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Colonial Slave Quarters, Mount Vernon

Colonial Slave Quarters, Mount Vernon


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Die verdraaide geskiedenis van Washington se Mount Vernon

Die oulike en baie historiese stad Mount Vernon, Virginia, is op baie maniere besonders - naamlik omdat dit die eerste president George Washington se voorvaderlike landgoed met dieselfde naam is. Die pragtige terrein wat uitkyk oor die Potomacrivier, sluit in Washington se huis, maar ook talle ander interessante geboue-soos byvoorbeeld die 16-kantige, spesiaal ontwerpte skuur van Washington. Ook op die landgoed is die begraafplaas van Washington, 'n uitgebreide graf waar die liggame van hom, sy vrou Martha en ander familielede vandag rus. As dit nie in 1858 bewaar word nie, staan ​​berg Vernon moontlik nie meer nie, maar die huis en sy eiendom is nou op die National Register of Historic Places gelys.

Vandag word besoekers aan die berg Vernon getrakteer op baie interessante trivia oor die huis van Washington. Op die koepel van die huis kan 'n replika van 'n spesiale weervooraan in opdrag van die president self gesien word (die oorspronklike is verwyder om dit teen die elemente te beskerm). Gaste kan die gerestoureerde, gemeubileerde kamers van die herehuis en nog baie meer sien. En alhoewel daar min geheime en geen verborge kamers by die berg Vernon is nie, het die plek 'n spookagtige geskiedenis, 'n paar interessante feite (soos die tyd toe Washington 'n kameel ingebring het om gaste te vermaak) en 'n paar wilde artefakte wat bydra tot die geskiedenis. Hier is die verdraaide geskiedenis van Washington se Mount Vernon.


Swart geskiedenis by die huis van die man wat geglo het dat alle mans gelyk is

Stel jou voor hoe die president en sy gesin gaste in die gerestoureerde sitkamer van Mount Vernon ontvang het. Foto deur Gavin Ashworth.

Sluit aan by historiese tolke op die landgoed Slawe Kwartiere om te praat oor die lewens en prestasies van sy voormalige slawe, 'n moeilike onderwerp waarmee die landgoed gekom het. Daagliks gedurende Februarie, wat die Swart Geskiedenismaand is, is daar baie spesiale programme op die terrein en by die slawe -gedenkteken.

Gedurende die leeftyd van Washingtons het die slawekwartiere oor die vyf plase op die eiendom gestrek om 317 slawe te huisves. Toe George Washington sterf, het sy testament gevra dat alle slawe bevry word. Slawe wat aan sy vrou of haar familie se boedel behoort het, is egter in slawerny gehou en aan hul erfgename oorgedra. Bespreek vooraf vir die spesiale 60 minute Verslaafde mense van Mount Vernon Tour word naweke in die winter gehou, ten minste een keer per dag gratis.


Inhoud

By die oorgrote meerderheid plantasies was daar nie groot wonings wat op 'n groot oppervlakte gesentreer was nie. Hierdie groot landgoedere het wel bestaan, maar verteenwoordig slegs 'n klein persentasie van die plantasies wat eens in die Suide bestaan ​​het. [1] Alhoewel baie Suidelike boere wel slawe gemaak het voor die emansipasie in 1862, het min mense meer as vyf slawe gemaak. Hierdie boere was geneig om die landerye saam met die mense wat hulle slawe gemaak het, te bewerk. [4] Van die geraamde 46 200 plantasies wat in 1860 bestaan, het 20 700 20 tot 30 slawe gehad en 2300 het 'n arbeidsmag van honderd of meer, met die res iewers tussenin. [3]

Baie plantasies is deur afwesige grondeienaars bedryf en het nooit 'n hoofhuis op die perseel gehad nie. Net so lewensbelangrik en waarskynlik belangriker vir die kompleks was die talle strukture wat gebou is vir die verwerking en berging van gewasse, voedselbereiding en berging, beskutting van toerusting en diere en verskeie ander huishoudelike en landboudoeleindes. Die waarde van die plantasie kom uit sy grond en die slawe wat daarop gewerk het om gewasse te koop te produseer. Dieselfde mense het die beboude omgewing vervaardig: die hoofhuis vir die plantasie -eienaar, die slawehutte, skure en ander strukture van die kompleks. [5]

Die materiaal vir die geboue van 'n plantasie kom meestal uit die landerye. Hout is verkry uit die beboste gebiede van die eiendom. [5] Afhangende van die beoogde gebruik, is dit óf gesplit, gekap of gesaag. [6] Stene word meestal ter plaatse vervaardig uit sand en klei wat gevorm, gedroog en dan in 'n oond afgevuur is. As 'n geskikte klip beskikbaar was, is dit gebruik. Tabby is dikwels op die suidelike See -eilande gebruik. [5]

Min plantasiestrukture het in die moderne era oorleef, en die oorgrote meerderheid is deur die eeue vernietig deur natuurrampe, verwaarlosing of brand. Met die ineenstorting van die plantasie -ekonomie en die daaropvolgende suidelike oorgang van 'n grootliks agrariese na 'n industriële samelewing, het plantasies en hul boukomplekse uitgedien geraak. Alhoewel die meerderheid vernietig is, is die plantasiehuise die algemeenste strukture wat oorleef het. Soos met die geboue in die algemeen, is die meer wesenlik geboude en argitektonies interessante geboue geneig om die geboue te wees wat in die moderne tyd oorleef het en beter gedokumenteer is as baie van die kleiner en eenvoudiger geboue. Verskeie plantasiehuise van belangrike persone, waaronder Mount Vernon, Monticello en The Hermitage, is ook bewaar. Minder algemeen is ongeskonde voorbeelde van slawehuisvesting. Die skaarsste oorlewendes van almal is die landboukundige en minder huishoudelike strukture, veral dié wat uit die voor-burgeroorlog-era dateer. [5] [7]

Slawekwartiere Redigeer

Slawebehuising, hoewel dit ooit een van die mees algemene en kenmerkende kenmerke van die plantasie -landskap was, het grootliks uit die grootste deel van die Suide verdwyn. Baie was aanvanklik onbeduidend. [8] Slegs die beter geboude voorbeelde het die neiging om te oorleef, en dan gewoonlik slegs as hulle na emansipasie na ander gebruike gewend is. Slawehuise kan langs die hoofhuis wees, ver weg daarvan, of albei. Op groot aanplantings is hulle dikwels in 'n dorpsagtige groepering langs 'n laan weg van die hoofhuis gerangskik, maar soms is hulle versprei rondom die plantasie aan die kante van die velde waar die slawe geswoeg het, soos die meeste van die hawehutte wat kom later. [9]

Slawehuise was dikwels een van die mees basiese konstruksies. Bedoel om net meer as slaap te wees, was dit gewoonlik 'n growwe houthuis of 'n raam met eenvertrekhutte, vroeë voorbeelde van skoorstene van klei en stokke. [8] [10] Saal- en salonhuise (twee kamers) was ook verteenwoordig op die plantasie -landskap en bied 'n aparte ruimte vir eet en slaap. Soms is slaapsale en woonstelle met twee verdiepings ook as slawehuisvesting gebruik. Vroeëre voorbeelde het op die grond gelê met 'n vuil vloer, maar later is voorbeelde gewoonlik op piere gestel vir ventilasie. Die meeste hiervan verteenwoordig die wonings wat vir veldslawe gebou is. Maar selde, soos by die voormalige Hermitage Plantation in Georgia en Boone Hall in Suid -Carolina, is selfs veldslawe van baksteenhutte voorsien. [11]

Die huisknegte of geskoolde arbeiders was meer gelukkig in hul verblyf. Hulle woon gewoonlik in 'n deel van die hoofhuis of in hul eie huise, wat gewoonlik gemakliker was as dié van hul eweknieë wat in die veld gewerk het. [10] [11] 'n Paar slawe het nog verder gegaan om huisvesting aan hul huisknegte te verskaf. Toe Waldwic in Alabama in die 1852 in die Gotiese herlewingstyl opgeknap is, het die huishoudelike bediendes groot akkommodasie gekry wat pas by die argitektuur van die hoofhuis. Hierdie model was egter uiters skaars. [7]

Die beroemde landskapontwerper Frederick Law Olmsted het hierdie herinnering onthou aan 'n besoek aan plantasies langs die kus van Georgië in 1855:

In die namiddag het ek die hoofpad verlaat en teen die nag 'n baie meer bewoonde distrik bereik. Die dennebos het ononderbroke aan die een kant van die pad gestrek, maar aan die ander kant was daar 'n voortgesette opeenvolging van baie groot lande, of ryk donker grond-klaarblyklik herwonne moerasgrond-wat die vorige jaar verbou is, in Sea Island-katoen, of mielies. Buite hulle, 'n plat oppervlak van nog laer land, met 'n silwer draad water wat daardeur krul, uitgestrek, Holland-agtig, tot by die horison. Gewoonlik op 'n groot afstand as 'n kwartmyl van die pad, en van 'n halfmyl tot 'n myl uitmekaar, was die woonplekke van die planters - groot wit huise, met bosse immergroen bome daaroor en tussen hierdie en die pad was klein dorpies met slawehutte. Die kothuise was geboue met 'n raam, aan die buitekant aan boord, met dakpaaie en baksteenstene, hulle was 50 meter van mekaar af, met tuine en varkwerwe. Aan die hoof van die nedersetting, in 'n tuin wat in die straat kyk, was 'n opsienershuis, en hier het die pad verdeel, eenkant toe skuins aan die een kant na die skure en 'n landing op die rivier, aan die ander kant na die herehuis .

Ander woonstrukture Redigeer

'N Belangrike woonstruktuur op groter plantasies was 'n opsiener se huis. Die opsiener was grootliks verantwoordelik vir die sukses of mislukking van 'n boedel, en het seker gemaak dat kwotas nagekom word en soms straf opgelê word vir oortredings deur die slawe. Die opsiener was verantwoordelik vir gesondheidsorg, met slawe en slawehuise wat gereeld ondersoek is. Hy was ook die rekordhouer van die meeste gewasvoorrade en het die sleutels van verskillende stoorkamers gehou. [13]

Die opsiener se huis was gewoonlik 'n beskeie woning, nie ver van die hutte van die slawe -werkers nie. Die opsiener en sy gesin, selfs al was hulle wit en suidelike, het nie vryelik met die planter en sy gesin gemeng nie. Hulle was in 'n ander sosiale laag as die van die eienaar en daar word van hulle verwag om hul plek te ken. In 'n dorpstipe slawekwartiere op plantasies met opsieners was sy huis gewoonlik aan die hoof van die slavedorp eerder as naby die hoofhuis, ten minste gedeeltelik as gevolg van sy sosiale posisie. Dit was ook deel van 'n poging om die verslaafde mense aan te pas en die begin van 'n slawe -opstand te voorkom, 'n baie ernstige vrees vir die meeste plantasie -eienaars. [13]

Ekonomiese studies dui aan dat minder as 30 persent van die planters wit toesighouers in diens geneem het vir hul slawe -arbeid. [14] Sommige planters het 'n betroubare slaaf as die opsiener aangestel, en in Louisiana is ook gratis swart opsieners gebruik. [13]

'N Ander residensiële struktuur wat grotendeels uniek was aan plantkomplekse, was die garconnière of bachelor's kwartiere. Dit was meestal gebou deur Kreoolse mense uit Louisiana, maar soms in ander dele van die diep suide, voorheen onder die heerskappy van New France, was dit strukture wat die adolessente of ongetroude seuns van plantasie -eienaars gehuisves het. By sommige plantasies was dit 'n vrystaande struktuur en op ander was dit met syvlerke aan die hoofhuis vasgemaak. Dit het ontwikkel uit die Acadiese tradisie om die solder van die huis as 'n slaapkamer vir jong mans te gebruik. [15]

Kombuiswerf Bewerk

'N Verskeidenheid huishoudelike en kleiner landboustrukture omring die hoofhuis op alle plantasies. Die meeste plantasies het sommige, indien nie almal, van hierdie buitegeboue gehad, wat dikwels afhanklikhede genoem word, wat gewoonlik rondom 'n binnehof agter in die hoofhuis, bekend as die kombuiswerf, gerangskik is. Dit het 'n kookhuis (aparte kombuisgebou), spens, waskamer (wasgoed), rookhuis, hoenderhuis, veerhuis of yshuis, melkhuis (suiwel), goed toegemaakte put en waterbak ingesluit. Die private sou 'n entjie van die plantasiehuis en kombuiswerf af geleë gewees het. [16]

Die kookhuis of kombuis was tot die moderne tyd byna altyd in 'n aparte gebou in die suide, soms verbind met die hoofhuis deur 'n onderdakpaadjie. Hierdie skeiding was deels te wyte aan die kookvuur wat die hele dag warm geword het in 'n reeds warm en vogtige klimaat. Dit het ook die risiko van brand verminder. Die kookhuis is inderdaad op baie plantasies van baksteen gebou, terwyl die hoofhuis van houtraamwerk was. 'N Ander rede vir die skeiding was om te verhoed dat die geraas en reuke van kookaktiwiteite die hoofhuis bereik. Soms bevat die kookhuis twee kamers, een vir die werklike kombuis en die ander vir die kok. Nog ander reëlings het die kombuis in die een kamer, 'n wasgoed in die ander kamer, en 'n tweede verdieping vir bediendekwartiere. [7] [16] Die spens kan in sy eie struktuur of in 'n koel deel van die kookhuis of 'n stoor wees, en sou items soos vate sout, suiker, meel, mieliemeel en dies meer verseker het. [17]

Die washuis is waar klere, tafeldoeke en beddeksels skoongemaak en gestryk is. Dit het ook soms woonhuise vir die wasvrou. Die skoonmaak van wasgoed in hierdie tydperk was arbeidsintensief vir die huishoudelike slawe wat dit uitgevoer het. Dit het verskillende toerusting nodig om die taak uit te voer. Die wasketel was 'n gietyster- of koperketel waarin klere of ander weefsels en seepwater oor 'n oop vuur verhit word. Die wasstok was 'n houtstok met 'n handvatsel in die boonste gedeelte en vier tot vyf steke aan die onderkant. Dit word gelyktydig op en af ​​gestamp en in die wasbak gedraai om die wasoplossing te belug en vuil los te maak. Die items word dan kragtig op 'n sinkplaat gesmeer totdat dit skoon is. Teen die 1850's sou hulle deur 'n mangel gelei word. Voor die tyd word die items met die hand uitgevee. Die voorwerpe is dan gereed om opgehang te word om droog te word, of, in gure weer, op 'n droograk geplaas te word. Stryk sou gedoen gewees het met 'n metaal plat yster, dikwels verhit in die kaggel, en verskeie ander toestelle. [18]

Die melkhuis sou deur slawe gebruik gewees het om melk van room, botter en karringmelk te maak. Die proses het begin met die skeiding van die melk in afgeroomde melk en room. Dit is gedoen deur die volmelk in 'n houer te gooi en die room natuurlik tot bo te laat styg. Dit word daagliks in 'n ander houer opgevang totdat verskeie liter opgehoop het. Gedurende hierdie tyd sou die room effens versuur deur natuurlike bakterieë. Dit het die doeltreffendheid van die komende werke verhoog. Omgooi was 'n moeilike taak wat met 'n botterskorsie uitgevoer is. Sodra die botter stewig genoeg was om te skei, maar sag genoeg om bymekaar te bly, is die botter uit die bak gehaal, in baie koue water gewas en gesout. Die koerproses het ook karringmelk as 'n byproduk opgelewer. Dit was die oorblywende vloeistof nadat die botter uit die bak verwyder is. [19] Al die produkte van hierdie proses sou in die lentehuis of yshuis gestoor gewees het. [16]

Die rookhuis is gebruik om vleis, gewoonlik vark, beesvleis en skaapvleis te bewaar. Dit is gewoonlik gebou uit gekapte hout of baksteen. Na die slagting in die herfs of vroeë winter is sout en suiker aan die vleis aan die begin van die verhardingsproses toegedien, en dan word die vleis stadig gedroog en in die rookhuis gerook deur 'n vuur wat geen warmte aan die rookhuis toegevoeg het nie self. [20] As dit koel genoeg was, kan die vleis ook daar gebêre word totdat dit verteer is. [16]

Die hoenderhuis was 'n gebou waar hoenders aangehou word. Die ontwerp kan wissel, afhangende van of die hoenders vir eierproduksie, vleis of albei gehou word. As dit vir eiers was, was daar dikwels neskaste vir eierlegging en sitplekke waarop die voëls kon slaap. Eiers is daagliks versamel. [16] Sommige plantasies het ook duiwe (duiveldoeke) wat in Louisiana soms die vorm aanneem van monumentale torings naby die hoofhuis. Die duiwe is grootgemaak om as 'n lekkerny geëet te word en hul mis is as kunsmis gebruik. [21]

Min funksies kan op 'n plantasie plaasvind sonder 'n betroubare watertoevoer. Elke plantasie het ten minste een, en soms verskeie, putte gehad. Dit was gewoonlik bedek en dikwels gedeeltelik omring deur traliewerk om diere uit te hou. Aangesien die putwater in baie gebiede as gevolg van minerale inhoud onsmaaklik was, kom die drinkbare water op baie plantasies uit reënbakke wat deur 'n pyp uit 'n dakopvang met reënwater voorsien is. Dit kan groot bogrondse houtvate wees wat met metaalkoepels bedek is, soos dit dikwels in Louisiana en kusgebiede van Mississippi gesien is, of ondergrondse baksteenmuurkoepels of -kluise, wat algemeen in ander gebiede voorkom. [7] [22]

Aanvullende strukture Redigeer

Sommige strukture op plantasies het weer hulpfunksies verskaf, die term afhanklikheid kan op hierdie geboue toegepas word. 'N Paar was algemeen, soos die koetshuis en smidswinkel, maar die meeste wissel tussen plantasies en was grotendeels 'n funksie van wat die planter wou, nodig gehad het of kon bekostig om by die kompleks te voeg. Hierdie geboue kan skoolhuise, kantore, kerke, kommissarisse, gristmeulens en saagmeulens insluit. [7] [23]

Op sommige plantasies in elke suidelike deelstaat het plantasie -skoolhuise gedien as 'n plek vir die gehuurde onderwyser of goewerneur om die kinders van die planter, en soms selfs dié van ander planters in die omgewing, op te voed. [7] Op die meeste aanplantings was 'n kamer in die hoofhuis egter voldoende vir skoolopleiding, eerder as 'n aparte gebou. Papier was kosbaar, sodat die kinders gereeld hul lesse voorgelees het totdat hulle dit uit die geheue geleer het. Die gebruiklike tekste aan die begin was die Bybel, 'n inleiding en 'n horingboek. Namate die kinders ouer geword het, het hulle skoolopleiding hulle begin voorberei op hul volwasse rolle op die plantasie. Seuns het akademiese vakke, behoorlike sosiale etiket en plantasiebestuur bestudeer, terwyl meisies kuns, musiek, Frans en huislike vaardighede aangeleer het wat by die meesteres van 'n plantasie pas. [24]

Die meeste plantasie -eienaars het 'n kantoor gehou om rekords te hou, sake te doen, korrespondensie te skryf en dies meer. [7] Alhoewel dit, net soos die skoolkamer, meestal in die hoofhuis of 'n ander struktuur was, was dit glad nie selde dat 'n kompleks 'n aparte plantasiekantoor gehad het nie. John C. Calhoun gebruik sy plantasiekantoor in sy Fort Hill-plantasie in Clemson, Suid-Carolina, as 'n privaat heiligdom, en dit word as studie en biblioteek gebruik tydens sy vyf-en-twintig jaar verblyf. [25]

'N Ander struktuur wat op sommige landgoedere gevind is, was 'n plantasie -kapel of kerk. Dit is om verskillende redes gebou. In baie gevalle het die planter 'n kerk of kapel gebou vir die gebruik van die plantasieslawe, hoewel hulle gewoonlik 'n blanke predikant gewerf het om die dienste te verrig. [26] Sommige is gebou om uitsluitlik die plantasiegesin te dien, maar baie meer is gebou om die gesin te dien en ander in die omgewing wat dieselfde geloof gedeel het. Dit blyk veral waar te wees met planters binne die Biskoplike denominasie. Vroeë verslae dui aan dat die meesteres van die landgoed, Louisa Harrison, op Faunsdale Plantation gereeld vir haar slawe instruksies gegee het deur die dienste van die kerk te lees en die biskoplike kategismus aan hul kinders te onderrig. Na die dood van haar eerste man het sy 'n groot Gotiese kerk van die timmerman laat bou, die Sint -Michielskerk. Sy trou weer met ds William A. Stickney, wat as die biskoplike predikant van St Michael's gedien het en later deur biskop Richard Wilmer aangestel is as '' Missionary to the Negroes ', waarna Louisa by hom aangesluit het as 'n nie -amptelike mede -minister onder die Afro -Amerikaners van die Black Belt. [27]

Die meeste plantasiekerke was van 'n houtraamwerk, hoewel sommige in baksteen gebou is, dikwels gestik. Vroeë voorbeelde was geneig tot die volksmond of neoklassisisme, maar latere voorbeelde was byna altyd in die Gotiese herlewingstyl. 'N Paar was teenstrydig met dié wat deur gemeentes in die suide van die stad gebou is. Twee van die mees uitgebreide voorbeelde in die diep suide is die Kapel van die Kruis by Annandale Plantation en St. Mary's Chapel by Laurel Hill Plantation, beide Episcopalian -strukture in Mississippi. In albei gevalle is die oorspronklike plantasiehuise vernietig, maar die kwaliteit en ontwerp van die kerke kan insig gee in hoe uitgebrei sommige plantasiekomplekse en hul geboue kan wees. St Mary-kapel, in Natchez, dateer uit 1839, gebou in gestucte baksteen met groot gotiese en Tudor-boogvensters, kapdeure oor die deure en vensters, steunpunte, 'n gekrenkte daklyn en 'n klein Gotiese spits wat die geheel bekroon. [28] Alhoewel konstruksierekords baie sketsmatig is, kan die Cross of the Cross, wat tussen 1850 en 1852 naby Madison gebou is, toegeskryf word aan Frank Wills of Richard Upjohn, wat albei byna identiese kerke in die noorde ontwerp het gedurende dieselfde tydperk wat die Kruiskapel is gebou. [29] [30]

'N Ander sekondêre struktuur op baie plantasies tydens die hoogtepunt van die aandeel-era was die plantasie winkel of kommissaris. Alhoewel sommige antebellum plantasies 'n kommissaris gehad het wat voedsel en voorrade aan slawe versprei het, was die plantasie winkel in wese 'n postbellum toevoeging tot die plantasie kompleks. Benewens die deel van hul oes wat reeds aan die plantasie -eienaar verskuldig was vir die gebruik van sy of haar grond, het huurders en aandeelhouers, gewoonlik op krediet vir hul volgende oes, die voedselvoorraad en toerusting waarop hulle vir hul bestaan ​​staatgemaak het, gekoop. [7] [31]

Hierdie tipe skuldgebondenheid, vir swartes en arm blankes, het aan die einde van die 19de eeu gelei tot 'n populistiese beweging wat swartes en blankes begin bymekaarbring het vir 'n algemene saak. Hierdie vroeë populistiese beweging word grootliks toegeskryf aan die feit dat dit bygedra het dat staatsregerings in die Suide, wat meestal deur die planterelite beheer word, verskeie wette opstel wat arm blankes en swartes ontkoppel, deur oupa -klousules, geletterdheidstoetse, meningsbelasting en verskeie ander wette. [31]

Landboustrukture Redigeer

Die landboustrukture op plantasies het 'n paar basiese strukture in gemeen en ander het baie gewissel. Hulle was afhanklik van watter gewasse en diere op die plantasie grootgemaak is. Gewone gewasse sluit in mielies, hooglandkatoen, katoen op die eiland, rys, suikerriet en tabak. Behalwe dié wat vroeër genoem is, is beeste, eende, bokke, varke en skape grootgemaak vir hul afgeleide produkte en/of vleis. Alle boedels sou verskillende soorte dierehokke, stalle en 'n verskeidenheid skure besit het. Baie plantasies het 'n aantal gespesialiseerde strukture gebruik wat gewasspesifiek was en slegs op die plantasie gevind is. [32]

Plantskure kan volgens funksie geklassifiseer word, afhangende van die tipe gewas en vee wat grootgemaak is. [33] In die bo -suide, soos hul eweknieë in die noorde, moes skure basiese skuiling bied vir die diere en die berging van voer. Anders as die boonste streke, hoef die meeste aanplantings in die laer Suide nie gedurende die winter 'n beduidende skuiling aan hul diere te bied nie. Diere is dikwels in vethokke gehou met 'n eenvoudige skuur vir skuiling, terwyl die hoofskuur of skure slegs vir gewasopberging of verwerking gebruik word. [32] Stalle was 'n noodsaaklike tipe skuur op die plantasie, wat gebruik was om perde en muile te huisves. Dit was gewoonlik apart, een vir elke tipe dier. Die muilstal was die belangrikste op die oorgrote meerderheid boedels, aangesien die muile die meeste werk gedoen het deur die ploeë en karre te trek. [32]

Skroewe wat nie by veeteelt betrokke was nie, was meestal die kripskuur (mieliekrippe of ander soorte graanhuise), opbergskure of verwerkingsskure. Kripskure is tipies van ongeknekte hout gemaak, alhoewel dit soms met vertikale houtbekleding bedek was. Opbergskure huisves dikwels onverwerkte gewasse of die wat wag op verbruik of vervoer na die mark. Die verwerking van skure was gespesialiseerde strukture wat nodig was om die gewas werklik te verwerk. [33]

Tabakplantasies was die algemeenste in sekere dele van Georgia, Kentucky, Missouri, Noord -Carolina, Tennessee, Suid -Carolina en Virginia. Die eerste landbou -aanplantings in Virginia is gestig op die verbouing van tabak. Tabakproduksie op plantasies was baie arbeidsintensief. Dit het die hele jaar nodig gehad om sade te versamel, dit in koue rame te laat groei en die plante na die landerye uit te plant sodra die grond warm geword het. Dan moes die slawe die hele somer die veld onkruid neem en die blomme uit die tabakplante verwyder om meer energie in die blare te dwing. Die oes is gedoen deur individuele blare oor 'n paar weke te pluk terwyl hulle ryp word, of om hele tabakplante te sny en in geventileerde tabakskure op te hang om droog te word, genaamd genesing. [34] [35]

Rysaanplantings was algemeen in die South Carolina Lowcountry. Tot in die 19de eeu is rys uit die stingels gedors en die skil word met die hand uit die graan gestamp, 'n baie arbeidsintensiewe poging. Ryspompmeule met stoom aangedryf het teen die 1830's algemeen geword. Hulle is gebruik om die graan uit die oneetbare kaf te dors. 'N Afsonderlike skoorsteen wat nodig was vir die brande wat die stoommasjien aandryf, was aangrensend tot die stampmolen en word dikwels met 'n ondergrondse stelsel verbind. Die draaiende skuur, 'n gebou wat ongeveer 'n verdieping van die grond op pale gelê het, is gebruik om die ligter kaf en stof van die rys te skei. [36] [37]

Suikerplantasies word die meeste in Louisiana aangetref. Trouens, Louisiana produseer feitlik al die suiker wat gedurende die antebellumperiode in die Verenigde State verbou is. Van 'n kwart tot die helfte van alle suiker wat in die Verenigde State verbruik word, kom uit suikerplantasies in Louisiana. Plantasies het sedert die koloniale era van Louisiana suikerriet gegroei, maar grootskaalse produksie het eers in die 1810's en 1820's begin. 'N Suksesvolle suikerplantasie het 'n bekwame gevolg van huurarbeid en slawe vereis. [38]

Die mees gespesialiseerde struktuur op 'n suikerplantasie was die suikermeule (suikerhuis), waar die stoomgedrewe meule teen die 1830's die suikerrietstingels tussen rollers vergruis het. Dit het die sap uit die stingels gedruk, en die rietsap sou onder in die meul uitloop deur 'n sif om in 'n tenk opgevang te word. Van daar af het die sap 'n proses ondergaan wat onsuiwerhede uit die vloeistof verwyder en verdik het deur verdamping. Dit is in stoomme verhit in vate, waar addisionele onsuiwerhede verwyder is deur kalk by die stroop te voeg en dan die mengsel te sif. Op hierdie stadium is die vloeistof in melasse omskep. Dit word dan in 'n geslote houer geplaas, bekend as 'n vakuumpan, waar dit gekook word totdat die suiker in die stroop gekristalliseer is. Die gekristalliseerde suiker is daarna afgekoel en geskei van enige oorblywende melasse in 'n proses wat bekend staan ​​as suiwering. Die laaste stap was om die suiker in varkhoutvate te pak vir vervoer na die mark. [39]

Katoenplantasies, die algemeenste plantasie in die suide voor die burgeroorlog, was die laaste plantasie wat ten volle ontwikkel het. Katoenproduksie was 'n baie arbeidsintensiewe oes om te oes, en die vesels moes met die hand uit die bol gepluk word. Dit het gepaard gegaan met die ewe moeisame verwydering van sade met die hand uit vesel. [40]

Na die uitvinding van die katoen -jenewer het katoenplantasies oral in die suide ontstaan ​​en die produksie van katoen het gestyg, tesame met die uitbreiding van slawerny. Katoen het ook veroorsaak dat plantasies in grootte groei. Gedurende die finansiële paniek van 1819 en 1837, toe die vraag van Britse meulens na katoen gedaal het, het baie klein planters bankrot geraak en hul grond en slawe is deur groter plantasies gekoop. Namate boedels wat katoen produseer, groter word, het die aantal slawehouers en die gemiddelde aantal slawe toegeneem. [41] [40]

'N Katoenplantasie het normaalweg 'n katoen -jenewerhuis, waar die katoen -jenewer gebruik is om die sade uit rou katoen te verwyder. Nadat die katoen geberg is, moes dit gebaal word voordat dit gestoor en na die mark vervoer kon word. Dit is bereik met 'n katoenpers, 'n vroeë tipe pers wat gewoonlik aangedryf word deur twee muile wat in 'n sirkel loop, en elkeen vasgemaak aan 'n oorarm wat 'n groot houtskroef draai. Die afwaartse werking van hierdie skroef het die verwerkte katoen saamgepers tot 'n eenvormige baalvormige houtomhulsel, waar die baal met tou vasgemaak is. [42]

Baie herehuise oorleef, en in sommige gevalle is voormalige slawehuise herbou of opgeknap. Om die onderhoud te betaal, het sommige, soos die Monmouth Plantation in Natchez, Mississippi en die Lipscomb Plantation in Durham, Noord -Carolina, klein luukse hotelle of bed en ontbyt geword. Nie net Monticello en Mount Vernon nie, maar ongeveer 375 voormalige plantasiehuise is museums wat besoek kan word. Daar is voorbeelde in elke suidelike staat. Sentrums van plantelewe, soos Natchez, hou planttoere. Tradisioneel het die museumhuise 'n idilliese, waardige 'verlore oorsaak' -visie van die antebellum -suide aangebied. Onlangs, en in verskillende mate, het sommige die "gruwels van slawerny" begin erken wat hierdie lewe moontlik gemaak het. [43]

Aan die einde van 2019, na kontak met Color of Change, het "vyf groot webwerwe wat gereeld vir troubeplanning gebruik word, belowe om besparings op die promosie en romantisering van troues op voormalige slawe -aanplantings te verminder." Die New York Times, vroeër in 2019, "besluit. om paartjies wat op plantasies getroud is, uit te sluit van trouaankondigings en ander huweliksdekking." [44]

Plantasie -eienaar Redigeer

'N Individu wat 'n plantasie besit het, was bekend as 'n planter. Geskiedkundiges van die antebellum -suide het oor die algemeen "planter" die presiesste gedefinieer as 'n persoon wat eiendom (vaste eiendom) en 20 of meer slawe besit. [45] In die "Black Belt" -afdelings van Alabama en Mississippi was die terme "planter" en "boer" dikwels sinoniem. [46]

Die historici Robert Fogel en Stanley Engerman definieer groot planters as dié wat meer as 50 slawe besit, en medium planters as dié wat tussen 16 en 50 slawe besit. [47] Historikus David Williams, in 'N Volksgeskiedenis van die burgeroorlog: stryd om die betekenis van vryheid, dui daarop dat die minimum vereiste vir planterstatus twintig slawe was, veral omdat 'n suidelike planter Konfederale plig vir een wit mannetjie per twintig slawe wat besit word, kan vrystel. [48] ​​In sy studie van die Black Belt -provinsies in Alabama definieer Jonathan Weiner planters volgens eienaarskap van vaste eiendom, eerder as slawe. 'N Planter vir Weiner besit ten minste $ 10 000 vaste eiendom in 1850 en $ 32,000 in 1860, gelykstaande aan ongeveer die agt persent van die grondeienaars. [49] In sy studie van die suidweste van Georgië definieer Lee Formwalt planters in terme van die grootte van grondbesit eerder as in terme van die aantal slawe. Formwalt se planters is in die boonste 4,5% van die grondeienaars, wat neerkom op vaste eiendom ter waarde van $ 6,000 of meer in 1850, $ 24,000 of meer in 1860 en $ 11,000 of meer in 1870. [50] In sy studie van Harrison County, Texas, Randolph B. Campbell klassifiseer groot planters as eienaars van 20 slawe, en klein planters as eienaars van tussen 10 en 19 slawe. [51] In Chicot en Phillips Counties, Arkansas, definieer Carl H. Moneyhon groot planters as eienaars van 20 of meer slawe, en van 600 ha (240 ha) of meer. [52]

Baie nostalgiese herinneringe oor plantelewe is in die post-bellum-suid gepubliseer. [53] Byvoorbeeld, James Battle Avirett, wat grootgeword het op die Avirett-Stephens Plantation in Onslow County, Noord-Carolina, en dien as 'n biskoplike kapelaan in die Confederate States Army, het gepubliseer Die ou plantasie: hoe ons voor die oorlog in 'n groot huis en hut gewoon het in 1901. [53] Sulke herinneringe bevat dikwels beskrywings van Kersfees as die toonbeeld van anti-moderne orde wat deur die 'groot huis' en die uitgebreide familie getoon word. [54]

Romans, wat dikwels in rolprente aangepas is, bied 'n romantiese, ontsmette blik op die plantlewe. Die gewildste hiervan was Die geboorte van 'n nasie (1916), gebaseer op Thomas Dixon Jr., se topverkoperroman Die Clansman (1905), en Weg met die wind (1939), gebaseer op die topverkoper-roman met dieselfde naam (1936) deur Margaret Mitchell.

Opsiener Redigeer

Op groter plantasies het 'n opsiener die planter verteenwoordig in sake van daaglikse bestuur. Usually perceived as uncouth, ill-educated, and low-class, he had the often despised task of meting out punishments in order to keep up discipline and secure the profit of his employer. [55] [ beter bron nodig ]

Slavery Edit

Southern plantations depended upon slaves to do the agricultural work. "Honestly, 'plantation' and 'slavery' is one and the same," said an employee of the Whitney Plantation in 2019. [56]

"Many plantations, including George Washington's Mount Vernon and Thomas Jefferson's Monticello, are working to present a more accurate image of what life was like for slaves and slave owners." [57] "The changes have begun to draw people long alienated by the sites' whitewashing of the past and to satisfy what staff call a hunger for real history, as plantations add slavery-focused tours, rebuild cabins and reconstruct the lives of the enslaved with help from their descendants." [56]

McLeod Plantation focuses primarily on slavery. "McLeod focuses on bondage, talking bluntly about “slave labor camps” and shunning the big white house for the fields." [56] "'I was depressed by the time I left and questioned why anyone would want to live in South Carolina,' read one review [of a tour] posted to Twitter." [57]


Inhoud

When George Washington's ancestors acquired the estate, it was known as Little Hunting Creek Plantation, after the nearby Little Hunting Creek. [7] However, when Washington's older half-brother, Lawrence Washington, inherited it, he renamed it after Vice Admiral Edward Vernon, who had been his commanding officer during the War of Jenkins' Ear and was famed for having captured Portobello from the Spanish. [8] When George Washington inherited the property, he retained the name. [7]

The current property consists of 500 acres (200 ha) [9] the Mansion and over 30 outbuildings are situated near the riverfront. [10] The property contained 8,000 acres (3,200 ha) when Washington lived there. [11]

Argitektuur Redigeer

The present mansion was built in phases from approximately 1734, by an unknown architect, under the supervision of Augustine Washington. [4] This staggered and unplanned evolution is indicated by the off-center main door. As completed and seen today, the house is in a loose Palladian style. The principal block, dating from about 1734, was a one-story house with a garret. [4] In the 1750s, the roof was raised to a full second story and a third floor garret. There were also one-story extensions added to the north and south ends of the house these were torn down during the next building phase. [12] The present day mansion is 11,028 sq ft (1,025 m 2 ). [13]

In 1774, the second expansion began. A two-story wing was added to the south side. Two years later a large two-story room was added to the north side. [12] Two single-story secondary wings were built in 1775. These secondary wings, which house the servants hall on the northern side and the kitchen on the southern side, are connected to the corps de logis by symmetrical, quadrant colonnades, built in 1778. The completion of the colonnades cemented the classical Palladian arrangement of the complex and formed a distinct cour d'honneur, known at Mount Vernon as Mansion Circle, giving the house its imposing perspective.

Die corps de logis has a hipped roof with dormers and the secondary wings have gable roofs with dormers. In addition to its second story, the importance of the corps de logis is further emphasized by two large chimneys piercing the roof and by a cupola surmounting the center of the house this octagonal focal point has a short spire topped by a gilded dove of peace. [14] This placement of the cupola is more in the earlier Carolean style than Palladian and was probably incorporated to improve ventilation of the enlarged attic and enhance the overall symmetry of the structure and the two wings a similar cupola crowns the Governor's House at Williamsburg, of which Washington would have been aware.

Though no architect is known to have designed Mount Vernon, some attribute the design to John Ariss, a prominent Virginia architect who designed Paynes Church in Fairfax County (now destroyed) and likely Mount Airy in Richmond County. [15] Other sources credit Colonel Richard Blackburn, who also designed Rippon Lodge in Prince William County and the first Falls Church. [16] [17] Blackburn's granddaughter Anne married Bushrod Washington, George's nephew, and is interred at the Washingtons' tomb on the grounds. Most architectural historians believe that the design of Mount Vernon is solely attributable to Washington alone and that the involvement of any other architects is based on conjecture. [18]

Binneversorging

The rooms at Mount Vernon have mostly been restored to their appearance at the time of George and Martha Washington's occupancy. Rooms include Washington's study, two dining rooms (the larger known as the New Room), the West Parlour, the Front Parlour, the kitchen and some bedrooms. [19]

The interior design follows the classical concept of the exterior, but owing to the mansion's piecemeal evolution, the internal architectural features – the doorcases, mouldings and plasterwork – are not consistently faithful to one specific period of the 18th-century revival of classical architecture. Instead they range from Palladianism to a finer and later neoclassicism in the style of Robert Adam. [19] This varying of the classical style is best exemplified in the doorcases and surrounds of the principal rooms. In the West Parlour and Small Dining rooms there are doorcases complete with ionic columns and full pediments, whereas in the hall and passageways the doors are given broken pediments supported by an architrave. [19] Many of the rooms are lined with painted panelling and have ceilings ornamented by plasterwork in a Neoclassical style much of this plasterwork can be attributed to an English craftsman, John Rawlins, who arrived from London in 1771 bringing with him the interior design motifs then fashionable in the British capital. [19]

Visitors to Mount Vernon now see Washington's study, a room to which in the 18th century only a privileged few were granted entry. This simply furnished room has a combined bathroom, dressing room and office the room was so private that few contemporary descriptions exist. Its walls are lined with naturally grained paneling and matching bookcases. [20] In contrast to the privacy of the study, since Washington's time, the grandest, most public and principal reception room has been the so-called New Room or Large Dining Room – a two-storied salon notable for its large Palladian window, occupying the whole of the mansion's northern elevation, and its fine Neoclassical marble chimneypiece. [21] The history of this chimneypiece to some degree explains the overall restrained style of the house. When it was donated to Washington by English merchant Samuel Vaughan, Washington was initially reluctant to accept the gift, stating that it was "too elegant & costly I fear for my own room, & republican stile of living." [22]

Efforts have been made to restore the rooms and maintain the atmosphere of the 18th century this has been achieved by using original color schemes and by displaying furniture, carpets and decorative objects which are contemporary to the house. The rooms contain portraits and former possessions of George Washington and his family. [19]

Grounds Edit

The gardens and grounds contain English boxwoods, taken from cuttings sent by Major General Henry Lee III ("Light Horse Harry" Lee, a Governor of Virginia and the father of Robert E. Lee), which were planted in 1786 by George Washington and now crowd the entry path. A carriage road skirts a grassy bowling green to approach the mansion entrance. To each side of the green is a garden contained by red brick walls. These Colonial Revival gardens [23] grew the household's vegetables, fruit and other perishable items for consumption. The upper garden, located to the north, is bordered by the greenhouse. [24] Ha-ha walls are used to separate the working farm from the pleasure grounds that Washington created for his family and guests. [25] The overseer's quarter, spinning room, salt house, and gardener's house are between the upper garden and the mansion.

The lower garden, or southern garden, is bordered on the east by the storehouse and clerk's quarters, smokehouse, wash house, laundry yard, and coach house. A paddock and stable are on the southern border of the garden east of them, a little down the hillside, is the icehouse. The original tomb is located along the river. The newer tomb in which the bodies of George and Martha Washington have rested since 1831 is south of the fruit garden the slave burial ground is nearby, a little farther down the hillside. A "Forest Trail" runs through woods down to a recreated pioneer farm site on low ground near the river the 4-acre (16,000 m 2 ) working farm includes a re-creation of Washington's 16-sided treading barn. [26]

A museum and education center are on the grounds and exhibit examples of Washington's survey equipment, weapons, and clothing, as well as dentures worn by the first President. The Fred W. Smith National Library for the Study of George Washington opened in 2013. [27] The library fosters new scholarship about George Washington and safeguards original Washington books and manuscripts. The site is open for scholarship by appointment only.

Washington family Edit

In 1674, John Washington (the great-grandfather of President Washington) and his friend Nicholas Spencer came into possession of the land from which Mount Vernon plantation would be carved, originally known by its Indian name of Epsewasson. [28] [a] The successful patent on the acreage was largely executed by Spencer, who acted as agent for his cousin Thomas Colepeper, 2nd Baron Colepeper, [28] the English landowner who controlled the Northern Neck of Virginia, in which the tract lay. [29]

When John Washington died in 1677, his son Lawrence, George Washington's grandfather, inherited his father's stake in the property. In 1690, he agreed to formally divide the estimated 5,000 acre (20 km 2 ) estate with the heirs of Nicholas Spencer, who had died the previous year. The Spencers took the larger southern half bordering Dogue Creek in the September 1674 land grant from Lord Culpeper, leaving the Washingtons the portion along Little Hunting Creek. (The Spencer heirs paid Lawrence Washington 2,500 lb (1,100 kg) of tobacco as compensation for their choice.) [28]

Lawrence Washington died in 1698, bequeathing the property to his daughter Mildred. On 16 April 1726, she agreed to a one-year lease on the estate to her brother Augustine Washington, George Washington's father, for a peppercorn rent a month later the lease was superseded by Augustine's purchase of the property for £180. [30] He built the original house on the site around 1734, when he and his family moved from Pope's Creek to Eppsewasson, [31] which he renamed Little Hunting Creek. [32] The original stone foundations of what appears to have been a two-roomed house with a further two rooms in a half-story above are still partially visible in the present house's cellar. [31]

Augustine Washington recalled his eldest son Lawrence (George's half-brother) home from school in England in 1738 and set him up on the family's Little Hunting Creek tobacco plantation, thereby allowing Augustine to move his family back to Fredericksburg at the end of 1739. [7] In 1739, Lawrence, having reached his majority (age 21), began buying up parcels of land from the adjoining Spencer tract, starting with a plot around the grist mill on Dogue Creek. In mid-1740 Lawrence received a coveted officer's commission in the Regular British Army and made preparations to go off to war in the Caribbean with the newly formed American Regiment to fight in the War of Jenkins' Ear. [33] He served under Admiral Edward Vernon returning home, he named his estate after his commander.

George Washington Edit

Lawrence died in 1752, and his will stipulated that his widow should own a life estate in Mount Vernon, the remainder interest falling to his half-brother George George Washington was already living at Mount Vernon and probably managing the plantation. Lawrence's widow, Anne Fairfax, remarried into the Lee family and moved out. [34] Following the death of Anne and Lawrence's only surviving child in 1754, George, as executor of his brother's estate leased his sister-in-law's estate. Upon the death of Anne Fairfax in 1761, he succeeded to the remainder interest and became sole owner of the property. [35]

In 1758, Washington began the first of two major additions and improvements by raising the house to two-and-a-half stories. [35] The second expansion was begun during the 1770s, shortly before the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. Washington had rooms added to the north and south ends, unifying the whole with the addition of the cupola and two-story piazza overlooking the Potomac River. The final expansion increased the mansion to 21 rooms and an area of 11,028 square feet. [25] The great majority of the work was performed by African American slaves and artisans. [36]

Agriculture and enterprise Edit

Washington had been expanding the estate by the purchase of surrounding parcels of land since the late 1750s and was still adding to the estate well into the 1780s, including the River Farm estate. [37] From 1759 until the Revolutionary War, Washington, who at the time aspired to become a prominent agriculturist, had five separate farms as part of his estate. He took a scientific approach to farming and kept extensive and meticulous records of both labor and results.

In a letter dated 20 September 1765, Washington writes about receiving poor returns for his tobacco production:

Can it be otherwise than a little mortifying then to find, that we, who raise none but Sweetscented Tobacco, and endeavour I may venture to add, to be careful in the management of it, however we fail in the execution, and who by a close and fixed corrispondance with you, contribute so largely to the dispatch of your Ships in this Country shoud [sic] meet with such unprofitable returns? [38]

In the same letter he asks about the prices of flax and hemp, with a view to their production:

In order thereto you woud do me a singular favour in advising of the general price one might expect for good Hemp in your Port watered and prepared according to Act of Parliament, with an estimate of the freight, and all other Incident charges pr. Tonn that I may form some Idea of the profits resulting from the growth. I should be very glad to know at the sametime how rough and undressd Flax has generally, and may probably sell for this year I have made an Essay in both, and altho I suffer pretty considerably by the attempt, owing principally to the severity of the Drougth [sic], and my inexperience in the management I am not altogether discouraged from a further prosecution of the Scheme provided I find the Sales with you are not clogd with too much difficulty and expence.

The tobacco market had declined, and many planters in northern Virginia converted to mixed crops. Like them, by 1766 Washington had ceased growing tobacco at Mount Vernon and had replaced the crop with wheat, corn, and other grains. Besides hemp and flax, he experimented with 60 other crops including cotton and silk. He also derived income from a gristmill which produced cornmeal and flour for export and also ground neighbors' grain for fees. Washington similarly sold the services of the estate's looms and blacksmith.

Washington built and operated a small fishing fleet, permitting Mount Vernon to export fish. Washington practiced the selective breeding of sheep in an effort to produce better quality wool. He was not as invested in animal husbandry as he was in cropping experiments, which were elaborate and included complex field rotations, nitrogen fixing crops and a range of soil amendments. [39] The Washington household consumed a wider range of protein sources than was typical for the Chesapeake population of his day, which consumed a great deal of beef. [40]

The new crops were less labor-intensive than tobacco hence, the estate had a surplus of slaves. But Washington refused to break up families for sale. Washington began to hire skilled indentured servants from Europe to train the redundant slaves for service on and off the estate. [41] Following his service in the war, Washington returned to Mount Vernon and in 1785–1786 spent a great deal of effort improving the landscaping of the estate. It is estimated that during his two terms as President of the United States (1789–1797), Washington spent a total of 434 days in residence at Mount Vernon. After his presidency, Washington tended to repairs to the buildings, socializing, and further gardening.

George Washington's will Edit

In his will, written several months before his death in December 1799, George Washington left directions for the emancipation of all the slaves who belonged to him. Of the 317 slaves at Mount Vernon in 1799, a little less than half, 123 individuals, belonged to George Washington. Under the terms of his will, these slaves were to be set free upon Martha Washington's death. [42]

In accordance with state law, George Washington stipulated in his will that elderly slaves or those who were too sick to work were to be supported throughout their lives by his estate. Children without parents, or those whose families were too poor or indifferent to see to their education, were to be bound out (or apprenticed) to masters and mistresses who would teach them reading, writing, and a useful trade, until they were ultimately freed at the age of twenty-five. [42]

When Martha Washington's first husband, Daniel Parke Custis, died without a will, she received a life interest in one-third of his estate, including the slaves. Neither George nor Martha Washington could free these slaves by law. Upon Martha's death, these slaves reverted to the Custis estate and were divided among her grandchildren. By 1799, 153 slaves at Mount Vernon were part of this dower property. [42]

Fearing that her deceased husband's slaves might kill her to gain their freedom, Martha signed a deed of manumission for them in December 1800. [43] Abstracts of the Fairfax County, Virginia, Court Records record this transaction. The slaves received their freedom on January 1, 1801. [42]


Placing slavery’s role in history

The homes of the nation’s first presidents receive as much care and attention as any historic sites in the nation. Special societies raise money to preserve and protect them. Researchers dote on the finest points of their architecture and family heritage.

But until recent years, there was little focus on a painful reality in the history of several of the founding fathers: George Washington, who led the Colonial forces seeking freedom from the British Thomas Jefferson, whose Declaration of Independence proclaimed the right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” and James Madison, who wrote the Constitution “in order to . . . secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,” all owned slaves.

“How do you deal with the fact that Jefferson’s a national hero, Madison and Washington were heroes, and they all had slaves?” asked James Oliver Horton, a history professor at George Washington University who focuses on slavery. “Most people try to ignore it.”

The most famous -- and most visited -- presidential home, Washington’s Mount Vernon, has just added a piece of history that has long been known but, until now, was not really visible -- a reconstructed slave cabin, similar to those that housed the slaves who worked the fields of its outlying farms.

The tiny cabin -- with its crudely cut log exterior, rough pallet on the floor and bare loft -- stands in stark contrast to Washington’s 11,400-square-foot mansion five miles away, with its opulent furnishings, white-pillared veranda and vistas of the Potomac River.

Construction of the 16-by-14-foot dwelling was based in part on a 1908 photo of a dilapidated slave cabin, one of many that once dotted the 8,000-acre estate. In a letter written in 1798, a Polish visitor to Mount Vernon described “the huts of the Blacks, for one cannot call them by the name of houses,” as “wretched” and “more miserable than the most miserable of the cottages of our peasants.”

But that jolt of despair, said Sheila Coates, president of Black Women United for Action, is what Mount Vernon needed. Before the dedication of the cabin Sept. 19, the only depiction of slave life at Mount Vernon was a dormitory-style brick structure reconstructed on the farm nearest the mansion. The original residence -- part of the estate’s greenhouse, which burned down in the mid-1800s -- housed 97 house servants and craftsmen, the “elite” of the estate’s 316 slaves.

“There are people who saw those slave quarters and would think, ‘Well, the slave didn’t have it so bad,’ ” said Coates, whose group had pushed for years for a realistic representation of how the field slaves lived.

The cabin interprets the lives of actual slaves on one of Mount Vernon’s farms: a married couple, Slammin’ Joe and Silla, and their six children. Inside are their rations, salted fish and two sacks of cornmeal outside are a small vegetable garden and a chicken coop that they used to supplement their diet. “In order to fully understand what their lives were like, visitors must see how they lived,” said Dennis J. Pogue, Mount Vernon’s director of preservation.

Acknowledging slave ownership “is much more common than it was 20 years ago,” he said. “It’s still a topic that people would like us to deal with more.”

Other presidential homes in Virginia are taking similar steps.

At Monticello, Jefferson’s home near Charlottesville, communications director Wayne Mogielnicki said construction would soon begin on the slave cabins and workshops along Mulberry Row, an area near the main house where root cellars, thousands of artifacts and cabin foundations were excavated 30 years ago.

Tour guides discuss Jefferson’s slave ownership, along with the belief that he fathered one or more children born to Sally Hemings, a house slave.

So far, though, the only depiction of slave life at Monticello is the restored cook’s quarters, a comfortably furnished 10-by-14-foot room next to the home’s expansive kitchen.

Ash Lawn-Highland, James Monroe’s estate near Monticello, rebuilt quarters for a house slave in 1985. The executive director, Carolyn Holmes, said the long-term plan was to reconstruct the homes of the field slaves, “when we have documentation present.”

And there are promises of reconstructed slave quarters within the next decade at Montpelier, James Madison’s home near Orange, Va., where a freedman’s cabin dating from the 1800s has been restored. “As far as we know, it’s the only freedman’s home in Virginia,” said Christian Cotz, the estate’s student education coordinator.

But where presidents’ homes have, until now, lacked concrete depictions of the difficult lives of the slaves who worked there, other historical sites in Virginia have shown slaves’ contributions to Colonial America and the conditions in which they lived.

“It may not be the world through rose-colored glasses, but it is an essential element for the history of this nation, and you cannot ignore it,” said Jim Bradley, a spokesman for the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.

At Carter’s Grove, a plantation along the James River eight miles from Williamsburg, four slave cabins were reconstructed in the late 1980s, after archaeological excavations a decade earlier revealed remnants of slaves’ home lives. The historic area in Williamsburg itself offers reenactments of slaves’ daily lives in a thriving Colonial town.

“At the time of the American Revolution, slightly over half of the population of Williamsburg was of African descent,” Bradley said. Without slave labor, “a tremendous amount of accomplishments would have been impossible.”

Although presidential homes have acknowledged on their tours that the founding fathers did own slaves, said Horton, the historian at George Washington University, they are years behind Williamsburg in bringing the difficulties of slaves’ daily existence to life. “Freedom-loving” Americans just can’t deal with slavery, he said.

“All these national heroes were doing things that we thought were evil,” Horton said. “Even in their society, people knew they were hypocritical.”


Lives Bound Together

Lives Bound Together: Slavery at George Washington's Mount Vernon. Edited by Susan P. Schoelwer, Senior Curator at George Washington's Mount Vernon, with an introduction by Annette Gordon-Reed of Harvard University. ISBN-13: 978-970931917-0. Copyright 2016. Softcover with 172 pages.

At the time of George Washington's death in 1799, more than 300 enslaved men, women, and children lived on his Mount Vernon plantation. Lives Bound Together provides fresh research on this important topic, with brief biographies of 19 enslaved individuals, 10 essays, and 130 illustrations (including paintings, prints, and household furnishings from the Mansion, artifacts excavated by archaeologists from the slave quarters, documents, maps, and conjectural silhouettes that suggest the presence of the enslaved). The text illuminates the lives, families, and experiences of the enslaved people of Mount Vernon as well as Washington's own evolving views on slavery, culminating in his pioneering action to free his slaves per the terms of his will.

A Mount Vernon bookplate, signed by the author, is included with your purchase.


Colonial in: The complicated history of Colonial Williamsburg

It’s a gorgeous morning in Colonial Williamsburg, and I am cheering for America’s most notorious traitor. It’s not just me, it’s everyone — 250 people, families, people in wheelchairs, people in strollers, people with dogs, children with tricorne hats and wooden guns. We’re standing bunched together in something of a mob at the end of Duke of Gloucester Street, right outside the colonial Capitol, and for a moment we are all clapping and whistling and yelling “huzzah.” We are psyched.

Robert Weathers has been working up the crowd. He’s yelling at the top of his voice news about the glorious American victory in the Battle of Saratoga (huzzah!) thanks to our brave troops (huzzah!) and their talented major general, Benedict Arnold (huzz . uh). Laughter flickers through the crowd, and I hear a dad tell a child, good-naturedly, to stop cheering. A few of us keep going. I’m not sure if the others are being funny or perverse or don’t recognize the name, but I am cheering for what just happened. Every one of us had to take a second to think about the complexity of war, and the fickleness of heroism.

Meanwhile, removed from the crowd, I notice a person in period costume who is not cheering. He looks subdued, doubtful, conflicted. Hy is swart. The speaker is talking about the necessity of fighting for one’s freedom.

That’s right, I’m in Colonial Williamsburg, and it’s making me think. Revolutionary.

Since the 1930s, when the project opened to the public, the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation has employed tour guides in 18th-century costumes. They were originally all female and called “hostesses” the most important requirement, according to the project’s founder, the Rev. W.A.R. Goodwin, was that they be Southern.

By 1940, the foundation was employing African Americans to represent slaves. “Archaically clad slaveys,” as a Washington Post travel article called them, dressed the part but did not pretend to be colonial-era persons. Through the ’50s, the costumed employees lived in segregated dorms, and black visitors had only one designated day a week to tour the historic area. In the ’60s, critics began to complain about Williamsburg’s emphasis on rich white men, noting as late as 1976 the “almost total absence of any reference to slavery,” in one visitor’s words. Historian Anders Greenspan refers to this period as Williamsburg’s transition from monument to educational institution. In 1979, Colonial Williamsburg hired three black interpreters, including Rex Ellis, who went on to develop the African American studies program at Colonial Williamsburg and today is director of curatorial affairs at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture. Ellis told the Daily Press in 2009 that, at first, his family thought that pretending to be a slave was the worst thing he could do, given his education and opportunities.

As our culture learns more and thinks differently about the past, Williamsburg has grown with us, struggling, as it must, to follow both historical accuracy and financial viability. Bill Weldon, the foundation’s manager of public history development, says the mission is “that people be provoked to think about citizenship.” Since 2006, that enterprise has taken a turn for the theatrical, with 40 actor-interpreters representing real historical people from the town, with names and identifying details discovered the same way any historian discovers them. The characters participate in scripted scenes, extended monologues and extemporaneous conversation with visitors. This street-theater reimagining of Williamsburg is called Revolutionary City.

From a theater nerd’s perspective, which I just happen to have, this is terribly exciting. Street theater and educational plays have a pretty bad rap of late. But there’s street theater three hours south of Washington that gets more than a million visitors a year — painfully cool, avant-garde street theater that wants to change the minds of families on vacation and middle-schoolers on field trips. Tourists can avoid the darker parts of Colonial Williamsburg if they wish — or they can seek it out.

“We never found anything we aren’t willing to portray,” Weldon says. “We’d try to find a way to portray tar -and feathering, if it had happened.” It nearly does, in one scene. Revolutionary City has staged execution by firing squad — behind a wall — and scenes with slaveholders and enslaved characters, as well as scenes of a town occupied by a foreign power.

“If you are responsible and if you portray things responsibly and realistically, it’s the best teaching method,” Weldon says of the interactive, environmental street theater. “Public history, as opposed to academic.” The same year that Revolutionary City debuted, Mount Vernon unveiled its $5 million, 20-minute action-adventure movie starring a dashing young George Washington in the French and Indian War. History has gone cutting-edge.

Which makes the job of actor-interpreter at Revolutionary City a very interesting one indeed. Full-time, year-round, non-union acting gigs that pay a living wage (with benefits!) are thin on the ground already, but add the research and interactivity, and you’ve got financial stability, creativity, and a clear artistic and intellectual mission — facets that only a tiny, lucky fraction will find in New York or Los Angeles.

I’d been told to come to the 9 a.m. briefing/strategy session in the blacksmith’s house to meet the actor-interpreters during a bit of their downtime. The rebuilt historic houses along Duke of Gloucester Street are set up as colonial shops and private residences. Not seeing anyone coming or going, I assume I have the wrong address, but Jim Bradley, communications manager for Colonial Williamsburg, finds me and takes me around the back.

“When you live in a period house,” he tells me, “you don’t ever answer the front door. Come and go by the back doors. They’re usually outside of the public eye.” Around the back is the excavation of the next historical site being built, a half-dug-up smithy. Actors are arriving in costume from the parking lot — a mix of men and women, young and middle-aged, black and white. There’s a half-colonial feel to all of it, with ponytailed wigs still in the hairnets they’re stored in to protect the braids. A gentleman is using a steam iron on a drawstring bag. Suzie Allen is reading out the list of who will play what, when and where. There’s a coffeepot and a fridge. This is a break room it’s 18th century only on the outside.

“Anyone feel the need to rehearse?” Allen asks the room. There are about 20 actors here, and they are generally avoiding modern figures of speech, though I do hear one actor call another “Captain Queernabs,” which I figure must be a reference to something on YouTube.

Nobody feels the need to rehearse.

What is it like to interact with an audience as an 18th-century man? Robert Weathers, the Benedict Arnold champion, answers. “The number one mistake you can make is pointing out how [the visitors] are different from you. It opens you up to questions about the microphone.” The actors wear wireless mics, with a battery pack that tucks into their waistbands or under their skirts.

Colonial Williamsburg gives its actor-interpreters pamphlets about how to sound 18th-century. Say “above stairs” or “below stairs.” Terms like “hussy,” “slut” and “to make love” weren’t particularly rude. The actors tend to favor the insults. Bill Rose, one of the actor-interpreters, has an 1812 “Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue” and will write five archaic words for the day and their definitions. It turns out “Captain Queernabs” is a shabby gentleman.

The actor-interpreters call me out for saying a cobbler maak skoene. (He only repairs them. It is a touchy subject.) They show me their handy chart, the “lowerarchy of humor,” on which they rate each others’ bad jokes on a low-threshold continuum from Yakov Smirnoff to Carlos Mencia. And they tell me about the two-hour discussion they had the other day about racism — whether colonial racism was necessarily about inherent racial inequality or whether it was about slaves being a “conquered people.” “Is racism today the same as it was then?” asks Art Johnson from the back of the room. He seems to want to rekindle the conversation, but this morning is too boisterous and slaphappy for it to catch hold.

There are also non-employee, non-volunteer folk who will make their own costumes and walk the streets, occasionally answering questions or giving unofficial talks. “We can’t vouch for everyone in a pointy hat,” Weathers says.

Each actor-interpreter does individual research during the park’s off period in January and February. Topics include colonial-era dance, boxing or cosmetics. “It reflects our interests,” says actor-interpreter Deirdre Jones. “And it benefits our interpretation. We can make these people more human.” And sometimes there are the tourists who object. “People tell me [as Kate, a slave], you can’t read!” Jones says. “And I say, there’s evidence that she could.” Kate is a real historical woman owned by a Mr. Trebell, who sent slaves to the Bray school, where Ann Wager taught them from the Bible. One of Jones’s slave characters gives tours of the Governor’s Palace — and because she would not be talkative with free Williamsburgers, the people taking the tour are cast as outsider slaves, sent to help set up a party.

There’s a scene in which Weathers has Eddie Menzies, playing a slave, in leather cuffs. “We walk down the street, and I explain he’s a runaway slave,” Weathers says. “Everyone thinks — runaway slave, good! People will try to free me,” says Menzies. “Robert will say I might get loose and hurt someone. One [tourist] said, ‘You wouldn’t hurt me!’ And I took it a step further: ‘If killing you meant getting my freedom, I’d kill you and your whole family.’ ”

For me, the only uncomfortable part of the whole experience is interacting with an actor pretending to be a slave.

Art Johnson, 49, realizes he has a hurdle to overcome. “You make the visitors feel comfortable so they can ask a question,” he says, eating a sandwich in the break room. Johnson sees himself more as an interpreter than an actor. He takes his historical knowledge and research and puts it in terms the visitor will understand. Which at times is more than people want to do.

“People will walk away, say they don’t want to hear it. People sit down in awe.” At another Williamsburg site, he says, “a lady I saw went down on her knees and cried, looking at the slave quarters.

“I’m in a city that at its height was over 50 percent black,” Johnson says. “It’s not always represented. It’s like taking someone to Georgetown and saying, ‘This is America.’ ”

Thomas Jefferson is onstage in front of a packed audience in the Hennage Auditorium in the mental hospital museum, showing off his “laptop.” It’s a portable desk he invented. The crowd eats it up. He tells us why the Declaration changed from one draft to the next. Originally, he held these truths to be sacred and inviolable, but he revised them in order to ground equality in human logic rather than in religious terms. Inevitably, at question-and-answer time, someone asks about his rumored sexual relationship with Sally Hemings, whom he owned.

“I would go to the ends of the earth to defend your right to say what you wish,” Jefferson says, “and my right not to answer.” Big laughs. . He stays afterward for 10 or 15 minutes, shaking hands and posing for pictures.

Bill Barker has been Thomas Jefferson for 27 years, originally at Independence Hall but here at Williamsburg for the past 17 years. He had been a history major but was pursuing theater in New York and Washington when a friend of his who played William Penn in Philadelphia asked if anyone had ever told him he looked like Thomas Jefferson.

Spend an hour with Bill Barker, and he’ll name-check Tacitus and Thucydides, drop paragraph-long quotations of Jefferson’s views on health care, and mention the medical experiments Jefferson performed on himself to try to cure his ailments — including attempts to self-catheterize. Barker will argue convincingly why he thinks Jefferson was a Freemason.

Whatever burden comes with wearing the frock coat and the ponytail, Barker embraces it. People expect him to say profound things, and he does. When a little boy asked him to define happiness, he answered with his take on Aristotle’s definition: fulfillment of one’s own capacity. And when a small girl asked what to say to your brother who has gone to war, he told her: “Let him know it’s for your benefit, the nation’s benefit. Help him to understand this is the highest duty.”

Barker has his own theory about the founders’ purpose in creating Colonial Williamsburg.He takes off his microphone and says: “My father, who was drafted into the First World War, said this was [primary donor John D. Rockefeller Jr.’s] gift to the South — after the Civil War, to remind us of when we were all working together, of compromise. It certainly took vision to see what something like this could mean.”

Revolutionary City is where Mr. Jefferson lives, but it’s also where a character named Wil, a slave owned by a tavern-keeper, lives. I meet Wil the first time when I come upon him telling a tourist family that the revolutionaries were talking only of their own freedom, not freedom for everyone. As I walked by, Wil straightened up, advised the family that you never know who is listening, and bowed to me, a white woman in jeans, telling me he “didn’t mean no trouble,” and acting worried about what my response would be. I was startled to suddenly be cast in the role of oppressor. Wil was afraid of me.

I responded with something awkward and modern, like, “No, you’re fine,” and I tried to bow back. I felt the need to make a joke. “I’m one of the nice ones!” Nothing worked nothing improved the situation of me against them. At that point, it didn’t matter what I did.

And that is when everything changed.

It didn’t matter at all that I was one of the nice ones. It didn’t matter what I said. What mattered to Wil was my white skin. It ruptured any sort of connection we could have. Somehow — it seems ridiculous now — I had imagined that if I had lived here in the 1700s, being nice, being me, having the conviction that slavery was wrong would make a friendship with someone like Wil possible.

I tracked Wil down the next day looking for catharsis. He stayed in his character, and left me in the one he’d designated for me the previous day. He was just as serious. He made me sit in the shade while he sat in the sun. He asked if I had brought a slave, and how a woman had traveled from Washington on her own, and if I was afraid, and he asked so plainly and earnestly and directly that I was playing along without realizing it. He told me his wife and son were sold down to North Carolina after a Christmas celebration got out of hand he showed me scars on his back — real scars, though not particularly lash-like — from the whipping he got when he left his owner without permission to help his uncle die. The uncle had died already when he arrived.

Wil asked me if I thought he should find another wife. He loves his wife still, but isn’t sure he’ll ever see her again, and a man gets lonesome. Nothing I said could comfort Wil. I asked him how much he cost — a hundred pounds — and he told another group of tourists that I would buy him and take him up North. I hadn’t said that. But I suspect a lot of people promise to buy Wil.

The best theater, the best art, will grow a compassion and perspective in you that you didn’t know you lacked. It will show you that you were incomplete and that you have more to learn.

Wil is played by Greg James. If you go to Revolutionary City to meet him, there is nothing you can do for him. But he can do so much for you.


7. Pay Your Respects at Washington’s Tomb and the Slave Memorial

George and Martha Washington are buried side-by-side in a tomb located below the fruit orchard. Washington died in his bedroom at Mount Vernon, and his will specified that he be buried on the estate. The Slave Memorial, located 50 yards from the tomb, is located on the site of a burial ground for slaves and free blacks who worked at Mount Vernon. Special wreath laying ceremonies are held at Washington’s Tomb and the Slave Memorial daily, but you can stop and pay your respects any time.

Tip: Washington’s Tomb and the Slave Memorial are located downhill from the Mansion on a dirt path so can be difficult to reach for people with limited mobility.


3D Sculpture of George Washington

The museum at Mount Vernon displays a collection of more than 700 objects including furnishings, china, silver, clothing, jewelry, Revolutionary War artifacts, rare books and manuscripts, and other personal effects of the Washington family. The building also serves as Washington's presidential library with classroom space and computers that will provide access to more than 20,000 letters written by Washington during his lifetime.


Kyk die video: American Artifacts: Mount Vernons Slave Quarters (Julie 2022).


Kommentaar:

  1. Miquel

    is absoluut nie in ooreenstemming met die vorige sin nie

  2. Mezidal

    It - is senseless.



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