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Corazon Aquino - Geskiedenis

Corazon Aquino - Geskiedenis


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Corazon Aquino

1933-2009

Filippynse politikus

Corazon Aquino is gebore as Mari Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco op 25 Januarie 1933 in die Paniqui -Filippyne. Sy het saam met haar gesin na die Verenigde State verhuis toe sy op hoërskool was. Aquino het die hoërskool voltooi en is ook in die VSA op universiteit. Sy keer in 1953 terug na die Filippyne en gaan na die regsskool. Sy trou op 11 Oktober 1954 met Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino. Hulle het vyf kinders. Haar man het een van die voorste kritici van die regering geword, en toe die president krygswet verklaar, is haar man gearresteer. Hulle is in ballingskap gedwing.

Na die sluipmoord op Benigno (op internasionale televisie toe hy in 1983 terugkeer na die Filippyne), het sy aktief geword in die beweging teen die huidige president Ferdinand Marcos. Sy het die opposisie gelei tydens die verkiesings van 1986. Toe Marcos die oorwinning opeis, het oproer uitgebreek, wat daartoe gelei het dat hy uit die land gevlug het en Aquino president geword het. Aquino was die sleutel tot die skryf van 'n nuwe Filippynse grondwet. Sy tree in 1992 af.


Wat is die bydrae van Corazon Aquino?

Corazon Aquino was die 11de president van die Filippyne, en die eerste vrou wat ooit die amp beklee het.

Die bydraes wat sy aan haar land gemaak het, is talryk, so as u wonder wat sy presies vir haar groot nasie gedoen het, is hier 'n paar voorbeelde:

Die bydraes van Corazon Aquino
President Aquino het 'n aantal baie belangrike bydraes tot die Filippyne gelewer:

  • Sy het toesig gehou oor veranderinge aan die grondwet wat die magte van die president beperk het
  • Sy bevorder menseregte en burgerlike vryheid
  • Sy het probeer om vrede te bewerkstellig met verskillende politieke faksies en opstandelinge
  • Sy het die Filippynse ekonomie in 'n meer gesonde en verantwoordelike rigting gedruk
  • Sy het die land deur moeilike tye gelei
  • Sy bevorder nasionale identiteit en die Filippynse taal

Die sterk punte van Corazon Aquino
Die presidentskap van Corazon Aquino het in baie moeilike omstandighede begin.

Haar man was 'n belangrike senator wat in ballingskap geleef het omdat hy die huidige regime hard gekritiseer het. By sy terugkeer na die Filippyne is hy vermoor.

Woedend hieroor het Aquino 'n suksesvolle uitdaging vir die presidentskap gelei.

Die Filippynse nasie het verlief geraak op haar nederige 'huisvrou' -persoonlikheid en haar krag en vasberadenheid.

Daarom dink ek dat haar persoonlikheid werklik die belangrikste geskenk aan haar land was.


Inhoud

Die verkiesing van Corazon Aquino tot die presidensie het die vooruitsigte vir die heropbou van die formele demokrasie -instellings en die grondbeginsels van die Filippynse ekonomie laat verswak deur die regime van die afgedankte president Ferdinand Marcos. Konflikte met afskeidingsgroepe in Mindanao, opblaas van nasionale skuld en ernstige ekonomiese ongelykheid het die nuut geïnstalleerde administrasie geteister. [5]

Een van die ernstige manifestasies van die ekonomiese ongelykheid kan gesien word in die landbouprobleme van die Filippyne in daardie tyd. Beloofde grondhervormings tydens die Marcos -bewind het landbouers nie geregtigheid gebring nie. In plaas daarvan het die makkers en oligarge van die Marcos -regime die mishandeling van boere en kleinboere voortgesit. Die nuwe administrasie was 'n nuwe geleentheid vir minderhede om hul onderskeie griewe te smeek. [8] Die boere dring deur tot die nuwe regeringswysigings in die landbouwet. Minister Heherson Alvarez het egter hul verteenwoordigers aangesê om te wag vir die afhandeling van die nuwe Filippynse grondwet en die nuwe kongres, wat die boere agterdogtig gemaak het oor hierdie besluiteloosheid. [8] Verder is die nuwe kongres wat die wette sou neem wat die hervormings sal uitvoer, oorheers deur die eienaars. [8]

Aquino se EO 229 het nie die wortel van landbouprobleme in die land aangespreek nie, die boere teleurgestel en hulle laat protesteer teen die administrasie. [8]

Die Kilusang Magbubukid van Pilipinas (KMP of die Boerebeweging van die Filippyne), 'n militante boeregroep onder leiding van Jaime Tadeo, het opregte agrariese hervorming van die Aquino -regering geëis. [9] Op 15 Januarie 1987 het lede van die Kilusang Magbubukid van Pilipinas kampeer by die ministerie van landbouhervorming (nou die departement van landbouhervorming) in Diliman, Quezon City. Die groep het hul probleme en eise voorgelê: gee grond gratis aan boere, beëindig die behoud van grond deur verhuurders en stop die amortisasies van grondbetalings. [10] Dialoog tussen die boere, verteenwoordig deur Jaime Tadeo, en die regering, verteenwoordig deur die minister van landbouhervorming, Heherson Alvarez, het op 20 Januarie 1987 plaasgevind. Alvarez het belowe om die saak tydens die volgende dag se kabinetsvergadering onder die aandag van die president te bring.

Die reaksie van die administrasie op die betogings, veral tydens die Mendiola -voorval, was 'n gewelddadige verspreiding. Of dit nou 'n doelbewuste optrede of 'n verkeerd gekommunikeerde bevel was, die Mendiola-voorval het getoon dat daar mense was wat ontevrede was met die selfbehoudende oligarge-wetgewers wat die administrasie van Aquino gesteun het. [11] Die gewelddadige verspreiding het 'n keerpunt geword vir belangrike anti-regeringsgroepe soos die National Democratic Front (NDF), destyds die belangrikste kommunistiese koalisie om uit te tree van vredesgesprekke met die nuwe regering, wat die hoop op versoening vir landbouhervormings beëindig . [8]

Op 22 Januarie 1987 besluit die boere om na die Malacañang -paleis te marsjeer om hul eise te lug in plaas van met Heherson Alvarez te onderhandel. Uit die Quezon Memorial Circle, het lede van ander militante groepe by Tadeo se groep aangesluit: Kilusang Mayo Uno (May One Movement), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (New Patriotic Alliance), Liga van Filippynse studente en Kongreso van Pagkakaisa van Maralitang Lungsod (Eenheidskongres van die stedelike armes). Om 01:00 die middag het die optoggangers Liwasang Bonifacio bereik en 'n kort voorlegging gehou. Omtrent dieselfde tyd het anti-oproerpersoneel onder bevel van hoofkommandant van die hoofkommando, genl. Ramon Montaño, taakgroep Nazareno onder bevel van kolonel Cesar Nazareno en polisiemagte onder bevel van hoofpig Brig. Genl Alfredo Lim is in die omgewing van Malacañang ontplooi.

Die eerste reël van burgerlike steuringseenhede het bestaan ​​uit polisiemanne uit die Westelike Polisiedistrik. Ongeveer tien meter agter die polisiemanne was Geïntegreerde National Police Field Force -eenhede. Die derde lyn, 'n verdere tien meter van die tweede polisielin, het bestaan ​​uit 'n Filippynse Marine Corps -eenheid, die Marine Civil Disturbance Control Bataljon. Agter die mariniers was weermagvragmotors, waterkanonne, brandweerwaens en twee mobiele verspreidingspanne wat toegerus was met traangas -afleweringsuitrusting.

Die optoggangers was 10 000–15 000 teen die tyd dat hulle Rectolaan bereik het. Hulle het met die polisie gebots, en die polisielyne is oortree. Op hierdie stadium is geweerskote gehoor en die optoggangers het van die geveg losgekom en teruggetrek na Claro M. Rectolaan. Te midde van die onttrekking kon 'n sporadiese geweervuur ​​gehoor word. Alfredo Lim, die burgemeester van Manila in 2007, hou vol dat die mariniers verantwoordelik was vir die skietery. [12]

Die Westelike Polisiedistrik, Marines, Special Weapons and Tactics -span en die weermag het almal saamgewerk om die ingang van die Malacañang -paleis te versper. Hulle het verskeie verdedigingslinies gevorm, maar kon steeds nie die optogte van die optogte weerstaan ​​nie. Die tweede verdedigingslinie, saamgestel uit die mariniers, het waarskuwingskote afgevuur en pilkies- en traangashouers na die ondersteuners gegooi wat 'n erger oproer veroorsaak het. Daar is onmiddellik bevestig dat twaalf optoggangers dood is, waarvan minstens vier lede van die New People's Army in Bataan was. Na berig word, is minstens vyftig mense beseer, waarvan ses polisielede, die slagoffers is na verskillende hospitale in die omgewing geneem, naamlik: Far Eastern University Hospital, Philippine General Hospital, Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center, UST Hospital, Mary Chiles Hospital, Singian en Ovital van Maynila. [13]

Die dodetal het die volgende dag gestyg en agtien sterftes bereik. Die beseringsgetal het ook tot honderd een mense gestyg. As reaksie op die Mendiola -bloedbad het die Kilusang Magbubukid sa Pilipinas -leiers aangekondig dat hulle 'n landwye protesoptog gaan voer waarin die massamoord veroordeel word. Na verwagting sal 750 000 lede en nog 2 000 000 bekendes hulle by die protesaksie aansluit. As deel van die protesoptrede het boere die opdrag gekry om op 'n boerdery -staking te gaan, groot produksie -roetes te versper en met geweld beslag te lê op landbou -insette soos plaagdoders en kunsmis van beledigende eienaars. Jaime Tadeo, leier van die KMP, het ook gevra dat die destydse minister van verdediging, Rafael Ileto, genl. Fidel Ramos, brig. Genl Ramon Montano, en brig. Genl Alfredo Lim vir "hulle was direk betrokke by die slagting." [14]

Toe het die verbanne president Ferdinand Marcos 'n verklaring in Honolulu bekend gemaak oor die massaskietery. In sy verklaring toon hy ergernis oor die reaksie van die weermag teen die rallyiste. Hy het ook die destydse president Corazon Aquino daarvan beskuldig dat hy 'n privaat milisie het wat bekend staan ​​as "The Yellow Army". [14]

Genl. Ramon Montano het in 'n onderhoud gesê dat die optoggangers die skietery was in 'n poging om die versperring wat deur die weermag opgerig is, te breek. Hy het egter toegegee dat die militêre magte moontlik 'oorreageer' het op hul reaksie op die betogers. [15]

Na die bloedbad volg die brief van 4 Februarie 1987 aan president Corazon Aquino waarin die begeertes van die meeste Filippyne, veral die armes en onderdruktes, aangedui word, wat ''n meer progressiewe en stabiele grondslag vir die handhawing van hul regte teweegbring'. Die KMP beklemtoon die onbevoegdheid van die ministerie van landbouhervorming, wat sterk geglo is dat dit die eerste rede was waarom die bloedbad in Mendiola in die eerste plek plaasgevind het. Laastens vereis die brief dat die Aquino -regering sy regering en kant van die Filippyne moet verbeter, veral die boere, werkers en armes.

Die Citizen's Mendiola Commission (CMC), wat deur Aquino gevorm is om die voorval te ondersoek, het op 27 Februarie 1987 sy amptelike verslag bekend gemaak. pistole en armaliete gewapende soldate in burgerlike klere was onder die skare. Sommige van die betogers het wapens gedra en Jaime Tadeo, KMP se leier, het woorde uitgespreek wat oproerigheid aanhits het. Ongelukkig kon die kommissie nie identifiseer wie op die optoggangers geskiet het nie en het verdere ondersoek deur die National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) aanbeveel. Oor die algemeen was die bevindings nie afdoende oor wie verantwoordelik gehou moet word vir die moorde nie. Op 28 Februarie 1987, na voltooiing van die ondersoeke rakende die Mendiola -slagting, het die Mendiola -kommissie van die burger aan president Aquino voorgestel om sedisie -aanklagte by die voorsitter van KMP, Jaime Tadeo, in te dien.

Onmiddellike gevolge van die protesversorging

Uit protes oor die slagting het die voorsitter en ondervoorsitter van die presidensiële komitee oor menseregte, Jose Diokno en J.B.L. Reyes, bedank uit die regering. [16] Boonop het ander lede van die presidensiële komitee vir menseregte gevra dat die minister van verdediging, Ileto en genl. Fidel V. Ramos, bedank vir hul beweerde medepligtigheid aan die Mendiola -slagting. [17]

Crispin Beltran, leier van Kilusang Mayo Uno, het namens die betogers gepraat toe hy verklaar dat hulle geen bloedvergieting meer wil hê nie: "Ons sal môre terugkom sonder wapens, maar gewapen met moed en vasberadenheid om geregtigheid te soek vir ons gesneuwelde kamerade." Die aantal betogers naby die Malacanang -paleis het waarlik toegeneem, van die aanvanklike 10 000 tot meer as 15 000 en het toegeneem. As gevolg van die toenemende dialoog tussen die regering en die rallyiste, het meer protesoptogte en die aantal betogers toegeneem, en nie net op die terrein van die Mendiola -brug en die Malacanang -paleis nie. In Pampanga het na raming 2 000 betogers snelweë versper, waaronder die snelweg wat Oos -Pampanga en San Fernando verbind, en die snelweg wat die stad Porac en Angeles City verbind. [18] Gesprekke oor die landbouhervormings is kortliks opgeskort omdat beide partye nie 'n gemeenskaplike agenda bereik het nie, vanweë die werklike bedreiging vir die lede van die destydse panele. (Met betrekking tot die rebelle en opstandelinge teen die destydse Aquino -administrasie)

Op 'n ander noot het die National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) president Corazon Aquino uitgedaag om 'n uitvoerende bevel te onderteken om 'n minimum program van grondhervorming uit te voer deur die Kilusang Magbubukid. Afgesien van die uitdaging van die NUSP, het die voorsitter van KMP (Kilusang Magbubukid n Pilipinas), Jaime Tadeo, gesê dat die Aquinos hul landgoed van 6 000 hektaar (14 600 hektaar) in Sentraal -Luzon moet verdeel as 'n model vir grondhervorming. In reaksie hierop was president Corazon Aquino na berig word bereid om ten minste dele van Hacienda Luisita en die Aquino -suikerplantasie as deel van die vermeende grondhervormingsprogram te versprei. Om die betrekkinge met die betogers (insluitend die groepe Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, Kilusang Mayo Uno, The August Twenty One Movement en die Bagong Alyansang Makabayan) te verbeter, het president Corazon Aquino die betogers toegelaat om die Mendiola-brug oor te steek en na die mars te marsjeer. Malacanang -paleis. [19]

Regeringswetgewing as reaksie Redigeer

As reaksie op die voorval, in 1987, het die Aquino -regering die Omvattende Landbouhervormingsprogram (CARP) geïmplementeer. Dit is aanvaar as ''n landbougebaseerde, ekonomies-gedrewe' hervorming. Hierdie hervorming was van toepassing op alle soorte landbougrond, beide publiek en privaat, ongeag die verblyfreg en die gewasse geproduseer. Dit het ten doel gehad om 9,773,870 ha grond aan 3,713,110 begunstigdes te herverdeel. [20]

CARP ondervind egter 'n stadige implementering as gevolg van: die destydse grondevalueringsprosesse, die gebrek aan riglyne vir vergoeding van grondeienaars, probleme met onderhandelinge oor grondeienaars en die gebrek aan institusionele koördinasie tussen landbou-administratiewe agentskappe. [20]

Ontvangs van CARP Edit

As gevolg van die probleme met die implementering van CARP, het die vertroue van die publiek in die geloofwaardigheid van die regering en die vermoë om hervormings te onderneem verminder. [20]

Die reaksie van die boere op hierdie wetgewing was ook uiters krities. Hulle beweer dat die wetgewing in stryd is met die demokratiese proses van grondbesit en dat eienaarsbelange beskerm word. Hulle beweer ook dat dit as 'n teenopstandsmaatreël aanvaar is, in plaas van vir ware sosiale geregtigheid. [20]

Uiteindelike gevolge Redigeer

In 1988 het die streekverhoorhof in Manila 'n beslissing geneem om 'n klaggedrag van 6,5 miljoen dollar wat deur familielede van die slagoffers ingedien is, af te dank. [21] Hierdie beslissing is in 1993 deur die Hooggeregshof bekragtig. [21]

In 2007 het lede van die Kilusang Magbubukid van Pilipinas 'n granietmerker geïnstalleer by die Bantayog nga Bayani in Quezon City, ter herdenking van die 20ste herdenking van die voorval. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Die regering het die uitvoering van betogings by Mendiola verbied. [22] In Januarie 2008 het burgemeester Alfredo Lim egter saamtrekke by die landmerk toegelaat, solank dit oor naweke en vakansiedae gehou is. [23]


Bekende vroue in die geskiedenis: Corazon Aquino

In ons voortgaande reeks #WomenThatDid ENTITY profieleer inspirerende en beroemde vroue in die geskiedenis wie se impak op ons wêreld vandag nog gevoel kan word. As u 'n voorstel het vir 'n historiese kragstasie, wil u dit graag met ons tweet met die hutsmerk #WomenThatDid.

Naam: Corazon Aquino

Lewensduur: 25 Januarie 1933 - 1 Augustus 2009

Waarvoor sy bekend is: Corazon Aquino was 'n Filippynse politikus wat die 11de president van die Filippyne geword het, die eerste vrou wat die amp beklee en die eerste vroulike president in Asië. Sy was die mees prominente figuur wat betrokke was by die 1986 People Power Revolution, wat die 21 jaar lange outoritêre bewind beëindig het. Dit het die demokrasie in die Filippyne herstel en as gevolg hiervan het sy TIME ’s se "Vrou van die Jaar" geword.

Waarom ons haar liefhet: Aquino studeer 'n valedictorian aan haar klas voordat haar gesin na die Verenigde State verhuis het. Daar studeer sy aan die College of Mount Saint Vincent in New York en werk aan 'n Republikeinse presidentskandidaat se veldtog. Sy keer terug na die Filippyne om regte te studeer, maar verlaat die skool toe sy met Benigno Aquino Jr.

Sy was egter altyd vasbeslote dat sy 'n selfverklaarde 'gewone huisvrou' was. Haar man was 'n prominente regeringsamptenaar wat as goewerneur en senator gedien het. Onbekend vir die meeste, het sy haar erfenis verkoop om sy veldtogte te finansier.

Toe die krygswet in 1972 verklaar is, was haar man een van die eerstes wat gearresteer is. Na agt jaar gevangenisstraf het president Jimmy Carter ingegryp en die Filippynse president aangemoedig om die gesin toe te laat om in ballingskap in die Verenigde State te woon. Drie jaar later keer haar man terug na die Filippyne en word vermoor toe hy die vliegtuig op die lughawe verlaat. Sy het 'n paar dae later teruggekeer en 'n begrafnisstoet van twee miljoen besoekers gelei. Hierna tree sy op as 'n leier in die beweging.

Toe Aquino te midde van bewerings van bedrog die verkiesing in 1985 verloor, het sy 'n vreedsame protes van drie dae gelei. Nadat sy op 25 Februarie 1986 as president beëdig is, het sy onmiddellik planne opgestel vir 'n nuwe grondwet wat fokus op burgerlike vryhede, menseregte en sosiale geregtigheid. Dit het ook ten doel gehad om die mag van die uitvoerende gesag te beperk en om die tweekamer -kongres te herstel.

Toe haar termyn in 1992 sou eindig, het 'n wettige skuiwergat haar weer toegelaat. Sy het geweier en die eerste vreedsame oorgang van mag gelei in Junie 1992. Sy bly aktief op die politieke terrein en het verseker dat die Filippyne 'n demokrasie bly.

Sy is in 2009 aan kanker dood en 'n rouduur van tien dae is aangekondig. Sy is vereer as die 'moeder van die Filippynse demokrasie' en 'die huisvrou wat 'n rewolusie gelei het'. Sy het egter volhard dat die Filippynse volk die demokrasie herstel het, nie sy nie.

Pret feit: In 1985 het Aquino vir die president gekies teen die posbekleër nadat hy 'n petisie ontvang het met 'n miljoen handtekeninge wat haar verkies het. Die destydse president het 'n gebrek aan gesondheid gehad en word gesê dat hy sy vrou die grootste deel van die regering laat bestuur het. Ten spyte hiervan val hy die gebrek aan regeringservaring van Aquino aan. In reaksie hierop het Aquino eenvoudig gesê: 'Mag die beter vrou wen in hierdie verkiesing.'


Die verhaal gaan hieronder voort

Benigno Snr, in die volksmond & ldquoIgno & rdquo genoem, het die politieke pad geneem wat sy vader Servillano gebied het. Hy was 'n regsgeleerde aan die Universiteit van Santo Tom & aacutes en trou in Mei 1916 met Mar & iacutea Urquico, dogter van prominente Tarlac-ryshandelaars, en word gelukkig 'n heerboer by die 1200 hektaar groot Hacienda Tinang, miskien deur sy vrou versoek.

Op 25 -jarige ouderdom het hy egter sy eerste inval in die plaaslike politiek gemaak, as die verteenwoordiger van die Tweede Distrik van Tarlac gewen en die politieke dinastie van die Aquinos begin.

1928 was 'n jaar van hartseer en vreugde. In Maart sterf die vrou van Benigno en rsquos aan kanker, en drie maande later, op 34 -jarige ouderdom, word hy verkies tot senator wat die derde distrik verteenwoordig, bestaande uit Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, Pampanga en Bulacan. Twee jaar later trou Benigno, een van die jongste lede van die senaat, met sy derde neef Aurora Aquino, 16 jaar jonger as hy.

Die senator word toenemend geïdentifiseer met die president van die senaat, Manuel Quezon, wat hom vinnig agtereenvolgens die meerderheidsleier van die meerderheid, waarnemende president van die senaat in afwesigheid in Quezon en rsquos en lid van die staatsraad, die skakel tussen die goewerneur-generaal en die wetgewer gemaak het. Die mantel van leierskap sou óf aan hom óf aan Manuel Roxas Snr.

Die laaste groot politieke stryd tussen Osme & ntildea en Quezon is gevoer oor die Hare-Hawes-Cutting Bill, met Roxas en Osme & ntildea wat die verloop daarvan voorstaan ​​en Quezon dit sterk teenstaan. Benigno is deur Quezon gewerf om dit te stop. Op 14 November 1932 vaar hy met groot onwilligheid na die VSA, omdat sy vrou swaar was vir hul tweede kind. In sy afskeidstoespraak in Spaans, het hy gesê, en ek hoop om die begeerte van my vader [Servillano] te vervul, wat in die dae van die Revolusie vir vryheid geveg het. En ek is bly dat dit, wanneer my kind gebore word, sal wees terwyl sy pa veg vir die onafhanklikheid van die Filippyne, vir sy vryheid en vir ander kinders en vryheid van kinders. & Rdquo

Don Benigno was seker dat sy kind 'n seuntjie sou wees. Die gebeurtenis was so belangrik dat dit goewerneur-generaal Theodore Roosevelt Jr self was wat die senator aangelê het by die geboorte van sy seun op 27 November 1932. Die seuntjie was sy junior, Benigno Servillano, met die bynaam Ninoy.

In Washington, DC, verander senator Benigno van hart en word hy oortuig dat die H-H-C-wetsontwerp die beste maatreël is wat by die Amerikaanse kongres verkry kan word, wat sou help om die onafhanklikheid van die Filippyne te verwesenlik, en uiteindelik aan die kant van die Osme & ntildea-Roxas-sending.

DIE RYKE COJUANGCOS

Alhoewel die Aquino's die Capampangan-sprekende suidelike deel van Tarlac oorheers het, sou 'n ander vinnig groeiende gesin in die Ilokano-sprekende noordelike Tarlac aan die begin van die 20ste eeu na vore kom.

Die Cojuangcos spoor hul wortels na 'n Chinese immigrantevader en sy seun Jos & eacute Cojuangco I uit Xiamen wat hulle in 1861 in Binondo gevestig het. Jos & eacute, in die volksmond bekend as Ingkong Jos & eacute, trou met Antera Estrella, 'n plaaslike mestiza uit Malolos, wat vir hom drie kinders gebaar het: Ysidra , Melecio en Trinidad. Die gesin was betrokke by ryshandel en gelduitleen. Hulle het tydens die rewolusie na die stad Paniqui, Tarlac, verhuis en voorspoedig gebly ten spyte van die omwentelinge van die oorlog.

Die gesin het sy politieke hoop gevestig op die enigste erfgenaam, Melecio, wat 'n setel as byeenkoms in die eerste Nasionale Vergadering van 1907 gewen het. Hy sterf egter twee jaar later aan 'n hartaanval op 'n trein van Manila na Tarlac, terwyl hy in die arms van sy oudste seun Jos & eacute. Sy vier kinders & mdashJos & eacute Snr (Pepe), Juan (Itoy), Antonio en Eduardo Snr & mdash is grootgemaak deur hul ma Tecla Chichioco de Aquino en Ysidra, 'n tante om die lewe. Do & ntildea Ysidra is uitgestel as die familiematriarg wat vanweë haar skerpsinnigheid in die ryshandel fenomenaal ryk geword het. Op 'n tydstip het sy na raming 12 000 hektaar besit en word hy die nie -amptelike bankier van boere en sakemanne in die hele Central Luzon -omgewing.

Don Pepe het sy pa en rsquos-mantel geërf en vroeg in 1934 die verteenwoordiger van Tarlac & rsquos Eerste Distrik geword. Dit was die president van die Senaat Quezon wat Do & ntildea Ysidra oorreed het om 'n jong familielid teen Don Benigno Aquino Snr op te stel en sodoende die eerste in 'n reeks verkiesingswedstryde tussen die families Aquino en Cojuangco.

Net soos sy tante, is Don Pepe ook geseën met die Midas -aanraking. Hy het nie net die Croesus van die wetgewer geword nie, soos deur die Filippynse Free Press in 1934 het sy baanbrekersondernemings in die bankwese en die landboubedryf vrugte afgewerp. Die vier broers, saam met hul ma en tante, stig die Paniqui Sugar Mills in 1928, met Don Pepe wat die eerste bestuurder word. Saam met sy drie broers en die Rufino- en Jacinto-gesinne, stig Don Pepe in 1938 die eerste kommersiële bank in Filippyne, die Philippine Bank of Commerce.

In 1940 bereik die families Aquino en Cojuangco vir die eerste keer 'n ooreenkoms om 'n gemeenskaplike kandidaat vir die goewerneur van Tarlac op te stel: die jongste broer van Don Pepe & rsquos, Eduardo Snr (Endeng), wat, hoewel verkies, verkies om nie sy termyn uit te dien toe die Japannese binnegeval het nie die land.

DIE OPKOMS VAN NINOY

Die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het ontelbare beproewings vir die takke van die Cojuangco -familie meegebring. Toe beide Eduardo en Don Pepe weier om onder die Japannese administrasie te dien, is die familie -bank en suikerfabriek onder Japannese beheer geplaas. Dit was nie net 'n wending van die noodlot dat hul hooftegnikus, Zempei Suemura, 'n Japannese immigrant, die plant kon red van vernietiging nie.

Die lot sou ook nie so vriendelik wees vir die Benigno Aquino Snr -familie nie. Don Benigno, wat aanvanklik huiwerig was om te dien, het begin om Japannese ouvertures te onthaal, omdat hy van mening was dat Filippyne sou probeer om die ideale [van onafhanklikheid] te bevorder, ondanks die bose situasie. Die kwessie van vyandige samewerking hang dus swaar oor die gesin.

Tog, met Manuel Roxas Snr seëvierend verkies as die Derde Republiek en president van die Republiek, het dit gelyk asof die Filippynse volk die kwessie van samewerking in die oorlog agter hulle gelê het. Don Benigno keer terug na Concepci & oacuten om te sien of die verkiesings van 1947 sy gesin as 'n politieke mag sou bevestig.

Maar 'n groot vloedgolf het die kiesers verander. Die oorlogsjare het gelei tot die opkoms van 'n guerrilla -leër (Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon) wat die Huks genoem word. Dit was die stygende krag van die massas wat teen die heersende klas gestapel was. Die ou Nacionalista-party is as pro-Huk en anti-Amerikaans beskou, en die liberale word beskou as die voorhoede van die gelandes teen die opstand van die boere. Don Benigno het weereens die veldtog gevolg, maar sy regeringskandidaat sou verloor en hom sy eerste verkiesingsnederlaag gee.

Don Benigno is moedeloos kort ná 'n hartaanval op 20 Desember 1947 oorlede, met sy jong seun Ninoy aan sy sy. Vier dae later is sy saak van verraad van die hand gewys, 'n nasionale Kersgeskenk vir 'n gevalle en beskaamde leier.

Die 15-jarige seun is verwyder. Sy geliefde pa is 'n medewerker genoem. 'N Jaar later onthou hy, en niemand wou met my op skool praat nie. Dit was my eerste traumatiese ervarings. Ek het die hoogtes gesien en nou was ek niemand. & Rdquo Na die universiteit in 1949 is hy as junior verslaggewer aanvaar by Die Manila Times. Op 16 -jarige ouderdom as 'n jong verslaggewer, het Ninoy keuses gekry. Toe die Koreaanse oorlog uitbreek, word hy die jongste oorlogskorrespondent wat die Filippynse bataljon dek. Hy was skaars 18 toe hy die Filippynse Legioen van Eer ontvang het vir sy werk as joernalis in die vervolging van die Koreaanse Oorlog.

By die seremonie is hy vergesel deur die minister van verdediging, Ramon Magsaysay, en gelukgewens deur president Elpidio Quirino, wat hom vertel het, en jy dra 'n goeie naam. Hou dit goed. & Rdquo Die jong tiener het die naam Aquino van skaamte herstel. Ninoy sou vinnig 'n spoor in die Filippynse geskiedenis blaas en die spesiale assistent word van die uitverkore Ramon Magsaysay, om die oorgawe van die Huk-supremo Luis Taruc te beveilig en die pogings van die gewapende magte van die Filippyne te help.

Op 11 Oktober 1954 trou Ninoy met Coraz & oacuten & ldquoCory & rdquo Cojuangco, dogter van die magtige politikus en grondeienaar Jos & eacute Cojuangco Snr en Demetria & ldquoMetring & rdquo Sumulong, die dogter van die stoere Quezon opposisie -senator Juan Sumulong. Cory het pas tuis gekom van haar Amerikaanse studies. Ninoy was nog steeds in die Tye en pas teruggekeer van sy Koreaanse avonture.

Die huwelik verenig drie polities en sosiaal belangrike gesinne: die Jos & eacute Cojuangcos, die Aquinos van Tarlac en die Sumulongs van Rizal. Die kruising sou die verloop van die Filippynse geskiedenis verander, die ondergang van die sterkste man ooit die land laat regeer en die skrikwekkende en onwaarskynlike magstoot van 'n huiwerige weduwee laat val.

DIE SLAAI DAE VAN DIE 1950's

Toe hy in 1955 terugkeer na Tarlac, word Ninoy op 22 -jarige ouderdom verkies tot die jongste burgemeester van Concepci & oacuten, maar sal na sewe maande gediskwalifiseer word omdat hy minderjarig was tydens die verkiesing. In 1958 het 'n belangrike gebeurtenis ingegryp en Ninoy het sy loopbaan verander na landboukundige en plaasbestuurder toe Compa & ntildeia General de Tabacos de Filipinas (Tabacalera), die Spaanse konglomeraat, sy groot moeilikheidsversteekte Hacienda Luisita in Concepci & oacuten verkoop het. Bygestaan ​​deur die regering van president Carlos Garc & iacutea, is die nuwe eienaars, onder leiding van Do & ntildea Ysidra en Ninoy & rsquos skoonpa Don Pepe, geprys vir die oordrag van die magtige Spaanse eiendom aan Filippynse hande.

Die oudste nefies van Don Pepe en rsquos is genooi om aandele te koop met Eduardo Jnr (Danding) wat afneem en Monching aanvaar. Don Pepe & rsquos, die oudste broer van Don Juan, het nie aan die aankoop deelgeneem nie.

Onder Ninoy & rsquos -bestuur het Hacienda Luisita een van die modernste en tegnologies gevorderde plantasies geword. Sy besondere prestasie in plaasbestuur en arbeids- en boererelasies is in 1959 beloon toe hy tot die jongste Tarlac-ondergoewerneur verkies is. Hy skakel oor na die Liberale Party van die huidige president Diosdado Macapagal, en word verkies tot die jongste goewerneur van die provinsie Tarlac in 1963. Die politieke toekoms van Ninoy en rsquos was voorbestem. Hy was jonk, charismaties, intelligent, lui en ondersteun deur die rykdom van sy skoonouers.

Die laat 1950's dui op 'n era van oënskynlik onbeperkte moontlikhede vir die jong generasie Aquinos en Cojuangcos. Danding trou in Desember 1956 met Gretchen Oppen van die prominente Negros -gesin en vestig hom in die onlangs verstedelikte New Manila, saam met hul glansryke neefs en bure Ninoy en Cory. Volgens die skrywer Nelson Navarro sou die twee paartjies 'n konstante viertal vorm om na die flieks te gaan, uit te eet en ontspanningsaktiwiteite te deel wat paartjies pas begin met hul gesinne en loopbane. bel mekaar na werk. Net so. Ons gaan gewoonlik na die flieks in Avenida Rizal en eet dan middernagbyt by Bulake & ntildea of ​​Max & rsquos. Dit was saam met Ninoy en Cory dat ons die eerste keer die Banaue -rijstterrasse gesien het. & Rdquo

Die onstuimige 1960's sou al die halcyon -dae tot 'n einde bring.

DANDING EN PEPING

Die uitgebreide Cojuangco -gesin is verskeur deur die mededingende ambisies van sy takke. In Januarie 1963 het Danding en sy neef Monching ooreengekom om hul oom Don Juan te stem as die nuwe president van die Filippynse Handelsbank, wat hul oom Don Pepe vervang, wat lank as die aartsvader van die onderneming beskou is en erken dat hy die bank uitgetrek het die as van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Verwoes verkoop Don Pepe sy aandele aan Don Juan en stig 'n ander bank, die First United Bank. Hy het ook gediversifiseer in ander gevestigde ondernemings, soos Mantrade, 'n sleutelverspreider van motorvoertuie, en Pantranco, die vervoermaatskappy.

Die hewige meningsverskille tussen die Cojuangco -takke het in 'n kongreswedstryd van 1965 tot 'n einde gekom en eerste neefs teen mekaar in die Tarlac & rsquos First District opgestel. Die skrywer Amante F Paredes het die dreigende politieke skermutseling aangekondig as een met groot plaaslike en nasionale implikasies. He predicted that the fight of Rep José &ldquoPeping&rdquo Cojuangco Jnr, son of Don Pepe, and Danding, son of Don Eduardo Snr, was not only about &ldquotheir political leadership and business supremacy which goes beyond the boundaries of Tarlac. Pitching in to lend colour and drama are the wives of the two candidates, both national beauties and socialites in Manila&rsquos higher circles.&rdquo Margarita (Tingting) de los Reyes Cojuangco, Peping&rsquos wife, and Gretchen, Danding&rsquos wife, took leave of Manila&rsquos four hundred to campaign among the barrio folk.

The outcome of that 1965 campaign influenced the course of Philippine history. Danding lost to his cousin Peping but came back stronger by allying himself with Senator Ferdinand Marcos, who victoriously challenged the incumbent President Diosdado Macapagal in the 1964 presidential elections.

In 1967 with Danding&rsquos help in Tarlac, Ninoy was elected the youngest ever senator at the age of 34. His election campaign took on a very different track. Selling his Concepción farm to tenants, he actively sought the support of peasants, even recruiting Bernabe Buscayno, aka Commander Dante, to campaign for him, reasoning that &ldquothe Huks are a necessary evil: they bring about social change.&rdquo

Ninoy&rsquos modus vivendi with radical elements haunted him later because military intelligence characterised him as a &ldquoHuk coddler&rdquo.

DIZZYING TRAJECTORIES

Danding&rsquos political alliance was repaid by Marcos with favoured monopolies in agricultural industries his cousin Monching acquired the government-sanctioned takeover of American-owned Philippine Long Distance Company in 1968.

With the imposition of martial law in 1972 Ninoy was imprisoned. Held incommunicado until 1975, he went on a hunger strike and hovered close to death. The businesses of his father-in-law, Don Pepe, already in his eighties and much weaker, were devastated and with only Hacienda Luisita left to hang onto. Don Pepe humbled himself by personally pleading with Minister of Defence Juan Ponce Enrile. It was nephew Danding, however, who would intercede, after Don Pepe valiantly pleaded his son-in-law&rsquos case.

Released on medical and humanitarian reasons, Ninoy, Cory and their children lived in exile. The José Cojuangco family then took the lead in bitterly opposing the Marcos dictatorship, further exacerbating the rift with their cousins and engendering a raft of financial troubles.

Bank capitalisations were raised, jeopardising the José Cojuangco-controlled First United Bank. Their shares were sold to nephew Danding to form the nucleus of United Coconut Planters Bank. Their family bus company was denied a fare increase and the family was forced to divest it. Erectors, their construction company, owed more than 50 million pesos to the Central Bank.

The once grand patriarch Don Pepe had been broken. The pioneer Filipino banker, politician and hacendero collapsed in Tarlac on 21 August 1976. His nephew Danding sent a helicopter to airlift his uncle, but it was too late. Don pepe died, uttering his last words &ldquoKawawa naman si Cory (Poor Cory).&rdquo

Assassinated upon his return in 1983, Ninoy did not live to see his dream of resorting democracy to the country. Fate ordained that his widow Cory, the reluctant presidential candidate, was drafted to fulfil his mission, on the same date of 21 August, exactly seven years after Don Pepe had died.

Regimes have come and gone, but the Aquinos and Cojuangcos have survived as political kingmakers and like all families have had some sort of rapprochement. In the delicate and sophisticated balancing of the core Filipino values of pagtanaw sa utang na loob (debt of gratitude), amor propio (personal pride), delicadeza (tact), hiya (shame) and pag-aaruga sa pamilya (familial nurturing) lies the nexus of Philippine power and governance.

Tide of Time by Marisse Reyes McMurray
The Aquinos of Tarlac by Nick Joaquin
Chronicle Magazine, October 1965
Chronicle Magazine, 23 October 1963


History - Corazon Aquino - History bibliographies - in Harvard style

Your Bibliography: Biography.com. 2015. [online] Available at: <http://www.biography.com/people/corazon-aquino-9187250#early-years> [Accessed 16 September 2015].

Corazon Aquino | biography - president of Philippines

In-text: (Corazon Aquino | biography - president of Philippines, 2015)

Your Bibliography: Encyclopedia Britannica. 2015. Corazon Aquino | biography - president of Philippines. [online] Available at: <http://www.britannica.com/biography/Corazon-Aquino> [Accessed 16 September 2015].

Engel, K.

Corazon Aquino, revolutionary president of the Philippines - Amazing Women In History

In-text: (Engel, 2011)

Your Bibliography: Engel, K., 2011. Corazon Aquino, revolutionary president of the Philippines - Amazing Women In History. [online] Amazing Women In History. Available at: <http://www.amazingwomeninhistory.com/corazon-aquino-revolutionary-president-philippines/> [Accessed 16 September 2015].

Corazon Aquino

In-text: (Corazon Aquino, 2009)

Your Bibliography: Telegraph.co.uk. 2009. Corazon Aquino. [online] Available at: <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/politics-obituaries/5954965/Corazon-Aquino-former-president-of-the-Philippines-and-democrat-dies-aged-76.html> [Accessed 16 September 2015].

Corazon Aquino | President of the Philippines, 1986-92 | Obituary

In-text: (Corazon Aquino | President of the Philippines, 1986-92 | Obituary, 2009)

Your Bibliography: the Guardian. 2009. Corazon Aquino | President of the Philippines, 1986-92 | Obituary. [online] Available at: <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/aug/01/corazon-aquino-obituary> [Accessed 16 September 2015].

Cory Aquino: President of the Philippines who brought democracy to the islands

In-text: (Cory Aquino: President of the Philippines who brought democracy to the islands, 2009)


Corazon Aquino - History

When opposition Senator Benigno ( Ninoy ) Aquino was assassinated in August 1983, Filipinos rallied around the widow Corazon Aquino who symbolized all those who were victimized by the Marcos dictatorship. The housewife with no political experience found herself elected president of the Philippines after the overthrow of Marcoses authoritarian rule. As the Philippines s first female president, she presided over the transition to democracy facing the challenges of no less than seven military coups attempting to topple her government. In this 1991 speech, her last State of the Nation Address, she reviewed her term of office, focusing on her husband s ideas and the image of women as moral guardians. Aquino constantly refers to her Catholic religiosity. Note that her speech does not reflect a feminist perspective. Corazon Aquino presided over the transition of government from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one and she did not express an interest in women s issues. After six years in office, she still focuses on her husband and his ideas. Though politically prominent in her own right, Corazon Aquino was perceived to be the alter ego of her husband, a Filipino hero.

Source: Aquino, Corazon. The State of The Nation Address 1991. The Name of Democracy and Prayer: Selected Speeches of Corazon Aquino. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing Inc., 1995.

In March 1973, six months after the declaration of martial law, Ninoy Aquino was taken blindfolded from Fort Bonifacio and brought to a place he did not know. He was stripped naked and thrown into a cell. His only human contact was a jailer. The immediate prospect, in such a place, was a midnight execution in front of a grave dug by himself.

The purpose was as clear as it was diabolical. It was not to kill him yet, but to break him first and with him break the compelling proof that men can stand up to a dictatorship.

He came close to giving up, he told me he slipped in and out of despair. But a power that must have been God held him together. He remembered the words of the epistle, God chose the weak to confound the strong.

On the third anniversary of his incarceration in Laur, the recollection of his pain gave birth to a poem of hope. This is the poem he wrote:

This is the anguish of good men: that the good they do will come to nothing. That pains suffered in obscurity or sacrifices made away from the sight of men, amount to the same, and mock the man or woman who bears them.

Mr. Senate President, Mr. Speaker, members of the Congress, distinguished guests, my countrymen:

That is not true. None of the good that we do is ever lost not even the light in an empty room is wasted.

From Ninoy s burnt-out candle, and thousands like it in cells throughout the garrison state, we gathered the melted wax and made more candles. To burn not as long in such loneliness but much more brightly all together, as to banish the darkness, and light us to a new day.

You might ask: When will the president stop invoking Ninoy s name! My answer is, When a president stands here other than by Ninoy s grace. And not while gratitude is nourished by memory. Not while we acknowledge that it was his sacrifice that gave us back our freedom. And restored the freely elected office whose incumbent must stand every year in this place.

Five years have passed. My term is ending. And so is yours. As we came, so should we go. With grateful acknowledgement to the man who made it possible for us to be here. A man who discovered hope in the starkest despair, and has something yet to teach a country facing adversity again. . . .

By 1985, the economy has contracted considerably, its rate of growth had been negative for two consecutive years. The country was at a standstill, as if waiting only for the last rites to be performed. By 1986, we had turned the economy around in less than a year. We improved on that performance the year after.

The rate of unemployment was reduced, the volume of new investments significantly increased. New industrial projects were introduced, hitherto idle industrial capacity was fully utilized. The foundation of new regional industrial zones was laid. Public infrastructure and services strained under the load of expanding economic activity.

I mention this, not to offset the shortcomings of the present with the achievements of the past. I mention it to show what can be done in such a short time, and how much improvement was made from conditions far worse than what we have today the dictator s apologists notwithstanding, that the country is worse off now than when he and his wife were stealing the country blind.

This progress was cut off by the August 87 coup attempt. But the economy quickly rallied, and in two years recovered a great deal of the ground we had lost. We were on the verge of a second take-off when the December 1989 coup broke out. It drained the last drop of confidence in our future from all but the hardiest spirits, and shattered our image abroad.

Still we persevered, achieving gains that, admittedly, continue to fall short of the galloping needs of a fast growing population, but real gains nonetheless:

Improved health care, increased housing, and one of the proudest achievements we share with the legislature free secondary education. 660,000 youth immediately availed themselves of it another 200,000 private school students received scholarship grants under another recent law. 80,000 new classrooms have been built: the first preparation of the nation for the future of economic competition, which will take place in the highly educated minds of the youth. . . .

You might ask, Having lost so much easily, what was the worth of all that effort?

With such reversals of fortune, is progress for our country a hope in vain?

Paul says that suffering produces perseverance, perseverance character and character hope. The good we do is never lost. Some of it remains, if not in material goods, then in a deeper experience, a more practiced hand, and a spirit made stronger by that which failed to break it stronger to meet greater challenges ahead.

But in one thing we grew from strength to strength in the enlargement of our democratic space and the strengthening of our democracy. . . .

Participatory democracy will end the practice of punishing provinces and municipalities for the wrong vote in the last poll. It will separate elections, where the people vote for their favorites, from the provision of public service which every Filipino has a right to expect from the government, regardless how he voted.

This administration has made large steps in that direction. To the disappointment of those who marched with me against the Marcos regime, my administration has plowed resources into regions and provinces where I was cheated in the Snap Elections. The politics of revenge has had its day.

The organized participation of the people in daily government may provide the stabilizing element that government has always lacked. Policies have radically changed with each administration, yet the basic needs of its unchanging constituencies have not been met less bureaucracy for business, more public services and infrastructure support for agriculture and industry, an economic safety net for the common man. The active participation of the people in government will lend proper direction and continuity to policy.

This is what I wish for most. That after me, the continuity of our work is not broken. So that things well done shall be completed, and the same mistakes avoided by succeeding administrations. In this way, nothing done shall go to waste, and the light of a misplaced candle shall still be valued for the light it sheds on the things to avoid.

I am not asking that all my programs be blindly followed by my successor. God knows, we have made mistakes. But surely, our objective is right the improvement of our people s lives. And the new way is much better than those before. To give the people greater power over their lives is the essence of democracy that we must strive to bring out completely. . . .

As President, I have never prayed for anything for myself only for our people. I have been called an international beggar by the military rebels. Begging does not become me, yet perhaps it is what I had to do. I could have kept my pride and held aloof, but that would not have helped our people. And it is for them that I was placed in this office.

Someone who will stand in this place next year, may do better for I believe in the inexhaustible giftedness of the Filipino people. I only hope that he will be someone who will sincerely mean you well.

I hope that history will judge me as favorably as our people still regard me, because, as God is my witness, I honestly did the best I could. No more can be asked of any man.

On June 30, 1992, the traditional ceremony of political succession will unfold at the Luneta. The last time it was done that way was in 1965. I shall be there with you to proudly witness the event. This is the glory of democracy, that its most solemn moment should be the peaceful transfer of power.


Ferdinand Marcos inaugurated president of the Philippines

Former Philippines Senate president Ferdinand Marcos is inaugurated president of the Southeast Asian archipelago nation. Marcos’ regime would span 20 years and become increasingly authoritarian and corrupt.

Ferdinand Marcos was a law student in the late 1930s, when he was tried for the assassination of a political opponent of his politician father. Convicted in 1939, he personally appealed the case before the Philippine Supreme Court and won an acquittal. During the Japanese occupation in World War II, he allegedly served as leader of the Filipino resistance movement, but U.S. government records indicate he played little role in anti-Japanese activities.

In 1949, he was elected to the Philippines House of Representatives, thanks in large part to his fabricated wartime record. In 1959, he moved up to the Senate and from 1963 to 1965 served as Senate president. In 1965, he broke with the Liberal Party after failing to win his party’s presidential nomination and ran as the candidate of the Nationalist Party. After a bitter and decisive campaign, he was elected president. In 1969, he was reelected.

Marcos’ second term was marked by increasing civil strife and violence by leftist insurgents. In 1972, following a series of bombings in Manila, he warned of an imminent communist takeover and declared martial law. In 1973, he assumed dictatorship powers under a new constitution. Marcos used the military to suppress subversive elements but also arrested and jailed his mainstream political opponents. His anti-communist activities won him enthusiastic support from the U.S. government, but his regime was marked by misuse of foreign aid, repression, and political murders. His beauty-queen wife, Imelda Marcos, was appointed to important political posts and lived a famously extravagant lifestyle that included a massive wardrobe featuring thousands of pairs of shoes.

WATCH Imelda Marcos: Steel Butterfly on HISTORY Vault

In 1981, Marcos was dubiously reelected president. In rural areas, insurgency by communists and Muslim separatists grew. In 1983, Marcos’ old political opponent Benigno Aquino, Jr., returned from exile and was assassinated by military agents of Marcos as soon as he stepped off the plane. The political murder touched off widespread anti-Marcos protests, and in 1986 he agreed to hold a new presidential election.


Verwysings

Bacani, C. (n.d.). Essential Cory Aquino. [online] Cory Aquino Official Website. Available at: http://goo.gl/rZ5TnN [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

Balita.ph, (2009). Former President Corazon “Tita Cory” Aquino passes away at 76. [online] Available at: http://goo.gl/UuJvxm [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

Banaag, J. (2010). Paris swooned over ‘la dame en jaune’ in ’89. [online] Philippine Daily Inquirer. Available at: http://goo.gl/w1N59l [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

Burton, S. (1999). Corazon Aquino. [online] TIME. Available at: http://goo.gl/sIe5AF [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

College of Mount Saint Vincent, (n.d.). Corazon Aquino, Former President of the Philippines. [online] Available at: http://goo.gl/hrsZRe [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

Magill, F. (2013). The 20th Century A-GI: Dictionary of World Biography, Volume 7. 1ste uitgawe p.86.

Orosa, R. (2009). When Cory parlezvous-ed. [online] philSTAR.com. Available at: http://goo.gl/5YNuft [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

Tayao, A. (2010). Scholasticans keep Cory legacy alive. [online] Inquirer Lifestyle. Available at: http://goo.gl/X1S7fw [Accessed 5 Sep. 2014].

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Corazon C. Aquino


Corazon C. Aquino
February 25, 1986-June 30, 1992
(assumed position due to the EDSA Revolution)

Era Eleventh President of the Philippines
Second and Last President of the Fourth Republic
First President of the Fifth Republic
Constitution Amended 1973 Constitution
1986 Freedom Constitution
1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines
Predecessor Ferdinand E. Marcos
Successor Fidel V. Ramos
Date Elected February 7, 1986 NAMFREL tally: 7,909,320 votes (51.74% of the electorate) COMELEC tally: 9,921,719 votes (46.09% of the electorate)
Inauguration February 25, 1986, Club Filipino, San Juan (aged 53)
Seat of Government Manila
Vice President Salvador H. Laurel (1986-1992)
Chief Justice Marcelo B. Fernan (July 1, 1988-December 6, 1991)
Pedro L. Yap (April 18, 1988-July 1, 1988)
Claudio Teehankee (April 2, 1986-April 18, 1988)
Ramon C. Aquino (November 20, 1985-March 6, 1986)
Senate President Jovito Salonga (July 27, 1987-January 1, 1992)
Neptali Gonzales (January 1, 1992-June 30, 1992)
Speaker of the House Ramon V. Mitra Jr. (July 27, 1987-June 30, 1992)
Previous Positions
Executive Geen
Legislative Geen
Judicial Geen
Ander Geen
Worked under other Administrations RAMOS as Member, National Security Council
ESTRADA as Member, National Security Council
ARROYO as Member of the Council of State Member of the National Security Council
Personal Details
Gebore January 25, 1933
Paniqui, Tarlac
Oorlede August 1, 2009
Makati City
Resting Place Manila Memorial Park
Political Parties United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO)
Ouers Jose Cojuangco
Demetria Sumulong
Spouse Benigno S. Aquino Jr.
Kinders Maria Elena Aquino Cruz
Aurora Corazon Aquino Abellada
President Benigno S. Aquino III
Victoria Elisa Aquino Dee
Kristina Bernadette Aquino
Onderwys Notre Dame Convent School (presently, Notre Dame School) (1949)
Bachelor of Arts, Major in French and Mathematics, College of Mount Saint Vincent (1953)
Profession Housewife

Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) Benjamin Leong
Secretary of Agrarian Reform
(April 6, 1990-June 30, 1992)
Florencio B. Abad
Secretary of Agrarian Reform
(January 4, 1990-April 5, 1990)
Miriam Santiago
Secretary of Agrarian Reform
(July 20, 1989-January 4, 1990)
Philip Juico
Secretary of Agrarian Reform
(July 23, 1987-July 1, 1989)
Department of Land Reform Heherson Alvarez
Secretary of Land Reform
(May 1, 1986-March 7, 1987)
Department of Budget and Management (DBM) Salvador Enriquez Jr.
Acting Secretary of Budget and Management
(February 12, 1992-December 31, 1993)
Guillermo Carague
Secretary of Budget and Management
(March 13, 1987-February 12, 1992)
Ministry of Budget and Management Alberto G. Romulo
Minister of Budget and Management
(February 26, 1986-March 8, 1987)
Department of Education, Culture, and Sports (DECS) Isidro Cariño
Secretary of Education, Culture, and Sports
(January 3, 1990-June 30, 1992)
Lourdes Quisumbing
Secretary of Education, Culture, and Sports
(February 1986-December 1990)
Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) Fulgencio S. Factoran
Secretary of Environment and Natural Resources
(March 10, 1987-June 30, 1992)
Ministry of Natural Resources Carlos G. Dominguez
Minister of Natural Resources
(December 2, 1986-March 9, 1987)
Ernesto M. Maceda
Minister of Natural Resources
(February 26, 1986-December 1, 1986)
Department of Finance (DOF) Jesus Estanislao
Secretary of Finance
(January 1, 1990-June 30, 1992)
Vicente Jayme
Secretary of Finance
(September 15, 1987-December 31, 1989)
Jaime V. Ongpin
Secretary of Finance
(March 26, 1986-September 14, 1987)
Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) Raul S. Manglapus
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
(October 1987-May 1992)
Salvador H. Laurel
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
(February 1986-September 1987)
Department of Health (DOH) Antonio O. Periquet
Secretary of Health
(February 10, 1992-June 30, 1992)
Alfredo R.A. Bengzon
Secretary of Health
(March 2, 1986-February 7, 1992)
Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) Cesar N. Sarino
Secretary of the Interior and Local Government
(December 11, 1991-June 30, 1992)
Department of Local Government Luis T. Santos
Secretary of Local Government
(November 9, 1987-December 10, 1991)
Lito Monico C. Lorenzana
Secretary of Local Government
(August 3, 1987-November 8, 1987)
Ministry of Local Government and Community Development Jaime N. Ferrer
Minister of Local Government and Community Development
(December 8, 1986-August 2, 1987)
Aquilino Pimentel Jr.
Minister of Local Government and Community Development
(February 26, 1986-December 7, 1987)
Department of Justice (DOJ) Eduardo G. Montenegro
Secretary of Justice
(February 10, 1992-June 30, 1992)
Silvestre H. Bello III
Secretary of Justice
(July 15, 1991-February 9, 1992)
Franklin M. Drilon
Secretary of Justice
(January 4, 1999-July 14, 1991)
Sedfrey A. Ordoñez
Secretary of Justice
(March 9, 1987-January 2, 1990)
Ministry of Justice Neptali A. Gonzales
Minister of Justice
(February 28, 1986-March 8, 1987)
Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) Augusto Sanchez
Secretary of Labor and Employment
(1986-1987)
Ministry of Labor and Employment Blas Ople
Minister of Labor and Employment
(1978-1986)
Department of National Defense (DND) Renato S. De Villa
Secretary of National Defense
(July 20, 1991-June 30, 1992)
Fidel V. Ramos
Secretary of National Defense
(January 22, 1988-July 18, 1991)
Rafael M. Ileto
Secretary of National Defense
(November 23, 1986-January 21, 1988)
Juan Ponce Enrile
Secretary of National Defense
(February 26, 1986-November 23, 1986)
Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) Jose P. De Jesus
Secretary of Public Works and Highways
(1991-1993)
Fiorello Estuar
Secretary of Public Works and Highways
(1988-1990)
Juanito Ferrer
Secretary of Public Works and Highways
(1987-1988)
Vicente R. Jayme
Secretary of Public Works and Highways
(1986-1987)
Rogaciano M. Mercado
Secretary of Public Works and Highways
(March 1986-November 1986)
Department of Science and Technology (DOST) Ceferino L. Follosco
Secretary of Science and Technology
(April 7, 1989-June 30, 1992)
Antonio V. Arizabal
Secretary of Science and Technology
(June 7, 1986-April 6, 1989)
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) Mita Pardo de Tavera
Secretary pf Social Welfare and Development
(1986-1992)
Department of Tourism (DOT) Narzalina Z. Lim
Secretary of Tourism
(February 17, 1992-September 10, 1992)
Rafael Alunan III
Secretary of Tourism
(January 9, 1991-February 16, 1992)
Peter Garrucho
Secretary of Tourism
(June 8, 1989-January 8, 1991)
Narzalina Z. Lim
Acting Secretary of Tourism
(April 14, 1989-June 7, 1989)
Jose Antonio Gonzales
Secretary of Tourism
(February 26, 1986-April 14, 1989)
Department of Transportation and Communication (DOTC) Arturo C. Corona
Secretary of Transportation and Communication
(December 20, 1990-May 16, 1991)
Pete Nicomedes Prado
Secretary of Transportation and Communication
(March 23, 1991-July 1, 1992)
Oscar Orbos
Secretary of Transportation and Communication
(January 3, 1990-December 9, 1990)
Rainerio O. Reyes
Secretary of Transportation and Communication
(March 16, 1987-January 3, 1990)
Hernando B. Perez
Secretary of Transportation and Communication
(March 7, 1986-March 16, 1987)
Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) Peter Garrucho
Secretary of Trade and Industry
(1991-1992)
Jose A. Concepcion Jr.
Secretary of Trade and Industry
(1986-1991)
Executive Office Franklin Drilon
Executive Secretary
(July 15, 1991-June 30, 1992)
Oscar Orbos
Executive Secretary
(December 16,1990-July 14, 1991)
Catalino Macaraig
Executive Secretary
(September 17, 1987-December 14, 1990)
Joker Arroyo
Executive Secretary
(February 25, 1986-September 15, 1987)
Office of the Press Secretary Horacio Paredes
Press Secretary
(February 12, 1992-June 30, 1992)
Tomas Gomez III
Press Secretary
(January 4, 1990-February 11, 1992)
Adolfo S. Azcuna
Press Secretary
(June 16, 1986-December 31, 1989)
Teodoro Benigno
Press Secretary
(September 6, 1986-June 14, 1989)
Ministry of Public Information Teodoro L. Locsin Jr.
Minister of Public Information
(March 25, 1986-September 14, 1987)

  • Executive Orders: 1-683 (total: 683)
  • Administrative Orders: 1-289 (total: 289)
  • Memorandum Orders: 1-429 (total: 429)
  • Memorandum Circulars: 1-156 (total: 156)
  • Proclamations: 1-932 (total: 932)
  • Bevolking: 56.00 million (1986)
  • Gross Domestic Product: P591,423 million (1986)
  • Gross Domestic Product: P716,522 million (1991)
  • GDP Growth Rate: 3.33% (1986-1991 average)
  • Income Per Capita: P10,622 (1986)
  • Income Per Capita: P11,250 (1991)
  • Total Exports: P160,571 million (1986)
  • Total Exports: P231,515 million (1991)
  • Unemployment Rate: 11.83% (1986)
  • Unemployment Rate: 10.58% (1991)
  • Peso-Dollar Exchange Rate: $1 = P20.38 (1986)
  • Peso-Dollar Exchange Rate: $1 = P27.61 (1991)

Source: National Statistical Coordination Board, National Accounts of the Philippines, National Statistics Office, Philippine Statistical Yearbook

This tab is currently under construction. Please check again soon.

  • Republic Acts:
  • Batasang Pambansa:
  • Presidential Decrees:

These infographics were published as part of the Philippine Electoral Almanac, a compendium and handy resource of Philippine national elections from 1935 onwards, by the Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office.

1986 Presidential Elections
Incumbent President Ferdinand E. Marcos and Assemblyman Arturo Tolentino of the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan were challenged by opposition leaders Corazon C. Aquino, widow of martyred Senator Benigno “Ninoy” S. Aquino Jr., and former Senator Salvador “Doy” H. Laurel of UNIDO.

1986 Vice Presidential Elections

1987 Plebiscite

1987 Legislative Elections

The First State of the Nation Address of President Corazon C. Aquino

Delivered at the Batasang Pambansa, Quezon City, on July 27, 1987

The Second State of the Nation Address of President Corazon C. Aquino

Delivered at the Batasang Pambansa, Quezon City, on July 25, 1988

The Third State of the Nation Address of President Corazon C. Aquino

Delivered at the Batasang Pambansa, Quezon City, on July 24, 1989

The Fourth State of the Nation Address of President Corazon C. Aquino

Delivered at the Batasang Pambansa, Quezon City, on July 23, 1990

The Fifth State of the Nation Address of President Corazon C. Aquino


Kyk die video: History Philippines - Aquino Cojuangco Dark Secrets (Julie 2022).


Kommentaar:

  1. Aldo

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  2. Suttecliff

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  3. Dirisar

    Hierdie boodskap is onvergelykbaar,))), dit is vir my interessant :)

  4. Vushura

    Ek het gedink en die boodskap wegbeweeg



Skryf 'n boodskap