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Nazca -vaartuig met gevlekte katontwerp

Nazca -vaartuig met gevlekte katontwerp


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Nazca lyne

Die Nazca Lines is 'n versameling reuse geogliewe en ontwerpe of motiewe wat in die grond gegraveer is, geleë in die Peruaanse kusvlakte, ongeveer 400 kilometer suid van Lima, Peru. Die 2000 jaar oue Nazca-lyne, wat deur die antieke Nazca-kultuur in Suid-Amerika geskep is en verskillende plante, diere en vorms uitbeeld, kan slegs ten volle waardeer word as dit vanuit die lug gesien word, gegewe hul groot grootte. Ondanks die feit dat dit al meer as 80 jaar bestudeer is, is die geogliewe wat in 1994 as 'n UNESCO -wêrelderfenisgebied aangewys is, nog steeds 'n raaisel vir navorsers.


Nazca -lyn -ontdekkings in Peru stel voor dat die geheimsinnige geogliewe deurdringend is

Die beroemde Nazca -lyne is ingewikkelde ontwerpe in die grond wat ongeveer 170 vierkante kilometer in die suide van Peru beslaan. Die groot etse wat mense, diere en voorwerpe uitbeeld, dateer uit 2000 jaar gelede, toe 'n beskawing voor die Inka hulle in die Nazca-woestyn gelê het.

Baie moderne navorsers het bespiegel oor die betekenis daarvan, maar hulle weet steeds (en weet moontlik nooit) die rede waarom hulle bestaan ​​nie. En onlangse ontdekkings dui daarop dat daar nog baie meer is om te ontdek.

In November 2019 kondig navorsers die opsporing van 143 nuwe geoglyfe aan op die Nazca -vlakte in die suide van Peru. Die geogliewe dateer uit 100 v.C. tot 300 nC en wissel in grootte van ongeveer 16 tot 330 voet (ter vergelyking is die Vryheidsbeeld 305 voet lank).

Hierdie geoglief is ontdek met behulp van IBM Watson Machine Learning Community Edition.

Yamagata Universiteit/IBM Japan

Die tekeninge toon katte, kamele en ander diere, asook menslike figure wat hooftooisels dra. Die een beeld 'n tweekoppige slang uit wat mense eet. Navorsers van die Yamagata-universiteit in Japan het 142 van die 143 geogliewe opgemerk deur veldwerk te doen en 3D-data met 'n hoë resolusie te ontleed, en hulle het die finale glyf met kunsmatige intelligensie in samewerking met IBM Japan opgespoor.

Die 143 geogliewe dra by tot die meer as 1000 antieke ontwerpe wat reeds in die Nazca (of “Nasca ”) en Palpa -streke in die suide van Peru ontdek is. Die Nazca -lyne wat tot dusver ontdek is, bestaan ​​uit 800 reguit lyne, meer as 300 meetkundige ontwerpe en meer as 70 dier- en plantgeoglyfe. In die nabygeleë provinsie Palpa is daar ongeveer 50 geogliewe van krygers en ander figure wat op heuwels uitgekerf is. Saam vorm die lyne en geogliewe van Nasca en Palpa 'n UNESCO -wêrelderfenisgebied.

Yamagata-navorsers dink dat ou mense die 143 pas ontdekte glyfe geskep het deur die swart klippe wat die land bedek, te verwyder en sodoende die wit sand daaronder bloot te stel, ” verduidelik die universiteit in 'n persverklaring. Navorsers het hierdie glyfe in twee groepe geskei: tipe A, wat groter is, gemaak van lyne en waarskynlik dateer uit die vroeë Nazca -tydperk (ongeveer 100 tot 300 nC) en tipe B, wat kleiner is, van vorms gemaak is en waarskynlik dateer uit die aanvanklike Nazca -tydperk (ongeveer 100 vC tot 100 nC).

Veldwerke het tipe A -figure geïdentifiseer as rituele plekke in die vorm van diere, waar mense seremonies gehou het wat die vernietiging van pottebakkers behels. ” lui die persverklaring. Terselfdertyd is tipe B -figure langs paaie of teen hellende hange gemaak en word vermoedelik gebruik as wegposte tydens reis. ”

Die geoglief wat AI geïdentifiseer het, is een van die kleiner, ouer glyfe wat moontlik as 'n merker vir reisigers gedien het. Dit blyk 'n menslike figuur wat 'n hooftooisel dra en 'n staf, swaard of ander gereedskap dra. Die figuur is ongeveer 16 voet breed en is naby 'n paadjie geleë, wat daarop dui dat dit moontlik as 'n reismerker gedien het. Soos alle Nazca -lyne, kan navorsers egter nie met sekerheid sê wat hierdie syfer verteenwoordig nie.

Die ontdekking van November 2019 was die eerste keer dat navorsers AI gebruik het om 'n geoglief in die streek te identifiseer. En eintlik was die glyf so vervaag dat navorsers dit moontlik nie sonder hierdie tegnologie geïdentifiseer het nie. Deur AI te gebruik om groot hoeveelhede lugdata vinniger te verwerk, kan dit in die toekoms help om meer lyne, meetkundige ontwerpe en geogliewe te identifiseer.


Inhoud

Die klei -liggaam is 'n noodsaaklike komponent van pottebakkery. Klei moet ontgin en gesuiwer word in 'n dikwels moeisame proses, en sekere stamme het seremoniële protokolle om klei te versamel. Verskillende stamme het verskillende prosesse vir die verwerking van klei, wat kan insluit dat dit in die son droog word, dae lank in water week en herhaaldelik deur 'n skerm of sif loop. Acoma en ander Pueblo -erdewerk stamp tradisioneel droë klei in 'n poeier en verwyder dan onsuiwerhede met die hand, voer dan die droë poeier deur 'n skerm, meng dit met 'n droë humeur en meng dan water om 'n plastiekpasta te vorm. [2] By die voorbereiding van die klei spandeer pottebakkers ure daaraan om lugsakke en humiditeit te verwyder wat dit maklik kan laat ontplof tydens die vuur. Die klei moet dan mettertyd 'genees'. [3]

Spoel is die algemeenste manier om keramiek in die Amerikas te vorm. In die rol word die klei in lang, dun stringe gerol wat op mekaar opgerol word om die vorm van die erdewerk op te bou. Terwyl die pottebakker die spoele opbou, meng sy dit ook saam totdat daar geen spoor was van die toue van klei wat saamgevoeg was om die pot te vorm nie, geen afwyking in die dikte van die mure nie en dus geen swakhede nie. Potter se wiele is nie gebruik voor Europese kontak nie en word slegs vandag deur 'n beperkte aantal inheemse Amerikaanse kunstenaars gebruik. Knyp potte en ander klein kleivoorwerpe kan direk met die hand gevorm word. Hohokam-pottebakkers en hul afstammelinge in die Amerikaanse suidweste gebruik die paddle-en-aambeeld-tegniek, waarin die binnemuur van 'n pot deur 'n aambeeld ondersteun word, terwyl die buitekant met 'n paddle geslaan word om die oppervlak glad te maak. [4] In die voorafgaande kontak met Suid-Amerika is keramiek in massa vervaardig met behulp van vorms.

Slip is 'n vloeibare klei suspensie van minerale pigmente wat op die keramiek toegedien word voordat dit gestook word. Strokies is gewoonlik rooi, buff, wit en swart, maar die keramiekkunstenaars van die Nazca -kultuur in Peru het 13 verskillende kleure strokies vervolmaak. Hulle gebruik ook 'n handgedraaide draaitafel waarmee alle kante van 'n keramiekstuk maklik geverf kon word. Dit is die eerste keer in 500 vC gebruik en word vandag nog steeds gebruik. [5] Strokies kan algemeen in wasbeurte aangebring word, wat groot kleurvelde skep, dikwels met lap, of hulle kan in fyn detail met kwaste geverf word. Yucca -blare, wat effens gekou word om vesels los te maak, is uitstekende borsels wat vandag nog in die Amerikaanse suidweste gebruik word. Negatiewe skildery is 'n tegniek wat gebruik word deur vooraf -gekontakteerde Mississippiese pottebakkers in die Eastern Woodlands, Maya -pottebakkers in Meso -Amerika, en ander, wat behels dat die keramiekstuk in byewas of 'n ander weerstand bedek word, 'n ontwerp in die boks ingesny word, en dan die stuk met 'n strokie geweek word. In die afvuurproses smelt die weerstand weg en laat die gekleurde ontwerp agter.

Terwyl dit nog groen is, kan erdewerk met ontwerpe ingesny word. Toue, tekstiele, mandjies en mielies is oor nat klei gerol, beide as versiering en om die hitteverspreiding in kookpotte te verbeter. Gesnyde hout- of keramiekstempels word in die hele Suidoos -Woodlands gebruik om herhalende ontwerpe te skep. Klei kan ook by die hoofkeramiekstruktuur gevoeg word om ontwerpe op te bou.

Voordat u afvuur, kan keramiek met 'n gladde instrument, gewoonlik 'n klip, tot 'n fyn glans gepoleer of gepoleer word. Glase word selde deur inheemse Amerikaanse keramiekkunstenaars gebruik. Vet kan ook op die pot gesmeer word. [2]

Voordat dit in aanraking gekom het, is pottebakkery gewoonlik in die buitelug of in die kuil afgevuur, en in kontak met inheemse volke in Mexiko. Tans gebruik baie inheemse Amerikaanse keramiekkunstenaars oonde. By die afvuur word die pot in 'n vlak put geplaas, saam met ander onvuurde erdewerk, bedek met hout en kwas, of mis, en dan aan die brand gesteek, waarna dit kan verhard by temperature van 1400 grade of meer. Laastens word die keramiekoppervlak dikwels met gladde klippe gepoleer.

Tempers wysig

Temperamente is nie-plastiese materiale wat by klei gevoeg word om krimp en krake te voorkom tydens droog en afvuur van vate gemaak van die klei. [6] Temperature kan die volgende insluit:

  • Been [7] [7]
  • Houtskool [8] (cariapé) [9] [6]
  • Sand, gebreekte sandsteen [3]
  • Gebreekte kalksteen [10]
  • Gebreekte stollingsgesteentes, soos vulkaniese gesteentes, veldspaat of mika [9] [11] [12] [3] [13], varswater en mariene (soms gefossiliseer), fyngedruk [6] [10]
  • Varswater spons spicules. [9] [14] [15]

Nie alle inheemse Amerikaanse erdewerk benodig ekstra humeur nie; sommige Hopi -pottebakkers gebruik suiwer kaolienklei wat nie nodig is nie. [3] Sommige klei bevat natuurlik genoeg humeur dat hulle nie ekstra humeur nodig het nie. Dit sluit mika of sand in klei in wat in sommige Taos Pueblo-, Picuris Pueblo- en Hopi -erdewerk [2] en sponsspikkels gebruik word in die klei wat gebruik word om die "kalkware" van die St. Johns -kultuur te vervaardig. [15]

Keramiek word dikwels gebruik om argeologiese kulture te identifiseer. Die tipe temperament (of mengsel van humeure) wat gebruik word, help om die keramiek wat deur verskillende kulture gedurende spesifieke tydperke geproduseer word, te onderskei. Grog, sand en sandsteen is almal deur voorvaders in Pueblo en ander Suidwestelike kulture gebruik. [3] Gebreekte been is op 'n aantal terreine in Texas gebruik as temperament in ten minste sommige keramiek. [16] In die suidooste van die Verenigde State is die vroegste keramiek getemper met vesel, soos Spaanse mos en palmetto blare. In Louisiana is vesel as tempering eers vervang deur grog en later deur dop. In die skiereiland Florida en die kus van Georgië het sand vesel as tempering vervang. [17] [18] Nog later het varswater sponsspikels 'n belangrike humeur geword in die 'kalkagtige ware' van die St. Johns -kultuur in die noordooste van Florida. [15] Plaaslik vervaardigde keramiek van die Lucayan-mense in die Bahamas word gekenmerk deur gebreekte konkdop-tempering, in teenstelling met die kwarts-sandgetemperde ware wat uit Hispaniola ingevoer is. [19]

Die keuse van humeur wat in keramiek gebruik word, word beperk deur wat beskikbaar was, maar veranderinge in die keuse van humeur kan leidrade gee oor invloed en handelsverhoudinge tussen groepe. Gereedskap word op verskillende plekke in die ooste van die Verenigde State sporadies vervaardig, maar in die laat Woodland- en vroeë Mississippiese tydperke het dit die oorheersende humeur geword wat oor 'n groot deel van die Mississippi-vallei en die middelste golfkus gebruik is, en 'n belangrike kenmerk van die Mississippiese kultuur aardewerk. [20] [21]

Die vroegste keramiek wat uit die Amerikas bekend is, is in die onderste Amazon -kom gevind. Keramiek uit die Caverna da Pedra Pintada, naby Santarém, Brasilië, is tussen 7 500 en 5 000 jaar gelede gedateer. [22] Keramiek van Taperinha, ook naby Santarém, is op 8 000 tot 7 000 jaar gelede gedateer. [23] Sommige van die kuddes by Taperinho was skulpvormig, waardeur die kuddes self radiokoolstofgedateer kon word. Hierdie eerste kulture wat keramiek vervaardig het, was vissers en skulpvisversamelaars. [24]

Keramiek verskyn daarna in die noorde van Suid -Amerika en dan langs die westekant van Suid -Amerika en noordwaarts deur Meso -Amerika. Keramiek van die Alaka -kultuur in Guyana is gedateer tot 6 000 tot 4 500 jaar gelede. [24] Keramiek van die San Jacinto -kultuur in Colombia is omstreeks 4530 vC gedateer, en in Puerto Hormiga, ook in Colombia, tot ongeveer 3794 vC. Keramiek het omstreeks 3200 vC in die Valdivia -kultuur in Ecuador verskyn, en in die Pandanche -kultuur in Peru omstreeks 2460 vC. [25]

Die verspreiding van keramiek in Meso -Amerika het later gekom. Keramiek uit Monagrillo in Panama is omstreeks 2140 vC, van Tronadora in Costa Rica tot ongeveer 1890 vC, en van Barra in die Soconusco van Chiapas tot ongeveer 1900 vC. Keramiek van die Purrón -tradisie in die suide van Sentraal -Mexiko is omstreeks 1805 v.G.J., en van die Chajil -tradisie van Noord -Sentraal -Mexiko, tot ongeveer 1600 VHJ gedateer. [25]

Die voorkoms van keramiek in die suidooste van die Verenigde State pas nie by bogenoemde patroon nie. Keramiek uit die middelste Savannah -rivier in Georgië en Suid -Carolina (bekend as Stallings, Stallings Island of St. Simons) is omstreeks 2888 v.G.J. (4500 BP), en keramiek van die Oranje- en Norwood -kulture in die noorde van Florida tot ongeveer 2460 gedateer BCE (4300 BP) (almal ouer as enige ander gedateerde keramiek uit die noorde van Colombia). Keramiek verskyn later elders in Noord -Amerika. Keramiek bereik Suid -Florida (Mount Elizabeth) met 4000 BP, Nebo Hill (in Missouri) met 3700 BP en Poverty Point (in Louisiana) met 3400 BP. [25] [26]

Noord -Amerika Redigeer

Arctic Edit

Verskeie Inuit -gemeenskappe, soos die Netsilik, Sadlermiut, Utkuhiksalik en Qaernerimiut, het in historiese tye utilitêre pottebakkery geskep, hoofsaaklik om voedsel te stoor. In die Rankin Inlet, Nunavut, Kanada, het die nasionale regering, toe die myn wat 'n groot deel van die gemeenskap in diens geneem het, gesluit, die Rankin Inlet Ceramics -projek geskep, waarvan die ware suksesvol in Toronto in 1967 uitgestal is. Inuit keramiek in die 1990's. [28]

Eastern Woodlands Redigeer

    is die keramiek tradisie van die verskillende plaaslike kulture wat betrokke is by die Hopewell -tradisie (ongeveer 200 BCE tot 400 CE) [29] en word gevind as artefakte in argeologiese terreine in die Amerikaanse Midde -Weste en Suidoos. is die keramiek tradisie van die Mississippiese kultuur (800–1600 CE) wat as artefakte op argeologiese terreine in die Amerikaanse Midde -Weste en Suidoos gevind word.

Southeastern Woodlands Wysig

Geologiese studies toon aan dat sekere gebiede in die suidoostelike deel van Noord -Amerika ryk is aan kaoliene en balklei (Hosterman, USGS), [ verduideliking nodig ] die soorte plastiek klei wat die beste geskik is vir erdewerk. Klei beddings wat nog keramiek klei produseer, is afkomstig van primêre en sekondêre afsettings wat in die laat paleoseen en vroeë Mioseen tydperke gevorm is in formasies wat die Golfkusvlakte gevorm het. Volgens alle geologiese opnames het die hele suidoostelike deel van die kontinent oorvloedige klei -afsettings, met die uitsondering van die hele suid -Florida en 'n gedeelte van die westelike sentrale Florida (Calver) (Matson). [ verduideliking nodig ]

Veselagtige keramiek wat verband hou met skulpmiddels wat laat-argaïese jagter-vissers-versamelaars agtergelaat het, het in 2500 vC verskyn in die Atlantiese kusvlakte van Florida, Georgia en Suid-Carolina. Die eerste erdewerk is in die kultuurgebied Stallings, rondom die middelste Savannah -rivier. [nb 1] Veselvormige erdewerk van die Oranje-kultuur in die noordooste van Florida is dateer uit 2000 vC of 'n bietjie vroeër. [31] [32] Veselvormige aardewerk van baie soortgelyke vorm versprei langs die kuste en riviervalleie van die Suidoos-Verenigde State van die Atlantiese kus tot in Alabama, en bereik die noordweste van Florida (Norwood-kultuur) en die Golfkus teen 1300 v.C., die binnelandse middel Suid teen 1100, en Poverty Point teen 1000 vC. [33] [34]

Thoms Creek -keramiek het baie gelyk aan Stallings -keramiek, maar het meer sand en minder vesel as tempering gebruik as Stalling of Orange ware. Die keramiek van Thoms Creek was grootliks kontemporêr met stalling en oranje keramiek, hoewel daar nog geen keramiek van Thoms Creek gevind is wat so vroeg as die vroegste stalletjies was nie. Thoms Creek -keramiek oorvleuel Stallings -keramiek in Noord -Georgia en Suid -Suid -Carolina, maar was die dominante tradisie noord van die Santee -rivier in Noord -Carolina. [35]

Die ooreenkomste van die keramiek van die Stallings -reeks met die vroeëre keramiek van Puerto Hormiga van Colombia, wat beide met dopringe geassosieer is, en die teenwoordigheid van winde en seestrome wat reise van Suid -Amerika na die suidooste van die Verenigde State bevoordeel, het James A. Ford onder meer gelei ander argeoloë, om die hipotese aan te bied dat die twee gebiede verbindings het en dat die tegnologie van veselgetemperde keramiek in die suidooste van die Verenigde State uit Colombia ingevoer is. Ander argeoloë het opgemerk dat daar geen bekende argeologiese terreine tussen Colombia en Florida is van 'n soort of ouderdom wat ooreenstem met sulke verbindings nie, en dat die kulturele tradisies van die Suidoos -Verenigde State geen noemenswaardige veranderinge toon wat verband hou met die voorkoms van keramiek nie, wat daarop dui dat daar was geen migrasie of mense nie, en geen oordrag van tegnologie of ander elemente van kultuur nie, behalwe die voorkoms van keramiek. [36]

Later het beduidende ontwikkelings in die keramiek in die Suidoos -Woodlands ingesluit: Mississippiese kultuur -erdewerk in die vallei van die Mississippirivier en aardewerk op Weedon Island, 'n pottebakkery wat hoofsaaklik in seremoniële kontekste en hoë begrafnisse gebruik word, vervaardig en verhandel langs die kus van die Golf van Mexiko uit die suidweste van Florida na die panhandvatsel van Florida.


Nazca -vaartuig met gevlekte katontwerp - geskiedenis

  • Vroeë kulture-Chavín, Cupisnique, Pacopampa, Virú-Gallinazo
  • Vroeë kulture-Paracas, Vicús, Frías Style, Recuay
  • Moche
  • Nazca
  • Vrugbaarheidsvaartuie
  • Sicán-Lambayeque
  • Huari
  • Chimú
  • Chancay en Chiribaya
  • Inca
  • Begrafnispraktyke
  • Kurrikulumskakels
    • Ontwerp/tegnologie
    • Visuele kunste
    • Engels
    • Aardrykskunde
    • Geskiedenis

    MOCHE -kultuur Noordkus 100 – 800 AD

    Beugelhouer in die vorm van 'n 'maandier' ​​100-800 nC keramiek, pêrelmoer, turkoois, vorm gemaak, inlegsel
    20,5 (h) x 14,0 (w) cm Museo Larco, Lima Foto: Museo Larco

    U blaaier ondersteun nie oorspronklike klank nie, maar u kan hierdie MP3 aflaai om op u toestel te luister.

    Die Moche-panteon van gode en bonatuurlike wesens omvat 'n aantal monsters wat verband hou met die oorsprongsmite en die sentrale songod, Ai Apaec, ook bekend as Wrinkle Face, die God met slange en die onthoofder. 1 Die monster wat die meeste in die Moche -kultuur voorgestel word, is die maandier, ook die maanmonster, lunahond of kuifdier genoem. Die maandier word met menslike koppe vertoon en blyk nie in teenstelling met sommige van die ander monsters met Ai-Apaec te wees nie.

    Die oorsprong van die monster strek terug na die Chav ín-kultuur, en hoewel die mitiese wese ook in die kuns van Recuay en Vir ú-Gallinazo uitgebeeld word, is daar geen vaste vorm om dit uit te beeld nie. Elemente van katte, jakkalse, honde, slange en voëls kan almal geïdentifiseer word in weergawes van die maandier, dikwels in talle kombinasies. Die wesens word gewoonlik, maar nie altyd nie, op die kruin getoon. Op albei hierdie potte is die monsters bedek met serrations.

    Vroeë voorstellings van die maandier het die vorm aanneem, soos dié wat hier gesien word. Later is hierdie beelde aangepas by die fyn lyntekeninge waar die dier met 'n sekelvormige simbool getoon word, wat lei tot die assosiasie met die maan, maar wat nie noodwendig 'n verband met sterrekunde aandui nie. Maandiere is dikwels in pare gemaak en houtversies is ook onlangs ontdek. 2

    Die swart monster wat uit groen pottebakkery met wit inlegsel (kat. 85) ontstaan ​​het, het die vorm van 'n gevlekte hond met 'n witbek, en is óf 'n jakkals óf 'n kat. Sy ore wys afwaarts na agter en krul effens. So ook die stert, maar in die teenoorgestelde rigting. Inleg in die pote dui op kloue. Die meeste van die inlegsel is wit pêrelmoer, met 'n groen klip vir die oë. Die helmteken van die monster vorm 'n trappatroon en 'n simbool van rang en nog 'n algemene kenmerk op beelde van die maandier. 3

    Die witmaandier (kat. 86) het die pote van 'n kat, met kloue duidelik sigbaar. Dit lyk asof groot slagtande die mond van die dier oopmaak, terwyl 'n netjiese ry tande agter gesien word. Twee pragtige kuifhorings steek agter en voor in die kop van die dier uit. 'N Kombinasie van bruin strepe en kolle bedek die liggaam wat in 'n geboë slang of 'n seeperdstert val.

    Alhoewel hierdie twee bottels met spuitbuise uit die vroeë Moche-periode dateer en sekere eienskappe deel, verskil die vorms baie: die swart weergawe is hoekig en meer abstrak as die wit.

    1. Die laaste twee name is deur sommige argeoloë op twee afsonderlike gode toegepas. Sien Elizabeth P. Benson, Die wêrelde van die Moche aan die noordkus van Peru, Austin: University of Texas Press 2012, p. 61.

    3. Elizabeth P. Benson, kat. 34, in Kathleen Berrin (red.), Die gees van antieke Peru: Skatte van die Museo Arqueol ógico Rafael Larco Herrera, Londen: Thames en Hudson 1997, p. 102.

    Die Moche-panteon van gode en bonatuurlike wesens omvat 'n aantal monsters wat verband hou met die oorsprongsmite en die sentrale songod, Ai Apaec, ook bekend as Wrinkle Face, die slangbandgod en die onthoofder. 1 Die monster wat die meeste in die Moche -kultuur voorgestel word, is die maandier, ook die maanmonster, lunahond of kuifdier genoem. Die maandier word met menslike koppe vertoon en blyk nie in teenstelling met sommige van die ander monsters met Ai-Apaec te wees nie.

    Die oorsprong van die monster strek terug na die Chav ín-kultuur, en hoewel die mitiese wese ook in die kuns van Recuay en Vir ú-Gallinazo uitgebeeld word, is daar geen vaste vorm om dit uit te beeld nie. Elemente van katte, jakkalse, honde, slange en voëls kan almal geïdentifiseer word in weergawes van die maandier, dikwels in talle kombinasies. Die wesens word gewoonlik, maar nie altyd nie, op die kruin getoon. Op albei hierdie potte is die monsters bedek met serrations.

    Vroeë voorstellings van die maan -dier het die vorm aanneem van bottels, soos dié wat hier gesien word. Later is hierdie beelde aangepas by die fyn lyntekeninge waar die dier met 'n sekelvormige simbool getoon word, wat lei tot die assosiasie met die maan, maar wat nie noodwendig 'n verband met sterrekunde aandui nie. Maandiere is dikwels in pare gemaak en houtversies is ook onlangs ontdek. 2

    Die swart monster wat uit groen pottebakkery met wit inlegsel (kat. 85) ontstaan ​​het, het die vorm van 'n gevlekte hond met 'n witbek, en is óf 'n jakkals óf 'n kat. Sy ore wys afwaarts na agter en krul effens. So ook die stert, maar in die teenoorgestelde rigting. Inleg in die pote dui op kloue. Die meeste van die inlegsel is wit pêrelmoer, met 'n groen klip vir die oë. Die helmteken van die monster vorm 'n trappatroon en 'n simbool van rang en nog 'n algemene kenmerk op beelde van die maandier. 3

    Die witmaandier (kat. 86) het die pote van 'n kat, met kloue duidelik sigbaar. Dit lyk asof groot slagtande die mond van die dier oopmaak, terwyl 'n netjiese ry tande agter gesien word. Twee pragtige kuifhorings steek agter en voor in die kop van die dier uit. 'N Kombinasie van bruin strepe en kolle bedek die liggaam, wat in 'n geboë slang of 'n seeperdstert val.

    Alhoewel hierdie twee bottelbottels uit die vroeë Moche-periode dateer en sekere eienskappe deel, verskil die vorms baie: die swart weergawe is hoekig en meer abstrak as die wit.

    1. Die laaste twee name is deur sommige argeoloë op twee afsonderlike gode toegepas. Sien Elizabeth P. Benson, Die wêrelde van die Moche aan die noordkus van Peru, Austin: University of Texas Press 2012, p. 61.

    3. Elizabeth P. Benson, kat. 34, in Kathleen Berrin (red.), Die gees van antieke Peru: Skatte van die Museo Arqueol ógico Rafael Larco Herrera, Londen: Thames en Hudson 1997, p. 102.

    Die Moche-panteon van gode en bonatuurlike wesens omvat 'n aantal monsters wat verband hou met die oorsprongsmite en die sentrale songod, Ai Apaec, ook bekend as Wrinkle Face, die God met slange en die onthoofder. 1 Die monster wat die meeste in die Moche -kultuur voorgestel word, is die maandier, ook die maanmonster, lunahond of kuifdier genoem. Die maandier word met menslike koppe vertoon en blyk nie in teenstelling met sommige van die ander monsters met Ai-Apaec te wees nie.

    Die oorsprong van die monster strek terug na die Chav ín-kultuur, en hoewel die mitiese wese ook in die kuns van Recuay en Vir ú-Gallinazo uitgebeeld word, is daar geen vaste vorm om dit uit te beeld nie. Elemente van katte, jakkalse, honde, slange en voëls kan almal geïdentifiseer word in weergawes van die maandier, dikwels in talle kombinasies. Die wesens word gewoonlik, maar nie altyd nie, op die kruin getoon. Op albei hierdie potte is die monsters bedek met serrations.

    Vroeë voorstellings van die maan -dier het die vorm aanneem van bottels, soos dié wat hier gesien word. Later is hierdie beelde aangepas by die fyn lyntekeninge waar die dier met 'n sekelvormige simbool getoon word, wat lei tot die assosiasie met die maan, maar wat nie noodwendig 'n verband met sterrekunde aandui nie. Maandiere is dikwels in pare gemaak en houtversies is ook onlangs ontdek. 2

    Die swart monster wat uit groen pottebakkery met wit inlegsel (kat. 85) ontstaan ​​het, het die vorm van 'n gevlekte hond met 'n witbek, en is óf 'n jakkals óf 'n kat. Sy ore wys afwaarts na agter en krul effens. So ook die stert, maar in die teenoorgestelde rigting. Inleg in die pote dui op kloue. Die meeste van die inlegsel is wit pêrelmoer, met 'n groen klip vir die oë. Die helmteken van die monster vorm 'n trappatroon en 'n simbool van rang en nog 'n algemene kenmerk op beelde van die maandier. 3

    Die witmaan dier (kat. 86) het die pote van 'n kat, met kloue duidelik sigbaar. Dit lyk asof groot slagtande die mond van die dier oopmaak, terwyl 'n netjiese ry tande agter gesien word. Twee pragtige kuifhorings steek agter en voor in die kop van die dier uit. 'N Kombinasie van bruin strepe en kolle bedek die liggaam wat in 'n geboë slang of 'n seeperdstert val.

    Alhoewel hierdie twee bottelbottels uit die vroeë Moche-periode dateer en sekere eienskappe deel, verskil die vorms baie: die swart weergawe is hoekig en meer abstrak as die wit.

    1. Die laaste twee name is deur sommige argeoloë op twee afsonderlike gode toegepas. Sien Elizabeth P. Benson, Die wêrelde van die Moche aan die noordkus van Peru, Austin: University of Texas Press 2012, p. 61.

    3. Elizabeth P. Benson, kat. 34, in Kathleen Berrin (red.), Die gees van antieke Peru: Skatte van die Museo Arqueol ógico Rafael Larco Herrera, Londen: Thames en Hudson 1997, p. 102.


    Vaartuie en rituele voorwerpe: Pre-Columbiaanse keramiek uit die permanente versameling

    Ons is verheug om hierdie uitstalling van pre-Columbiaanse artefakte uit die versameling van die Lora Robins Gallery of Design from Nature, Museums van die Universiteit van Richmond aan te bied. Die term “ voor-Columbiaans ” verwys na die tyd voor die aankoms van Columbus in die Amerikas en na die inheemse kulture wat reeds in 7000 v.C. in 'n gebied wat van die suidwestelike Verenigde State deur middel van Sentraal -Amerika en langs die Andes aan die westelike kus van Suid -Amerika bereik word. Die koms van Spaanse ontdekkingsreisigers in die sestiende eeu dui grootliks op die agteruitgang van hierdie kulture.

    Die uitstalling is mede-saamgestel deur N. Elizabeth Schlatter, assistent-direkteur, universiteitsmuseums Sandra Higgins, versamelingsbestuurder, universiteitsmuseums en Olivia Kohler (AW 󈧇), senior kunsgeskiedenishoof en een van die universiteitsmuseums en#8217 2002 somergenote. Die waardering word betuig aan James Farmer vir sy hulp. Ons bedank die skenkers wat ons hierdie wonderlike voorwerpe aan die permanente versameling gegee het. Die uitstalling word gedeeltelik moontlik gemaak met die ruim ondersteuning van die komitee vir kultuursake van die Universiteit.

    Richard Waller
    Uitvoerende direkteur
    Museums van die Universiteit van Richmond

    SKIPPE EN RITUELE VOORWERPE: PRE-COLUMBIANSE KERAMIEK UIT DIE PERMANENTE VERSAMELING
    Kontrolelys volg op elke afdeling. Al die voorwerpe is uit die versameling van die Lora Robins Gallery of Design from Nature, University of Richmond Museums. Metings is in duim hoogte voorafgaan breedte voorafgaan diepte.

    Chimu
    Die Chimu-mense (n.d. 900-1450) van Peru vervaardig kenmerkende erdewerk in swartware. Die vaartuie is gevorm deur smeulende vlamme tydens die vuur en dan die oppervlak afgevee om 'n dof glans te verkry. Baie van die erdewerk is aangepas uit die Moche -kultuur, wat die Chimu in die Andes -streek in Peru voorafgegaan het. Vaartuie is in massa vervaardig deur die gebruik van vorms. Chimu -stukke is selde geverf, versiering het gewoonlik die vorm van beeldhoukundige toevoegings of gesnyde vorms, veral van diere soos katte, honde, paddas en voëls.

    Een soort pot wat oorspronklik deur die Chimu-kultuur ontwikkel is, is die dubbelkamerpot, wat bestaan ​​uit twee kamers met hul tuitjies wat aan mekaar verbind is deur 'n horisontale staaf waardeur vloeistof kan vloei. Terwyl die vloeistof heen en weer tussen die twee holtes geskud word, word erge asemhalingsgeluide soortgelyk aan dié van die sterwendes. As gevolg van hierdie verband met die dood, glo baie dat hierdie gewilde vorm van vaartuie as 'n begrafnisvoorwerp gebruik is.

    Tweekamerfluitjie, Chimu (ongeveer 900-1450 nC), Peru
    swart erdewerk, 8 1/2 x 9 3/4 x 4 1/4, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.14

    Padda Effigy Vaartuig, Chimu (omstreeks A.D. .. 900-1450), Peru
    swart erdewerk, 5 3/4 x 6 1/2 x 4 3/4, Anonieme geskenk, R1981.16.01

    Tuitvat in die vorm van 'n Spondylous -dop, Chimu (ongeveer 900-1450 nC), Peru
    swart erdewerk, 7 3/4 x 7 x 4, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.10

    Stirrup tuitvat met aap, Chimu (ongeveer 900-1450 nC), Peru
    aardewerk, 9 1/2 x 5 1/4 x 5, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.15

    Vaartuig met Lizard Design, Chimu (ongeveer 900-1450 nC), Peru
    swart erdewerk, 6 1/4 x 5 1/2 x 5, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.16

    Beeldjies
    Pre-Columbiaanse gode en zoomorfe gode word algemeen voorgestel as keramiekbeeldjies. Beeldjies is geskep as vrugbaarheid of beskermende sjarme of as ikone van gode.

    Vroulike beeldjie, Colima (omstreeks 200 v.G.J. - n.C. 200), Wes -Mexiko
    aardewerk, 6 x 2 3/4 x 1 1/4, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.05

    Vroulike beeldjie, Colima (omstreeks 200 v.G.J. - n.C. 200), Wes -Mexiko
    aardewerk, 7 1/2 x 3 3/4 x 1 3/4, Anonieme geskenk, R0000.079.07

    Vroulike beeldjie, Michoacan (omstreeks 300 v.G.J.), Mexiko
    aardewerk, 2 1/2 x 1 3/4 x 1, Gift of Harvey Sarner, R1985.06.10

    Vroulike beeldjie, Michoacan (omstreeks 300 v.G.J.), Mexiko
    aardewerk, 3 x 1 1/2 x 1, Gift of Harvey Sarner, R1985.06.12

    Swanger vroulike beeldjie, Chancay (omstreeks 1200 nC), Peru
    aardewerk met swart strokie, 2 1/4 x 1 1/4 x 1, Gift of Harvey Sarner, R1985.06.11

    Ratels, fluitjies en klokke
    Musiek was 'n belangrike deel van baie pre-Columbiaanse kulture, veral tydens godsdienstige seremonies, soos blyk uit die talle instrumente wat in die grafte en ruïnes van antieke stede gevind is. Daar is instrumente bespeel om optogte van priesters te vergesel, om die hoogtepunt van sekere seremonies aan te dui en om offerrituele aan te vul. Al hierdie vieringe is uitgevoer in die hoop om die gode te behaag wat vermoedelik deur die geluid van musiek versag word. Tipiese musiekinstrumente sluit in fluite en ratels gemaak van afgevuurde klei, konke skulpe wat as trompette gebruik word, en tromme van skilpaaie of uitgeholde houtblokke.

    klok, Maya (n.d.), Honduras
    koper, 1 1/8 x 2 1/2 x 1 1/4, Gift of James P. Ryan, R1984.04.01

    klok, Maya (n.d.), Honduras
    koper, 1 x 2 2/4 x 1 1/4, Gift of James P. Ryan, R1984.04.02

    Fluit, (ongeveer 600-800 n.C.), Costa Rica
    gepoleerde erdewerk met groen strokie, 1 x 12 x 1 1/4, Gift of Stephen Wilson, R1982.24.05

    Statief vaartuig, Huetar (ongeveer 600-800 n.C.), Costa Rica
    aardewerk, 8 1/4 x 6 1/4 x 5 3/4, Geskenk van Peter Ferrini, R1982.21.08

    Fluitjie in die vorm van 'n menslike figuur, Maya (ongeveer 600-800 n.C.), Honduras
    earthenware, 3 1/4 x 2 1/2 x 1 1/2, Gift of Wafik Hanna, R1982.26.08

    Whistle in the Form of a Human Figure, Maya (circa A.D. 600-800), Honduras
    earthenware, 2 1/2 x 2 x 1, Gift of Wafik Hanna, R1982.26.09

    Whistle in the Form of a Human Figure, Maya (circa A.D. 600-800), Honduras
    earthenware, 3 x 2 1/4 x 1 1/2, Gift of Wafik Hanna, R1982.26.10

    Shamanism
    The religions of many pre-Columbian civilizations utilized shamans as priests who acted as intermediaries between gods and people. The shaman could also be a diviner of the future, a healer, and a guide to the souls of the dead on their way to the afterlife. In some cultures the shaman played a civic role as a judge, resolving the disputes of the society. It was believed that the shaman underwent ritual death during initiations. Because of this contact with the afterlife, the shaman was able to heal diseases caused by evil spirits and act as a guide for the souls of the dead traveling to the next world. The shaman was often the most important member of a pre-Columbian civilization and was given certain privileges such as the ability to accumulate wealth. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic imagery was common in earthenware associated with shamanism because a shaman was believed to be able to transform into different animals during specific rituals. One commonly depicted animal was the jaguar, a symbol of the earth and royal power.

    Head of a Monkey, Maya (n.d.)
    earthenware, 2 1/2 x 1 1/2 x 2, Anonymous gift, R0000.079.01

    Head of a Jaguar, Maya (n.d.)
    earthenware, 2 x 1 3/4 x 2, Anonymous gift, R0000.079.02

    Monkey Effigy Vessel, circa A.D. 800-1500, probably Costa Rica
    earthenware with orange slip, 6 1/4 x 5 x 5 1/2, Gift of Stephen Todorovich, R1983.11.01

    Portrait Effigy Vessel, Maya (circa A.D. 700-900), Guatemala
    earthenware with orange slip, 6 1/2 x 3 1/2 x 4 1/2 Gift of Harvey Sarner, R1985.06.05

    Tripod Effigy Vessel, circa A.D. 600-800, Costa Rica
    earthenware, 12 1/2 x 12 1/2 x 10, Gift of Peter Ferrini, R1982.21.03

    Vessels
    Pre-Columbian vessels were primarily made of earthenware. They took a number of traditional forms, including spherical, cylindrical, and ovoid and double-chambered shapes with varied handles and spouts. They were used as cooking pots, water jugs, household utensils, and ritual and funerary objects. Their shape, function, and decoration distinguished the pieces amongst pre-Columbian cultures. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic vessels that typically suggest funerary and ritual use were embellished by more distinct and elaborate decoration than domestic pottery. Although many cultures borrowed from each other, each culture gave their vessels their own details and iconography.


    New light on the Nazca Lines

    What can be established from the Japanese team investigations is that the mysterious people who made the Nazca Lines were familiar with areas beyond their own territories. They had seen the Hermit bird in the jungle and the Pelicans on the coast. This may indicate that they had widespread trading contacts or that they even conducted military expeditions to these regions, which were the natural habitats of the non-native birds.

    The research is helping researchers to understand the possible reason for the creation of the Lines. It is also allowing us to understand something of the worldview of the enigmatic Nazca. The Japanese team is studying bird representations at this culture temples and on their pottery. This could establish what the birds symbolized and could provide more insights into why the geoglyphs were made.

    Top image: Nazca hummingbird has been reclassified by Japanese ornithologists as a Hermit. Source: / CC BY-SA 4.0


    Nazca Vessel with Spotted Cat Design - History

    Nazca Lines and Cahuachi Culture


    Ernstig? This is silly and looks like it was designed by a child. It's like the crop circles people believed were created by aliens. You simply can't attribute every enigmatic formation in our simulation to aliens or by humans guided by aliens. At the end of the day everything is a memory activator created by the Simulation.

    If the cat was recently discovered - it's a new insert in the simulation of reality and may refer to:

    - The Matrix (the cat who kept walking by until Trinity realized they were trapped in the Matrix)

    - Schrodinger's Cat which has been in the news again lately.

    - The Anunnaki - The animal has the tail of a reptile. Is that a reptilian reference or memory trigger about the Anunnaki?

    My friend Michelle believes there are two aliens races battling for control of Planet Earth - the Felines vs. the Reptilians. Somehow she connects this to Trump and why he is in office going along with the conspiracy theory of Trump taking down a cabal . ens.


    Looking at the Nazca Lines from above it is hard to imagine that the Inca created them without guidance. Many believe it was extraterrestrials which remain an enigma. I believe it was the simulation creating formations much like some of the crop circles. The simulation and human creativity create it all.

    Over 140 New Nazca Lines Have Been Discovered, And We Finally Have Clues to Their Use Science Alert - November 19, 2019
    Scientists have discovered over 140 new geoglyphs known as Nazca lines: a mysterious, ancient cluster of giant figures etched long ago into the desert terrain of southern Peru. Archaeologists report that a long-term research effort conducted since 2004 has uncovered 143 previously unknown Nazca geoglyphs - with one carved figure, which had eluded human detection, being discovered by artificial intelligence. In all, the newly identified geoglyphs are thought to have been created between at least 100 BCE and 300 CE. While the purpose of these large motifs drawn by the ancient Nazca culture remains debated, we do at least know how they were constructed.

    The Nazca lines contain more than 2,700 geometric shapes, lines and images of plants and animals etched into the sand. Daily Mail - June 20, 2019
    Identifications of the specific animals drawn had relied on general impressions.
    Experts compared the details of the avian figures with the features of real birds.
    They found that the birds that they re-identified did not live in the Nazca region.
    Better identifications may help experts work out why the figures were made.


    Mysterious Etchings in Peruvian Desert Prove to Be Foreign Birds. What Did They Mean to the Pre-Incans? Live Science - June 20, 2019
    The sprawling Nazca Lines have long been cloaked in mystery. The enormous geoglyphs number in the thousands and portray everything from animals and plants to seemingly mythical beasts and geometric patterns. Now, researchers have found some of Peru's massive creations depict non-native birds. Among the 16 massive bird carvings in the Nazca desert of southern Peru are a hermit (a forest species) and a pelican (a coastal denizen). No one knows why the Nazca Lines were made, and it's too early to say why the pre-Inca people who carved them would have been interested in non-native birds.


    Stretching across the Nazca plains like a giant map or blueprint left by ancient astronauts, lie the famous Nazca Lines of Peru. Peru is associated with the Inca Civilization.

    The Nazca Lines, mysterious geoglyphs that span a vast swath of the rugged Peruvian desert, remain an engima. No one has proof as to who built them and what their function was. Since their discovery, the they have inspired fantastic explanations from ancient gods, a landing strip for returning aliens, a celestial calendar created by the ancient Nazca civilization -- putting the creation of the lines between 200 BC and 600 AD, used for rituals probably related to astronomy, to confirm the ayllus or clans who made up the population and to determine through ritual their economic functions held up by reciprocity and redistribution, or a map of underground water supplies.

    There are also huge geoglyphs in Egypt, Malta, United States (Mississippi and California), Chile, Bolivia and in other countries. But the Nazca geoglyphs, because of their numbers, characteristics, dimensions and cultural continuity, were made and remade throughout the whole pre-hispanic period, forming a most impressive, as well as enigmatic, archeological group.

    The Nazca Lines are located in the Nazca Desert, a high arid plateau that stretches between the towns of Nazca and Palpa on the pampa (a large flat area of southern Peru). The desolate plain of the Peruvian coast which comprises the Pampas of San Jose (Jumana), Socos, El Ingenio and others in the province of Nasca, is 400 Km. South of Lima, covers an area of approximately 450 km2, of sandy desert as well as the slopes of the contours of the Andes. They cover nearly 400 square miles of desert. Etched in the surface of the desert pampa sand about 300 hundred figures made of straight lines, geometric shapes most clearly visible from the air.

    The Nazca plain is virtually unique for its ability to preserve the markings upon it, due to the combination of the climate (one of the driest on Earth, with only twenty minutes of rainfall per year) and the flat, stony ground which minimizes the effect of the wind at ground level. With no dust or sand to cover the plain, and little rain or wind to erode it, lines drawn here tend to stay drawn. These factors, combined with the existence of a lighter-colored subsoil beneath the desert crust, provide a vast writing pad that is ideally suited to the artist who wants to leave his mark for eternity.

    The pebbles which cover the surface of the desert contain ferrous oxide. The exposure of centuries has given them a dark patina. When the gravel is removed, they contrast with the color underneath. In this way the lines were drawn as furrows of a lighter color, even though in some cases they became prints. In other cases, the stones defining the lines and drawings form small lateral humps of different sizes. Some drawings, especially the early ones, were made by removing the stones and gravel from their contours and in this way the figures stood out in high relief. The concentration and juxtaposition of the lines and drawings leave no doubt that they required intensive long-term labor as is demonstrated by the stylistic continuity of the designs, which clearly correspond to the different stages of cultural changes.

    There appear to be various designs consisting of figures of animals, flowers and plants, objects, and anthropomorphic figures of colossal proportions made with well-defined lines. An example of this is the drawing of a weird being with two enormous hands, one normal and the other with only four fingers. Also represented are drawings of man-made objects such as yarn, looms and "tupus" (ornamental clasps). All these figures have well-defined entrances which could be used as paths or to allow people to line together along the conformations of the drawings. The anthropomorphic figures are relatively few and are situated on the slopes. The most well-known being is The Astronaut at 32m in length discovered by Maria Reiche in the 1960s.

    The lines are many kilometers long and crisscross sectors of the pampas in all directions. Many of the lines form geometric figures: angles, triangles, bunches, spirals, rectangles, wavy lines, concentric circles.



    The Monkey (Biogenetic Experiments)



    Wing (Ascension of Consciousness)

    The Lines were allegedly made by removing the iron-oxide coated pebbles which cover the surface of the desert. When the gravel is removed, they contrast with the light color underneath. In this way the lines were drawn as furrows of a lighter color. Off the Pampa, south of the Nazca Lines, archaeologists have now uncovered the lost city of the line-builders, Cahuachi. It was built nearly 2,000 years ago and mysteriously abandoned 500 years later.

    Discovering the Nazca Lines by Outsiders

    The Nazca Lines were first spotted when commercial airlines began flying across the Peruvian desert in the 1920's. Passengers reported seeing 'primitive landing strips' on the ground below. Today people sometimes fly in hot air balloons to view the splendors of the Nazca Lines, their eneries awakening something within their souls.

    Preserving the Nazca Lines

    It is difficult to keep the Nazca Lines free from outside intervention. As with all ancient ruins, such as Machu Piccu, weather by wind and rain, and human tampering will take their toll on these ancient Lines.

    In recent years the Nazca Lines have suffered gradual destruction, as tomb raiders seeking pre-Inca artifacts scar the terrain with hundreds of burrows, garbage, among other waste material. A boom in copper and gold mining - including a mine built in 1997 a few feet from a 2,000-year-old, two-mile-long trapezoid -- is defacing parts of the Nazca Lines with tracks from truck traffic.

    Over the past decade, advertisers and political campaigns have carved huge messages in the rock and sand between the ancient designs in this region 250 miles south of Lima.

    In 1998, floods and mudslides from the El Nino weather pattern seriously eroded several figures.

    As electricity reaches the growing local population, utility companies are running power cables over and around the site.

    The damage to the Lines underscores Peru's desperate struggle to preserve its national patrimony. Archaeologists say they are watching helplessly as the quest for scholarship and conservation in a country viewed as the cradle of New World civilization is losing out to commercial interests, bleak poverty and the growing popularity of heritage sites as tourist attractions.

    Toribio Mejia Xespe, a Peruvian doctor and anthropologist was the first scientist, in 1927, to show interest in what he called "great Incan ceremonial artifacts".

    Erich von Daniken suggested, in his 1968 book, Chariots of the Gods, that the lines were built by ancient astronauts as a landing strip. But the soft clay soil and layer of brown and black rocks in the Nazca desert would seem an unsuitable site for landing and were blown away by the power of rocket propulsion. The aliens left - never to return - leaving the people confused. Like in the modern cargo cults they tried to call the Gods back by drawing lines, figures and trapezes.

    Robin Edgar believed that the Nazca Figures were inspired by, and intended to be seen by, the (so-called) Eye of God that is manifested during total solar eclipses. An extraordinary series of solar eclipses coincided with the construction of the Nasca lines. Some Lines are aligned with the winter solstice, a less spectacular but more regular, death and rebirth of the Sun God.

    Michael Coe believes the Nazca Lines are sacred paths to walk by specific rites. The primary lines were an offering for elders, heaven, and mountain deities who gave them water for their fields.

    The Code of Carl Munck - The Ancient Geomatria of Numbers --The Nazca Line ground markings locate themselves on The Code Matrix system. Nazca Lines and Archaeocryptography The ancient sites around the world are very precisely positioned on a global coordinate system in relation to the position of the Great Pyramid at Giza. The positions of the sites are given in the geometry of their construction. A very ancient system of numbers was used in the system, which we will call Gematria. Gematrian numbers are found in ancient myths and religions, including the Bible. Gematrian numbers were used in systems of weights and measures by ancient peoples, including the Greeks, the Egyptians, the Persians, the Babylonians and the Romans. The Code system uses mathematical constants, such as pi and the radian. The system also uses conventions that are still in use, such as the 360 degree circle, 60 minute degree, 60 second minute, the base-ten numbering system, the 12-inch foot, and the 5280-foot mile.
    The ancient Mayans used Gematrian numbers in their very accurate timekeeping.

    Maria Reiche was a German mathematician and archaeologist who was famous for researching the Nazca Lines. She believed the lines were an Astronomical Calendar indicating the direction of the rising of important stars and planetary events like sun solstices. Formations like the spider and the monkey could show star constellations like Orion and Ursa Mayor. The problem with all astronomical theories is the unknowing of the age. The direction of stars changes within centuries, explained by the precession of the equinoxes.

    Reiche led a determined effort to discredit theories of extraterrestrial visitors. She argued that the Nazca Indians constructed the Lines some time between 300 BC and AD 800. In support of this possibility, some scientists have put forward ingenious ideas on how the geoglyphs could theoretically have been designed from the ground. The more important evidence, however, is that which attempts to link the Lines definitively to the Nazcan culture. Here, neither of the two key pieces of evidence survive close scrutiny.

    The first piece of evidence is a series of radiocarbon dates, based on ceramic and wood remains which were left at the Lines by the Nazca people. It is claimed that this proves that the Nazcans constructed the Lines. On the contrary, the dating of these materials tells us only that the Nazcans lived in the area of the Nazca Lines. Since the Lines themselves cannot be radiocarbon dated, the possibility remains that they already existed when the Nazcan culture emerged. The second piece of evidence is the alleged resemblance of the Nazca geoglyphs to certain features found on Nazca pottery. This is an important issue because it potentially offers proof that the Nazcans had either designed the images or at least viewed them from the air. Maria Reiche died in 1998 at the age of 95. She is buried in the arid valley she loved so well.

    Professor Gerald Hawkins and his group went to Nazca to prove the astronomical Theory of Maria Reiche but was unsuccessful. In 1968, a study by the National Geographic Society determined that, while some of the Nazca lines did point to the positions of the Sun, Moon and certain stars two thousand years ago, it was no more than could be expected by mere chance. In 1973, Dr Gerald Hawkins studied 186 lines with a computer program and found that only 20 per cent had any astronomical orientation - again no more than by pure chance.

    Simone Waisbard stated that the drawing of Nazca are a giant astronomical calendar. Further the Nazca-line-system was used to measure the precipitation value. Figures, especially seabirds, have a connection to the meteorological prophecy system of the Nazca-Culture. Her ideas for the trapezoid formations: places for holy animals before sacrifice them, or field claims connected with filter galleries, observatories or places for ritual ceremonies of the different clans.

    Alan F. Alford concluded that the Nazca-Lines was made by Negroid Slaves of the Tihuanaco Culture. After a revolution the Negroid population destroyed some figure, this is the explanation for overdrawn zigzag-formations. Later this people went in northern direction and founded Chavin and the Olmec culture.

    Robert Bast linked the lines to the Flood Stories in his book A Memory of the Deluge. The animal, plant and human-shaped figures are lying together on the ground as a memorial place of the big flood.

    Gilbert de Jong geskryf het A Nazcan Zodiac. He traveled to Nazca and measured the GGF by GPS. He obtained a length of the square side of about 54,7 Meter. In the formation he recognized a Zodiac.

    Markus Reindel's Dowsing Theory says that the Nazca Figures are markers for a subterranean waterflow. Trapezoides show the broadness of the waterstream, zigzaglines show where they end, lines show into direction of the puquitos. He explain the nature of the figures by rod-dowsing (to find the subterranean water) and shamanstic flights (to overview the figures).

    Nazca Culture - Cahuachi People

    On the pampa, south of the Nazca Lines, archaeologists have now uncovered the lost city of the line-builders, Cahuachi. It was built nearly two thousand years ago and was mysteriously abandoned 500 years later. New discoveries at Cahuachi are at last beginning to give us insight into the Nazca people and to unravel the mystery of the Nasca Lines.

    In general, Nazca culture is considered to consist of three stages Early, Middle, and Late stages, and also the Classic Nazca (approximately A.D. 250-750). One of the most famous and distinctive features of the Nazca culture is the polychrome pottery which has attracted attention because of its technological refinement and the exciting symbolism of its motifs. This pottery culture spreads in the area of the valleys of Chincha, Pisco, Ica, Nazca and Acari.

    In the Early stage, these wares did not have much color, but Middle and Late Nazca polychromes are buff or red and are painted in three to eight colors. The most popular choices of color were red, black, white, brown, yellow, gray and violet with an outline in black. Bowls and beakers were common forms, but double-spout and head-and-spout jars are also found. Birds, fish or fruits were commonly drawn on the pottery, and Nazca's religious or mythological features were also used in its design.


    Nazca Figurine depicts a Solar Eclipse and the Eye of Creation

    Cahuachi was a major ceremonial center of the Nazca culture and overlooked some of the Nazca lines from 1 CE to about 500 CE. Italian archaeologist Giuseppe Orefici has been excavating the site for the past few decades, bringing a team down every year. The site contains over 40 mounds topped with adobe structures.

    The permanent population was quite small, but it was apparently a pilgrimage center that grew greatly in population for major ceremonial events. These events probably involved the Nazca lines and the giant sand dune of Nazca. Support for the pilgrimage theory comes from archaeological evidence of sparse population at Cahuachi and from the Nazca lines themselves which show creatures such as killer whales and monkeys which were not present in the Nazca region. Trade or travel may explain the images. Due to the dry climate the finds are quite rich and include even such ephemeral material as clothing. Looting is the greatest problem facing the site today.

    Their ancient technique of weaving, that the Nazca people developed, has given an insight into how the lines may have been made, and what they might have been used for more than 1,500 years ago.

    Adobe Pyramid at Cahuachi

    Cahuachi, in Peru, was a major ceremonial center of the Nazca culture and overlooked some of the Nazca lines from 1 CE to about 500 CE. Italian archaeologist Giuseppe Orefici has been excavating the site for the past few decades, bringing a team down every year. The site contains over 40 mounds topped with adobe structures. It has also been studied by Helaine Silverman, who has written a book on Cahuachi.

    The permanent population was quite small, but it was apparently a pilgrimage center that grew greatly in population for major ceremonial events. These events probably involved the Nazca lines and the giant sand dune of Nazca. Support for the pilgrimage theory comes from archaeological evidence of sparse population at Cahuachi and from the Nazca lines themselves which show creatures such as orca and monkeys which were not present in the Nazca region. Of course, trade or travel may explain the images. Due to the dry climate the finds are quite rich and include even such ephemeral material as clothing.

    Looting is the greatest problem facing the site today. Most of the burial sites surrounding Cahuachi were not known until recently and so present a very tempting target.

    Most of the burial sites surrounding Cahuachi were not known until recently.

    Stunningly preserved in the dry soil of the Peruvian desert
    are the mummified bodies of the Nazca people themselves.


    Ancient Humanoid-Shaped Nazca Line Discovered in Peruvian Desert Live Science - November 19, 2019
    A sprawling humanoid-shaped character etched into the Peruvian desert has just been discovered by a team of scientists using artificial intelligence. The geoglyph is one of hundreds of diverse shapes carved into a swath of Peru and called the Nazca Lines. The newly found Nazca Line is about 13.1 feet (4 meters) long and 6.6 feet (2 m) wide. It appears to depict a human-like individual with a rectangular head who is holding a stick and wearing a headdress, said scientists from Yamagata University and IBM who discovered the etching.


    Mysterious Etchings in Peruvian Desert Prove to Be Foreign Birds. What Did They Mean to the Pre-Incans? Live Science - June 20, 2019
    The sprawling #NazcaLines have long been cloaked in mystery. The enormous geoglyphs number in the thousands and portray everything from animals and plants to seemingly mythical beasts and geometric patterns. Now, researchers have found some of Peru's massive creations depict non-native birds. Among the 16 massive bird carvings in the Nazca desert of southern Peru are a hermit (a forest species) and a pelican (a coastal denizen). No one knows why the Nazca Lines were made, and it's too early to say why the pre-Inca people who carved them would have been interested in non-native birds.


    Drone survey reveals dozens of previously undiscovered Nazca Lines depicting warriors and animals carved into Peru's landscape 1,800 years ago Daily Mail - April 7, 2018

    Archaeologists have discovered more than 50 mysterious new 'Nazca lines' in Peru, which were constructed nearly 2,000 years ago by ancient inhabitants who painstakingly arranged pebbles into massive shapes. Some are hundreds of years older than the most famous Nazca lines previously discovered. The researchers learned that while some of the geoglyphs were produced by Nazca people, others date back to a time before they lived in the region where the drawings can be found. The Nazca people lived in the area from 200 to 700 CE. Some of the designs are believed to be created instead by the Topara and Paracas people.


    Truck driver plows into Peru's 2,000-year-old archeological enigma CNN - February 1, 2018
    Peru's world renowned Nazca Lines were damaged when a rig plowed into the ancient site on Saturday, the country's ministry of culture said. Jainer Jesus Flores Vigo, 40, was arrested after he allegedly ignored warning signage and drove over UNESCO World Heritage site, the ministry said. Flores Vigo was released Monday after a magistrate said there was not enough evidence to prove that he had acted with intent.


    Ring-Shaped Geoglyphs Found Near Ancient Town in Peru Live Science - September 23, 2016
    Dozens of circular geoglyphs, some comprising several intertwined rings, have been identified and mapped near the ancient Peruvian town of Quilcapampa, revealing that these earthen designs were created near ancient pathways used for trade. Geoglyphs are designs, which often form shapes or images, on the landscape. They are found all over the world the most famous examples are located at Nazca, where thousands of such designs - from real and imaginary creatures to geometric shapes - have been etched into the Peruvian desert. The newly mapped geoglyphs may have had symbolic significance, possibly representing the flow of people and goods through the town at the time.


    New geoglyphs found in Nazca desert after sandstorm PhysOrg - August 8, 2014

    The newly revealed figures discovered by de la Torre are of a snake (approximately 196 feet in length), a bird, a camelid (perhaps a llama) and some zig-zag lines. They are actually on some hills in the El Ingenio Valley and Pampas de Jumana near the desert floor. Archeologists have been alerted to authenticate the find.


    Mysterious Nazca Lines Desert Drawings Form Labyrinth Live Science - December 27, 2012
    Some of the Nazca Lines, mysterious geoglyphs that span a vast swath of the rugged Peruvian desert, may have once been a labyrinth with a spiritual purpose, a new study suggests. At the time the Nazca Lines, which span 85 square miles (220 square kilometers), were drawn, people were not looking at this stuff from the air, they were looking at stuff from the ground level. To appreciate what they might have meant to ordinary people, then you have to walk them.


    Logging 'caused Nazca collapse' BBC - November 2, 2009
    The ancient Nazca people of Peru are famous for the lines they drew in the desert depicting strange animal forms. A further mystery is what happened to this once great civilisation, which suddenly vanished 1,500 years ago. Now a team of archaeologists have found the demise of the Nazca society was linked in part to the fate of a tree. Analysing plant remains they reveal how the destruction of forests containing the huarango tree crossed a tipping point, causing ecological collapse.


    Forest clearances sealed ancient civilisation's downfall PhysOrg - November 2, 2009
    Archaeologists examining the remains of the Nasca, who once flourished in the valleys of south coastal Peru, have uncovered a sequence of human-induced events which led to their "catastrophic" collapse around 500 AD. The Nasca are probably best known for the famous "Nazca Lines", giant geoglyphs which they left etched into the surface of the vast, empty desert plain that lies between the Peruvian towns of Nazca and Palpa.


    Giant Figures in Peru Desert Pre-date Nazca Lines

    The Epoch Times, May 24, 2005

    A group of about 50 drawings of giant figures recently discovered in the hills of Peru's southern coastal desert near the city of Palpa has been said to predate the famous Nazca lines nearby.

    Mr. Johny Isla, director of the Andean Institute of Archaeological Studies, said the 'geoglyph' figures appear to have been created by the Paracas communities between 500 and 400 BC, whereas the Nazca culture developed after 50 BC.

    Mr. Isla and his partner Dr. Markus Reindel from the Dutch Institute of Archaeology discovered the Paracas figures using aerial photography and land-based surveys. The figures of humans, birds, monkeys and cats vary in size from 10m to 50m across, and are also grouped together in areas up to 60 m to 90 m across.

    The Paracas figures were created by removing dark stones in order to expose the lighter surface underneath. Some areas were cleared and others built up with rock, creating figures in high and low relief. With the Nazca lines though, the geoglyphs were only made by clearing low-relief areas. Until recently scientists believed that the figures in the Palpa and Nazca regions were only from the Nazca culture. Mr. Isla says cultural dating and style of the newly found Paracas figures sets them apart.

    Mr. Isla told The Epoch Times, "Most of these geoglyphs belong to the Nazca culture but our recent studies demonstrated that there are at least 50 geoglyphs pertaining to the Paracas culture. These new figures are definitely different and older than those of the Nazca culture.


    Nazca Vessel with Spotted Cat Design - History

    VICÚS culture North coast 100 BC – 400 AD

    Bridge vessel with two penises 100 BC - 400 AD ceramic
    24.0 (h) x 19.8 (w) x 20.6 (d) cm Museo Larco, Lima Photograph: Museo Larco

    Vicús pottery is easily recognised by its rather crude construction. The simply polished vessels are thick and often unsymmetrical in shape. The Vicús also used poor quality clay that, combined with low firing temperatures, resulted in fragile pots with surfaces that were easily chipped and cracked. In this, they markedly lack the appearance and finesse of Moche pottery, which developed concurrently during its formative period. And, unlike their counterparts, the Vicús produced only a small amount of pottery, which was formed by hand rather than using a mould. 1 Not surprisingly, considering their rough construction and fragility, this pottery only appears in their own tombs and grave sites. In addition, however, Vicús tombs have been found to contain large quantities of Moche ceramics. This suggests not only the pervasive value of the finer Moche pottery, but that trade existed between the two cultures.

    This particular Vicús work demonstrates strong connections with and the influence of the famous erotic pots of the Moche (cats 102�). Here, a stirrup handle appears across the top of the bold penis-shaped spouts of this vessel. While the Vicús largely made double-chambered bottles and single-spout bridge bottles, they only occasionally copied the Moche stirrup-spout pots. In most cases, Vicús pottery was decorated with geometric and line patterning, using the resist technique (see cat. 10). Subtle wavy lines can be seen around the outside of the circular body of this pot, as well as on the shafts of the penises.

    1. Christopher B. Donnan, Ceramics of ancient Peru, Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA 1992, pp. 70󈞶.

    Vicús pottery is easily recognised by its rather crude construction. The simply polished vessels are thick and often unsymmetrical in shape. The Vicús also used poor quality clay that, combined with low firing temperatures, resulted in fragile pots with surfaces that were easily chipped and cracked. In this, they markedly lack the appearance and finesse of Moche pottery, which developed concurrently during its formative period. And, unlike their counterparts, the Vicús produced only a small amount of pottery, which was formed by hand rather than using a mould. 1 Not surprisingly, considering their rough construction and fragility, this pottery only appears in their own tombs and grave sites. In addition, however, Vicús tombs have been found to contain large quantities of Moche ceramics. This suggests not only the pervasive value of the finer Moche pottery, but that trade existed between the two cultures.

    This particular Vicús work demonstrates strong connections with and the influence of the famous erotic pots of the Moche (cats 102�). Here, a stirrup handle appears across the top of the bold penis-shaped spouts of this vessel. While the Vicús largely made double-chambered bottles and single-spout bridge bottles, they only occasionally copied the Moche stirrup-spout pots. In most cases, Vicús pottery was decorated with geometric and line patterning, using the resist technique (see cat. 10). Subtle wavy lines can be seen around the outside of the circular body of this pot, as well as on the shafts of the penises.

    1. Christopher B. Donnan, Ceramics of ancient Peru, Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA 1992, pp. 70󈞶.

    Vicús pottery is easily recognised by its rather crude construction. The simply polished vessels are thick and often unsymmetrical in shape. The Vicús also used poor quality clay that, combined with low firing temperatures, resulted in fragile pots with surfaces that were easily chipped and cracked. In this, they markedly lack the appearance and finesse of Moche pottery, which developed concurrently during its formative period. And, unlike their counterparts, the Vicús produced only a small amount of pottery, which was formed by hand rather than using a mould. 1 Not surprisingly, considering their rough construction and fragility, this pottery only appears in their own tombs and grave sites. In addition, however, Vicús tombs have been found to contain large quantities of Moche ceramics. This suggests not only the pervasive value of the finer Moche pottery, but that trade existed between the two cultures.

    This particular Vicús work demonstrates strong connections with and the influence of the famous erotic pots of the Moche (cats 102�). Here, a stirrup handle appears across the top of the bold penis-shaped spouts of this vessel. While the Vicús largely made double-chambered bottles and single-spout bridge bottles, they only occasionally copied the Moche stirrup-spout pots. In most cases, Vicús pottery was decorated with geometric and line patterning, using the resist technique (see cat. 10). Subtle wavy lines can be seen around the outside of the circular body of this pot, as well as on the shafts of the penises.

    1. Christopher B. Donnan, Ceramics of ancient Peru, Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA 1992, pp. 70󈞶.


    A World Famous Cuisine

    Peruvian cuisine is quickly becoming world-famous. Traditional Peruvian staples such as maiz, potatoes, and rice have been combined with Spanish, Basque, and Asian food to evolve into a sophisticated genre. A cruise to Peru will most certainly feature some culinary luxuries.

    Incredible ceviches and other fish dishes can be found along the coast. These dishes are usually combined with milk, chili pepper, or potatoes for a Peruvian distinction.

    Tamales and humitas are common in other areas, as are a variety of potato-based dishes, usually served with soup. Delicious soups or stews accompany almost every Peruvian meal.

    Adventurous travelers may want to try cuy, or roast guinea pig. Travelers in the Andes may also want to taste alpaca meat these highland dishes are usually served with yucca, a tasty root vegetable common to the area.

    Lima is home to cutting-edge culinary advances in fusion food, evolving traditional dishes, and international foods. Travelers should take advantage of one of the city’s many fantastic restaurants before moving on.



Kommentaar:

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  2. Burbank

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  3. Terrelle

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  4. Sanders

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