'n gebrek aan gewenste maats in Skandinawië, vertel meer onlangse studie 'n heel ander verhaal. In die nuwer studie, wat einde 2014 gepubliseer is, het navorsers mitochondriale DNA -bewyse gebruik om aan te toon dat Noorse vroue by hul mans aangesluit het vir die migrasie van die Viking -tydperk na Engeland, die Shetland- en Orkney -eilande en Ysland, en dat hulle belangrike agente was in die prosesse van migrasie en assimilasie. ” Veral in voorheen onbewoonde gebiede soos Ysland was Noorse vroue noodsaaklik om die nuwe nedersettings te bevolk en te help om te floreer.

Soos baie tradisionele beskawings, was die samelewing van die Viking-tyd in die buiteland en in die buiteland in wese manlik gedomineer. Mans het gejag, geveg, handel gedryf en geboer, terwyl vroue se lewens gekombineer was met kosmaak, omgee vir die huis en om kinders groot te maak. Die meerderheid Viking -begrafnisse wat deur argeoloë gevind is, weerspieël hierdie tradisionele geslagsrolle: Mans is oor die algemeen begrawe met hul wapens en gereedskap, en vroue met huishoudelike items, naaldwerk en juweliersware.

Maar vroue in die Viking -tyd Skandinawië het wel 'n ongewone mate van vryheid vir hul dag geniet. Hulle kan eiendom besit, 'n egskeiding versoek en hul bruidskat terugeis as hul huwelike eindig. Vroue was geneig om tussen 12 en 15 jaar te trou, en gesinne het onderhandel om die huwelike te reël, maar die vrou het gewoonlik 'n sê oor die reëling. As 'n vrou 'n egskeiding wil hê, moet sy getuies na haar huis en huweliksbed roep en voor hulle verklaar dat sy van haar man geskei het. Die huwelikskontrak het gewoonlik gesê hoe gesinsgoedere in die geval van egskeiding verdeel sou word.

Alhoewel die man die huis van die huis was, het die vrou 'n aktiewe rol gespeel in die bestuur van haar man sowel as die huishouding. Noorse vroue het volle gesag in die huishoudelike sfeer gehad, veral as hul mans afwesig was. As die man van die huishouding sterf, sal sy vrou sy rol permanent aanneem deur die familieboerdery of handelsonderneming alleen te bestuur. Baie vroue in die Viking -tyd Skandinawië is begrawe met ringe sleutels, wat hul rolle en mag as huishoudelike bestuurders simboliseer.

Sommige vroue het 'n besonder hoë status gekry. One of the grandest burials ever found in Scandinavia from that period belonged to the Oseberg “queen,” a woman who was buried in a sumptuously decorated ship along with many valuable grave goods in A.D. 834. Later in the ninth century, Aud the Deep-Minded, the daughter of a Norwegian chieftain in the Hebrides (islands off northern Scotland) married a Viking king based in Dublin. When her husband and son died, Aud uprooted her household and organized a ship voyage for herself and her grandchildren to Iceland, where she became one of the colony’s most important settlers.

Was daar vrouestryders in die Viking -era -samelewing? Though relatively few historical records mention the role of women in Viking warfare, the Byzantine-era historian Johannes Skylitzes did record women fighting with the Varangian Vikings in a battle against the Bulgarians in A.D. 971. In addition, the 12th-century Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus wrote that communities of “shieldmaidens” dressed like men and devoted themselves to learning swordplay and other warlike skills, and that some 300 of these shieldmaidens held the field in the Battle of Brávellir in the mid-eighth century. In sy beroemde werk Gesta Danorum het Saxo geskryf oor 'n skildmeisie met die naam Lagertha, wat saam met die beroemde Viking Ragnar Lothbrok geveg het in 'n geveg teen die Swede, en Ragnar so beïndruk het met haar moed dat hy haar hand in die huwelik gesoek en gewen het.

Die meeste van wat ons van vrouestryders in die Viking -tydperk weet, kom uit literêre werke, insluitend die romantiese sages wat Saxo as 'n paar van sy bronne genoem het. Female warriors known as “Valkyries,” who may have been based on shieldmaidens, are certainly an important part of Old Norse literature. Gegewe die voorkoms van hierdie legendes, tesame met die groter regte, status en mag wat hulle geniet, is dit waarskynlik waarskynlik dat vroue in die Viking -samelewing af en toe wapens neem en veg, veral as iemand hulle, hul gesinne of hul eiendom bedreig het.


Viking women at home

The University of Tubingen study also suggests a link between rural equality in Viking times and a specialisation in raising animals. Professor Jörg Baten explained that men dealt with crops because of the need for greater physical strength, adding: “raising animals enabled women to contribute a great deal to the family income. That probably raised their position in society.”

The viking farm at Avaldsnes in western Norway

Women were also just as responsible for their homesteads, often working for months at a time while a community's men were away. The hub of everyday life was the longhouse, a long, single-roomed accommodation with benches for sleeping and seating set around a central fireplace.

Typically, the woman's responsibility would have been to care for the house and its residents. This could include elderly relatives, visiting political or business guests, and in many cases, foster-children. Viking women were practised storytellers. In fact, this oral tradition carried on for centuries until the stories were captured in writing in the Icelandic sagas of the Early Middle Ages.

“Such women in the Nordic countries may have led to popular myths about the Valkyries: They were strong, healthy and tall,” says Jörg Baten. But the picture in Scandinavian cities was different. “The Swedish towns of Lund and Sigtuna – on the site of today’s Stockholm – and in Trondheim in Norway, had developed a class system by the Early Middle Ages. Women there did not have the same equality as their sisters in the countryside.”


Skeptical Humanities

In the last week, a number of websites have informed their readers that recent scientific evidence shows that roughly half of Viking warriors were female. Tor.com proclaims, “Better Identification of Viking Corpses Reveals: Half of the Warriors Were Female,” while Cory Doctorow of BoingBoing declares that “Half the Remains of Slain Vikings in England Are Female.” Wow, cool! How is it possible that we didn’t know this before? Well, according to Emma Cueto of Bustle, it’s because of evil sexist scholars. Her post boasts the level-headed title, “Women Viking Warriors Existed, Confounding Sexist Scientists Everywhere.” She claims that sexist archaeologists have used sexist assumptions to come to sexist conclusions rather than looking at the actual data:

After all, if archeologists [sic] are letting their sexist assumptions affect the way they collect and classify data about the past, that has some pretty troubling implications. For instance, when people argue in favor of “traditional” gender roles, they often cite history, saying that since this is how things have always been, clearly it’s natural and therefore right.

I’d like to see an example of a modern archaeologist saying that something is natural and right because it was common in the past: “Well, human sacrifice is traditional. It’s been practiced for millennia. So I’ve slaughtered a couple of the slower diggers to appease the gods. Wat? Stop looking at me like that!”

Human Sacrifice: Traditional, Therefore Required*

And if we are imposing our own ideas about gender back onto the past, that’s not only bad for the modern fight for gender equality, but it’s also just bad science.

So if archeologists could stop making sexist assumptions and maybe start being thorough researchers, that would great. Sound good, guys?

She’s right: doing thorough research is important looking at as many types of evidence as possible is belangrik. Scholars in all fields should stop imposing their own ideas about gender onto the past, and they should look at the actual data.

It is especially ironic, then, that she appears to be imposing her ideas about gender roles and gender equality onto the Viking Age and that she hasn’t looked at the data. That is to say, neither she nor many of the other writers seem actually to have read the scholarly article that inspired them.

They seem not, for instance, to have noticed its date of publication: 2011. Even the USA Today and Jezebel articles that actually get cited and quoted are from 2011. It’s not entirely clear why this story has been resurrected, although it may have something to do with the popularity of the History Channel’s series Vikings, which features a shield-maiden named Lagertha.

Photo: Jonathan Hession,
Die History Channel
NOT A REAL VIKING WOMAN!

The actual scholarly article, “Warriors and Women: The Sex Ratio of Norse Migrants to Eastern England up to 900 AD” by Shane McLeod has nothing to do with female Viking warriors. It only tangentially relates to warriors at all. He’s talking about migrants, early Norse settlers. His focus is very narrow: Norse burials in eastern England from the latter half of the ninth century. Specifically, he discusses Scandinavian burials contemporary with the incursions of the Great Heathen Army (865-878) and a second army that rampaged in the 890s. Considering the narrow focus, it’s dangerous to extrapolate the data to the entire Viking world.

Extrapolation is even more dangerous when we consider that he is discussing fourteen burials. Fourteen. According to osteological examination, seven of the skeletons** were male, six were female, and one couldn’t be sexed because it was a juvenile. This data suggests that there mag have been a higher percentage of female settlers during this period than has previously been assumed. It was commonly believed that males–warriors–came first. After they claimed land and began to settle, Norse women began to join them in larger numbers, while many Norsemen married Anglo-Saxon women. McLeod isn’t the first to suggest that more women arrived earlier than was previously thought, although he provides some data to support his contention.

The sample size is, however, tiny. And his findings don’t necessarily contradict the idea that there were many intermarriages between the Norse and the Anglo-Saxons or that more Norse women arrived later.

Here are some things the article doesn’t say: McLeod never says that any of the remains belong to “the slain.” He never claims the female migrants were warriors. Indeed, he refers on several occasions to women and children who accompanied the armies. So where does this whole “warrior woman” thing come from, and what’s up with the sexist archaeologists?

Well, he points out that the sex of Viking Age human remains is often determined by looking at grave goods (this is true of other pagan burials as well). He believes that grave goods may not always be a reliable indication of sex, and he focuses instead on remains that have been sexed by an examination of the bones. And this is fair enough. All data should be taken into account: both grave goods and osteological examination.

Of the fourteen burials he discusses, most of the male remains were found with items traditionally associated with male burials, and most of the female remains were found with items traditionally associated with female burials. There are two exceptions. One is a double burial, a female with the juvenile of undetermined sex. These two were buried with “sword hilt grip, shield clamps, knife” (Table 2, p. 345). Of course, we don’t know which of the grave’s occupants was the proud owner of these items. Another woman was buried with “axe, seaxes, sword pieces in mortuary” (Table 2, p. 345).

So, that’s it–that’s the big sexist scandal. Now, there are a few things to keep in mind. For one thing, osteological examination isn’t always possible. Sometimes there simply isn’t enough bone evidence. And osteological evidence can also be problematic. In fact, McLeod does a good job of showing exactly how difficult it is to make many determinations when dealing with very old human remains. Not only is the sex of the remains a problem, so is determining date, establishing whether the remains are really Norse, etc. So, yes, consider the bone evidence, but don’t ignore the evidence of grave goods. The article does not reveal some sort of nefarious sexist scandal in the field of archaeology.

So are the few women who were buried with weapons warriors? Possibly, but it’s difficult to say for sure. We don’t really know why they were buried with these items. Were there female Vikings? Wel, die Vikings Wiki certainly things so:

Shield-maidens were women who chose to fight as warriors alongside the other Viking men in the pagan Scandinavia.

They took part in warfare, and they played vital strategic roles in the battlefield, where the shield-maidens were either part of the front-lines in their shield-wall formation, or were the ones who helped close the gaps in their defense by picking up the shields of the fallen and holding them up themselves. Scholars like Britt-Mari Näsström suggest that sheild-maidens [sic] where transsexual women who where adapted as warriors to fit in.

Wow, that’s super-specific. And there’s absolutely no evidence for it. Shield-maidens are often associated with valkyries, who were mythological semi-divine women–not real, historical warrior women. Lagertha, the shield-maiden from Vikings, may have started out as a goddess or giantess. Lagertha, along with several other warrior women, also appears in Saxo Grammaticus’s Gesta Danorum, but these are all within the realm of legend rather than history. Saxo also disapprovingly presents them as transgressing normal female behavior, and they are ultimately defeated. Also in the realm of legend is Hervör of Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks.

In semi-historical works, there are a few women who take up weapons. Freydis, the daughter of Eirik the Red and sister or half-sister of Leif Eiriksson, has a great warrior moment in the Saga of Eirik the Red. She has accompanied Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland. When the Norse retreat after an assault by the Skraelings (Native Americans), Freydis derides them for cowardice. Because she is heavily pregnant, she falls behind. When confronted by Skraelings, she picks up a sword from a dead man and slaps it against her breasts. This action scares off the Skraelings. She is not, however, a Viking warrior.

Scandinavian women of the Viking era (particularly Icelandic women) had more rights than many other European women, and Old Norse literature is filled with strong, interesting, powerful, influential, respected, and occasionally villainous women, but most of them are not warriors. Judith Jesch, Professor of Viking Studies at the University of Nottingham, argues that women who took up weapons were rare in medieval Scandinavia:

Like most periods of human history, the Viking Age was not free from conflict, and war always impacts on all members of a society. It is likely that there were occasions when women had to defend themselves and their families as best they could, with whatever weapons were to hand. But there is absolutely no hard evidence that women trained or served as regular warriors in the Viking Age. Valkyries were an object of the imagination, creatures of fantasy rooted in the experience of male warriors. War was certainly a part of Viking life, but women warriors must be classed as Viking legend.

Swedish archaeologist and skeptic Martin Rundkvist agrees that warrior women were very rare during the Viking Age, and he argues that osteological sexing tends to support the evidence of grave goods:

[F]urnished burial is strongly gendered and this correlates with osteological sexing. Looking at richly furnished graves, you get weapon burials and jewellery burials, so dissimilar that you have to seriate them separately when you build chronology. The stuff they tend to share are things like pots and table knives. Almost always the weapon graves contain male-sex bones and the jewellery graves contain female-sex bones.

Every once in a very long while you get a jewellery grave with a single piece of weaponry in it, or vice versa. But in most cases those are cremation graves where it is impossible to know if (to pick a 6th century case from my dissertation about the Barshalder cemetery) the heavily armed cavalry man was buried with a dainty bead necklace around his neck or if his wife just put it on the pyre next to his feet as a parting gift. So it seems that if a few women were buried as warriors, their grave goods would be likely to be 100% weapon-gendered, not mixed.

Like Jesch, he agrees that women in rare circumstances may have fought to protect themselves, but that these were not Viking women:

Did any women ever fight? Yes, I’m sure some did, particularly when threatened by male warriors, as would have been an unfortunate fact of life in that barbaric age. But the ones who joined an armed retinue, lived the ideal warrior life and went to Valhalla must have been vanishingly few.

Finally, he argues that whether there were women warriors in the Viking world has no effect on gender issues today. He does not believe that tradition should guide contemporary actions. Clearly Dr. Rundkvist is not the sexist straw archaeologist that Cueto set up. He ends by saying,

The past is not our mirror and archaeology must resist attempts to use its results or bend its interpretations for political purposes today.

He clearly agrees with Cueto that archaeologists should follow the evidence and that they should not let “their sexist assumptions affect the way they collect and classify data about the past.” Unlike Cueto, however, he seems to believe archaeologists should follow the evidence even when it suggests that Viking warrior women were largely a myth.

*WickerManIllustration” by Unknown Original uploader was Midnightblueowl at en.wikipedia – Transferred from en.wikipedia transfer was stated to be made by User:Midnightblueowl.. Licensed under Public domain via Wikimedia Commons –

*The remains were not necessarily complete skeletons. Some came from cremation burials.

McLeod, Shane. “Warriors and Women: The Sex Ration of Norse Migrants to Eastern England up to 900 AD.” Early Medieval Europe 19.3 (2011): 332-353.


Grave Goods Demand Gender Roles In Viking History To Be Rewritten. Or Do They? - Geskiedenis

The Roles of Women During the Viking Age

Vikings are often pictured as muscled blonde men in horned helmets sailing around in dragon shaped boats, raping and pillaging as they please. In the modern day, Vikings have become a staple in TV shows such as History Channels, “The Vikings,” and the Norwegian comedy series, “The Norsemen”. Many times the Viking women are completely left out of the equation.

This is unfair, as Viking women had several roles in their society. One of their most prominent roles was in textile production. They made clothing, sacks, and even produced the sails of the ships [1]. Most of the evidence for women’s roles comes from grave goods. Grave goods are the possessions the person owned during their lifetime, or represent that persons place or role in society. Nicolaysen’s barrow 113 is a good representation of a female grave. Found on the Norde Kaupang farm in southern Vestfold it contains the body of a female Viking who was cremated, which was typical for the Middle Viking Age. Her grave contained a spindle whorl (used in creating textiles), a horse bit and stirrups, cooking utensils, and the two oval brooches that marked every female Viking’s grave [2]. Using the evidence of grave goods it can be determined that women’s roles in textile production was an important one.

Women could own property and gain inheritance. One of the most famous burials discovered was the Oseburg Ship Burial. Found in Norway, it contains two women as well as a ship, 12 horses, 2 oxen, and 4 dogs [3]. This burial was massive, and was a demonstration of these women’s wealth and social standing. This can help historians conclude that women could gain an independent social ranking, and gain wealth separate from their husbands or fathers [4].

Another form of evidence for determining women’s status were runestones. A runestone is sort of like how we picture gravestones today, a marker that tells the story of the person who is buried there. Unlike our gravestones, runestones also tell about the person who paid for them to be made. One famous runestone is from Bro, Sweden. It was purchased by a woman named Inga, who had several runestones made to honor the deaths of her sons and two husbands. She tells how they died, and that they were honorable men [5]. Her runestones also credited her sons and husbands for her inheritance. She gained a large amount of money, and she wanted to honor them for this. While this story is sad, it opens the door for historians to look at how inheritance passed down through families, and proved women could be first in line.

The Viking culture had strong ideas based on family and each member of the family had specific roles. Women helped care for the family’s farm and businesses. This is evidenced through graves of women and men [6]. The way in which someone was buried also helps historians know the persons roles in life. Men were typically buried in boat burials, to show they had been out to sea and explored. Women were sometimes buried alongside the men, but it was rare to find a woman in boat grave by herself. The burial Ka. 259 Grave V holds a female in a boat burial [7].

Another thing many historians look into is the Viking Sagas. A Saga is a story that tells about a hero and their struggles, or the achievement of the society as a whole. While these Sagas are not truth, they can be used to learn about how Vikings lived and viewed each other. One saga called, “A Warrior Woman,” tells the story of the Viking woman Lagerda who helps the hero Ragnar in helping defeat his enemies. Because of her courage and strength Ragnar wants to marry her [8]. This shows that the Vikings had positive stories about women as warriors.

The female Viking lived a life that was mainly focused on working in the household as well as running the family farm. They had several rights among the men through inheritance and marriage laws. These women helped Viking society in its success, and although often overlooked or misrepresented, had an important place in their society.

[1] Jesch, Judith. Vroue in die Viking -tydperk. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1991.

[2] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.

[4] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.

[5] Jesch, Judith. Vroue in die Viking -tydperk. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1991.

[6] Graham-Campbell, James, and Dafydd Kidd. “House and Home.” In Die Vikings, 75–85. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1980. [7] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.


Vroue in die Viking -tydperk

Although women in the Viking Age (c. 790-1100 CE) lived in a male-dominated society, far from being powerless, they ran farms and households, were responsible for textile production, moved away from Scandinavia to help settle Viking territories abroad stretching from Greenland, Iceland, and the British Isles to Russia, and were perhaps even involved in trade in the sparse urban centres. Some were part of a rich upper class, such as the lady – perhaps a queen – who was buried in the ostentatious Oseberg ship burial in 834 CE, while on the other end of the spectrum, slaves, among them many women, were taken from conquered territories during the Viking expansion and integrated into Viking Age society.

As we are largely dependent on piecing together their lives mostly through burials, the accompanying grave goods, and the occasional runestone that mentions women (or was commissioned by one), we know a fair amount about Viking Age women's clothing, jewellery, and personal items but much less about their effective 'power' or the status they held. In a landscape where small rural communities or even remote self-sustaining farmsteads were the norm, however, the domestic tasks that were mainly the domain of women were clearly far from unimportant. In some cases, while their men were away trading, or pillaging monasteries and scaring monks around the Northern European coasts, the wives who stayed behind likely took over control of the farm for a while. Moreover, over the past few years, the possible existence of female Viking warriors has been discussed a lot – adding high-pitched battle-screams to an otherwise very bearded scene – but the evidence is quite controversial and inconclusive.

Advertensie

Clothing & Jewellery

One of the less cloudy areas when it comes to the lives of women in the Viking Age is their clothing and jewellery. Courtesy of burials and their accompanying grave goods, we know that most women seem to have worn outfits comprised of two or three layers, the first of which being a linen or woollen sleeved shift or underdress fastened at the neck with a small disc brooch and sometimes pleated there, too. On top of this, a strapped gown or overdress was worn, made of a rectangular piece of usually wool which was wrapped around the body and held up by shoulder straps which at the front of the dress were pinned down by two oval brooches.

These oval brooches, also known as tortoise brooches, are typical for Viking Age material culture, and when one finds such brooches in graves, a Scandinavian link is usually present. They varied hugely in style more than 50 styles have been identified, and, as Neil Price explains, "the differences may reflect changes in fashion, but it is more likely this enormous diversity shows an arcane language of class and regional affiliation we can no longer understand." (Fitzhugh & Ward, 36). Alternatively, box brooches could also be used to fasten shawls and the likes. Both types of brooches were usually made of bronze and adorned with knotted patterns. The types of textiles held in place by them could vary greatly too, from simple domestic wool to fine oriental silk in trading hubs such as Birka in Sweden, where, interestingly, the varying qualities of cloth were often present in one and the same (rich) grave.

Advertensie

Besides these practical items, women in the Viking Age also wore necklaces, arm rings, and trefoil buckles (and trefoil brooches, made up of three 'arms' poking out, embellished with knotwork and/or filigree). Beads are also commonly found in their graves.

Teken in vir ons gratis weeklikse e -pos nuusbrief!

Running the Household

Although a few trade centres did exist, Viking Age homes were mostly located in smaller rural hubs and at isolated farms where a large degree of self-sufficiency would have been needed to survive. A typical Viking Age house was made up of one long room with a central hearth and could be accompanied by a dairy, sheds, barns, and other outbuildings.

Mostly resigned to this domestic sphere, Judith Jesch remarks that "women living in rural areas in the Viking Age spent most of their time in the triangle of byre [cowshed], dairy and living quarters, providing their families with food and clothing" (41). Just as food had to be prepared from whatever raw state it came in – quite unlike running to the supermarket – textile production and the subsequent making of clothes were elaborate processes that almost all Viking Age women were involved in one way or another. In fact, the most common grave goods found in female graves from this period are spindle whorls, wool combs, and weaving battens, especially in the countryside. Other tasks that do not show up in the archaeological record in such a direct way but are traditionally associated with women are child-rearing and caring for the sick or the elderly, and we might also imagine women doing odd jobs around the farm or even some carpentry or leatherworking. How exactly children were brought up and whether girls were treated any differently from boys is unclear, although daughters could perhaps be given in marriage at an appropriate age.

Advertensie

Although subordinate to their husbands, like their contemporaries, women arguably had a good degree of responsibility and perhaps even control over the running of the household, as symbolised by the fact they were often buried with keys, and they were likely on occasion left in charge of matters while their husbands were away (or dead). Anne-Sophie Gräslund has even suggested farms were like firms, "run by husband and wife together, in which the work of both partners was of equal importance although different and complementary" (Sørensen, 260). It must be noted, though, that the people who owned such (larger) farms and their adjoining lands would have had considerable means and would likely have belonged to the upper classes within society they are not automatically reflective of all of Viking Age society. Throughout Viking Age society, though, marriage was a pivotal institution used to create new ties of kinship, also among Scandinavians and locals in conquered or settled areas, and, in line with the influence women could wield through their husbands, it seems unmarried women had very limited prospects. Before the advent of Christianity throughout Scandinavia and Viking territories around 1000 CE, concubinage (often connected to slavery), and plural marriages occurred at least among the royals.

In general, although it is hard to comment on the exact status of Viking Age housewives, we must remember their domestic role was a very central one and would not generally have gone unappreciated. The inscription found on a stone as Hassmyra (Vs 24) – the only verse found on a Swedish inscribed stone that commemorates a woman – certainly seems to confirm this:

The good farmer Holmgaut had this raised in memory of his wife Odindis.
A better housewife
will never come
to Hassmyra
to run the farm.
Red Balli carved
these runes.
She was a good sister
to Sigmund.

(Jesch, 65)

Possible tradeswomen

There were a few trading centres in Viking Age Scandinavia where a lot more hustle and bustle must have gone on and where families would have lived slightly different lives than their more isolated and rural counterparts. The largest of these centres were Birka in Sweden, Ribe in Denmark, Kaupang in Norway, and Hedeby in present-day northern Germany (on the southern edge of Viking Age Denmark). Whereas in the countryside women were often buried with spindle whorls, female graves unearthed at Birka, for instance, hold needles, scissors, and tweezers, hinting at fine sewing, and even merchants' weights, scales, and coins.

Advertensie

These latter have been found not just around other urban centres in Scandinavia but also in Viking territories across what is now Russia, and have been taken to indicate that these women had been traders. Directly linking grave goods to actual activities in life is always a bit risky, though, as we do not know the intentions with which they were buried. Judith Jesch sensibly cautions that,

…we need to consider whether grave goods really represent the former lives of the dead, or whether some of them could not in fact have more of a symbolic function. The presence of weights in children's graves does not necessarily mean that they engaged in trading activities too. (Jesch, 21)

Instead, as has indeed been proposed by others, a woman buried with weights and scales may simply have belonged to a family of merchants rather than she herself having been an active merchant. As with many things regarding women in the Viking Age, we just do not have enough information to fill in such blanks or to paint a detailed picture of what exactly an urban Viking Age woman's life would have looked like. However, women in trade centres would certainly have been more directly connected with the wider world, not just through 'exotic' goods coming in but also through visitors. An account that relays how in the 9th century CE a Christian mission was sent to Birka and successfully converted the rich widow Frideburg and her daughter Catla, who then decided to travel to the Frisian market town of Dorestad, illustrates this.

Advertensie

The Elite

If some women were indeed involved in trade, this might conceivably have placed them in the upper rungs of society or least given them means and status. The Viking Age's rich and powerful – a group which obviously was not exclusively male – peep through the gap of time and reach the modern world in a number of ways, such as the large runestones that were erected across Scandinavia, and burials ranging from just 'rich' to ones so over the top it leaves us no doubt as to the buried person's importance.

Runestones – unsurprisingly, big stones covered in runes and ornamentation usually erected to commemorate the dead – were normally commissioned by wealthy families, the runes speaking of their endeavours in life. Not only can one imagine women being important within these families, some stones were actually commissioned by women themselves (either jointly or alone), leaving an "impression of high social standing of a very few women" (Jesch, 49-50). Runestones also illustrate how important the inheritance of a woman was to facilitate the transfer of wealth from one family to another. Furthermore, some richly furnished female graves (and even boat graves) found in rural settings hint at women possibly climbing to high social positions there. In this same setting, we have already seen that women might have ended up running the farm in their husbands' absence.

Some 40 graves from Scandinavia and beyond have lent some credence to the idea, stemming from the texts and sagas related to the Viking Age, of the existence of female 'sorceresses'. Seiðr is a type of shamanistic magic mainly connected to women in the sources, who could be vǫlva (singular: vǫlur): powerful sorceresses with the power to see into the future and mainly associated with a staff of sorcery. Similar objects have been discovered in Viking Age burials and have clear symbolic overtones, perhaps even - according to one interpretation - functioning as metaphorical staffs used to 'spin out' the user's soul. These graves are often rich in terms of clothes and grave goods and include such things as amulets and charms, exotic jewellery, facial piercings, toe rings, and, in a handful of graves, even psychoactive drugs such as cannabis and henbane. How we might imagine these women's roles in society remains mysterious.

We also know of some royal female burials. Judith Jesch, mentioning the Oseberg boat burial (c. 834 CE) in which two women were buried in a lavishly decorated and furnished ship accompanied by lots of high-quality grave goods, explains how,

A few obviously royal burials that we have, such as Oseberg, cannot be mistaken for anything other than the monuments of persons with enormous status, wealth and power. Although they share characteristics with other Viking Age burials, they are really in a class of their own. (27)

Who exactly these women had been in life – queen and handmaiden, two aristocratic women related to each other, or otherwise – remains a puzzle but that at least one of them was of high status is beyond doubt.

Another woman of plentiful means was the late-9th-century CE Aud the 'deep-minded'. She is said to have been born to a Norwegian chieftain residing in the Hebrides and married a Viking who lived in Dublin. After the death of both her husband and son, she took over control of the family fortunes and arranged for a ship to take her and her granddaughters first to Orkney and the Faroes, to finally settle in Iceland. Here, she distributed land among her retinue, became an early Christian, as well as being remembered as one of Iceland's four most important settlers.

To top off the elite category, Viking Age queens existed, some on a smaller local scale (the big unified Scandinavian kingdoms did not fully crystallise until the end of the Viking Age), and some of them may have been very well-connected. All Viking Age women may, of course, have exercised influence through their husbands or sons – the more important they were, the more opportunities this might have entailed for the women at their sides.

Women As Settlers

In the wake of the Viking raids spilling across northern Europe and beyond, Viking territories sprung up as far apart as Greenland (and even Newfoundland in North America) and Russia. It is obvious that proper settlement is a hard thing to achieve without women, and female Viking Age burials – with their famous oval brooches – across these areas confirm their presence.

On the one hand, in the Vikings' initial raiding waves and military expeditions, it is both hard to picture women taking an active part and hard to find any evidence of this, although late-9th-century CE Anglo-Saxon and Frankish sources relate how Viking forces travelled together with their women and children, and archaeological finds at winter camps such as that at Torksey (England) reveal evidence of textile manufacture. Such families or camp-followers need not have been Scandinavian women, though the Viking armies raided both the continent and the British Isles and would likely have picked up at least some of the women from here. How common this scenario was is unclear, too.

On the other hand, more clarity arrives with the first proper settlement waves (times varied per Viking territory): Scandinavian immigrant families arrived in the British Isles in phases during the 9th and 10th centuries CE, while towards the end of the 9th century CE Iceland (and later, Greenland and beyond) were settled. These latter areas were fully Scandinavian (bar some influx of often female slaves, for example, taken from Ireland), while in the British Isles as well as through Russia there was more room for mixing with already-present people. On Orkney, for instance, the 9th- or early 10th-century CE burial of the so-called Westness Woman shows a Norse woman in her twenties along with her newborn child, buried with grave goods of a pair of bronze oval brooches as well as a Celtic pin among others. A rich Scandinavian female grave on the Isle of Man (the 'Pagan Lady of Peel') coupled with the c. 30 Christian runic monuments that are basically Celtic crosses with runic inscriptions (including both Norse and Celtic personal names) with Scandinavian-style ornamentation shows an even stronger image of a mixed community.

Warrior Women?

The famous Icelandic sagas of the 13th century CE, relaying stories set in the earlier Viking Age, add another possible layer of depth to the role of women they are shown as strong women taking action, stoking up revenge, standing up to their husbands or even engaging in fights. However, these sagas were composed way after the time they wrote about, from a different context, and it is too much of a stretch to directly extrapolate this image of women to the actual Viking Age.

Nevertheless, the 'strong Viking woman' runs wild in popular imagination. When Charlotte Hedenstierna‐Jonson published an article titled 'A female Viking warrior confirmed by genomics' (2017), for instance, excitement seemed to overtake caution. The study discusses a Viking Age grave (Bj 581) found in Birka, Sweden in the 1800s CE, containing a skeleton alongside various weapons, horses and even a stallion seemingly the attributes of a warrior. The tested bones belonged to a woman, who was subsequently dubbed "the first confirmed female high‐ranking Viking warrior" (857) on the basis of there also being a set of gaming pieces present (which the authors equate to tactical and strategical knowledge).

Critics have noted that this assumption belongs more in the realm of speculation rather than actual fact. The skeleton had no traumatic injuries – not something one would expect from an active warrior – and showed no sign of strenuous physical activity. We must remind ourselves how difficult it is to link grave goods to a person's actual life – could this woman have been buried with this warrior's gear for another reason (perhaps symbolic)?

If more evidence along those lines comes to the fore regarding women, the story changes, but as of yet, it would appear the archaeological and historical evidence is not sufficient to confirm this Birka woman having been an active warrior. Here, too, the lives of women in the Viking Age remain more shrouded in mystery than that of their male counterparts.



Kommentaar:

  1. Majar

    What words ... super, great phrase

  2. Guzil

    Sorry for interfering, there is a suggestion that we should take a different route.

  3. Devries

    In beginsel stem ek saam

  4. Gardashura

    Vertel asseblief meer in detail.

  5. Gardagal

    like a pancake tin, such will wear out to death



Skryf 'n boodskap