Geskiedenis Podcasts

John F. Kennedy stel besienswaardighede op die maan

John F. Kennedy stel besienswaardighede op die maan

In 'n toespraak aan die Rice -universiteit op 12 September 1962, het president John F. Kennedy steun vir die wedloop na die ruimte gebied deur sy mede -Amerikaners te vertel dat die rede waarom ons probeer om na die maan te gaan 'nie omdat dit maklik is nie, maar omdat dit is moeilik."


John F. Kennedy stel besienswaardighede op die maan - GESKIEDENIS

Net soos wat samesweringsboeke meer gewild was as boeke wat die Warren-kommissie se gevolgtrekkings ondersteun, is daar meer samesweringsgerigte webwerwe as webwerwe wat alleen is. Alhoewel baie webwerwe oor Kennedy -sluipmateriaal beskik, spesialiseer die volgende in die onderwerp. Dit is 'n ietwat selektiewe lys van webwerwe, met die klem op diegene met die sterkste versameling bronne.

Die Texas Monthly's Dealey Plaza Revisited is 'n goeie gebalanseerde inleiding tot die kwessies rondom die sluipmoord uit 'n tydskrif wat 'n steunpilaar van die Texas -joernalistiek geword het.

Die Mary Ferrell-stigting is vernoem ter ere van die gerespekteerde jarelange navorser in die Dallas-omgewing, Mary Ferrell, en bevat 'n wye verskeidenheid hulpbronne, insluitend essays (meestal samesweringsgerig), foto's en (die belangrikste) 'n massiewe versameling primêre brondokumente.

Die Kennedy Assassination Records -versameling van die National Archives het 'n soekenjin waarmee dokumente in die massiewe besittings van die argiewe opgespoor kan word. Dit maak dit maklik om relevante dokumente uit die argief te bestel. En inderdaad, bloot om te weet watter dokumente die regering het, kan belangrike inligting wees. Gee die Feds 'n bietjie eer: dit is 'n goeie bron.

Die JFK Lancer-webwerf is 'n uitstekende bron vir die bestelling van verskillende materiaal vir die moord, en dit bevat geselekteerde artikels uit The Assassination Chronicles, asook 'n goeie keuse van skakels na ander JFK-georiënteerde webwerwe.

JFK Online het verskeie interessante essays (oor Ruby, Silvia Odio, Jean Hill), 'n goeie skakelpagina, goeie kort resensies van al die belangrikste sluipmoordboeke en 'n uitstekende versameling ongeredigeerde verklarings van moordgetuies. Die sterk punt daarvan is egter 'n baie groot versameling bronne oor Jim Garrison en Garrison se "ondersoek" na die moord in New Orleans.

Mike Russ 'John F. Kennedy Assassination Information Center is sterk oor getuienisgetuienis en beskik oor die onskatbare waardevolle tegniese verslae van die House Select Committee on Assassinations wat kwessies soos die aard van Kennedy se wonde en die egtheid van die Backyard Photos aanspreek.

Max Holland se Washington DeCoded toon die werk van 'n joernalis wat deeglik vertroud is met die geskiedenis van die 60's en die maniere waarop die Washington -politiek 'n invloed gehad het op hoe die moord beskou is en hoe dit hanteer is.

Die webwerf 22 November 1963 is 'n oorsig van die sluipmoord vanuit 'n samesweringsperspektief. Beskou dit as 'n goeie inleiding tot samesweringargumente, en kyk na teenargumente op ander webwerwe.

Ralph Schuster se John F. Kennedy Assassination Homepage, uit Duitsland, is 'n verdere bewys van wêreldwye belangstelling in die sluipmoord. Schuster het 'n wye verskeidenheid aanbiedings, waaronder die Warren Commission -verslag, Jim Marrs se "Convenient Deaths" -lys, Walt Brown se indeks tot sluipmoordboeke en uitgebreide getuienisgetuies.

The Real Issues Home Page, wys Mike Griffith, die skrywer van die bladsy, as 'n ywerige leser van samesweringboeke en 'n produktiewe skrywer. U kan hier vind oor elke aspek van die saak wat uit 'n samesweringperspektief geïnterpreteer word.

John Simkin se Spartacus Educational -webwerf het gemeen met Mike Griffith se webwerf (bo) 'n ywerige webmeester wat baie inligting (en ongelukkig pseudo -inligting) aanlyn geplaas het. Maar waar Griffith se webwerf diep is en tot in detail in kwessies ingaan, is Simkin se webwerf breed en bevat inligting oor 'n groot aantal verdagtes, getuies en selfs navorsers.

Dale Myers se JFK Files -webwerf toon Myers se rekenaarmodelle vir die skietery in Dealey Plaza, asook materiaal oor die Tippit -skietery. Myers lewer ook kritiek op 'n uiteensetting van die bewerings van samesweerders vanuit 'n enkele moordenaarsperspektief.

Die Academic JFK Assassination Site weerspieël 'n kursus oor die JFK -moord wat deur Kenneth A. Rahn aan die Universiteit van Rhode Island aangebied is. Sy webwerf is nie net sy leerplan nie, maar eerder 'n wye versameling materiaal. Veral interessant is gedeeltes oor kritiese denke, inligting oor kritici van die Warren -kommissie en versamelings materiaal van navorsers soos Tony Marsh en Peter Whitmey.

Lisa Pease se werklike geskiedenis -argiewe gee u 'n dosis van die baie ekstreme sameswering. Pease meen dat 'n baie groot sameswering Kennedy vermoor het, en die misdaad bly bedek. Sy bevat die hoofstroommedia, 'n groot deel van die akademie, baie samesweringskrywers, almal skrywers wat meen dat Oswald dit alleen gedoen het, en feitlik al die plakkate op USENET -nuusgroepe wat nie in 'n sameswering in haar rolverdeling van sinistere mense glo nie. Klik hier vir Lisa Pease se bladsy oor die bombardement in Oklahoma City vir 'n eng herinnering aan waarheen hierdie soort denke lei. Nou verwyder van haar webwerf, het sy dit meer as twee jaar lank vertoon.

Die webwerf Kennedy and King (voorheen Probe Magazine) is 'n projek van James DiEugenio, 'n voorstander van Jim Garrison en gelowige in 'n omvattende sameswering wat Kennedy vermoor het en die moord steeds bedek.

David Von Pein was die afgelope tyd op die internet, en het redeneer oor die enigste sluipmoordenaar. Sy blog, The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: A Lone-Gunman Viewpoint, het baie hulpbronne, insluitend veral videobronne.

The Assassination Web is 'n bron vir COPA -inligting, COPA -video's en die wêreld se omvangrykste versameling essays wat die boek Case Closed van Gerald Posner wil ontbloot.

W. Tracy Parnell is 'n eensame moordenaarsteoretikus wie se Lee Harvey Oswald Research Page verskeie waardevolle hulpbronne het. Parnell is die belangrikste internet -debunker van "twee Oswalds" -teorieë.

Parnell se meer onlangse navorsing kan gevind word op sy blog W. Tracy Parnell. Hy gaan voort met die ontkenning van 'twee Oswalds' -teorieë, wat steeds in verskillende permutasies na vore kom.

David Perry, 'n kraker -navorser wat baie van die verhale wat samesweringboeke herhaal het, ontbloot het (hoewel hy eintlik glo dat daar 'n sameswering was), het die John F. Kennedy -moordbladsye waar u meer oor hom kan leer en verskeie van sy artikels kan lees.

Clintbradford.com het 'n fyn versameling lêers wat baie aspekte van die moord dek. Die webwerf het ontstaan ​​uit Clint Bradford se ATD BBS (nou opgehou) en is ryk aan hulpbronne.

John Masland's The Nook is 'n interessante plek vir mense wat regtig wil grawe, met groot databasisse van Warren Commission -dokumente, Warren Commission -getuies, geselekteerde gedeeltes van die Warren -verslag en 'n versameling video -klankbyte. Hierdie webwerf word nie veral aanbeveel vir die informele webwerwer nie, 'n groot seën vir die ernstige navorser.

Tony Marsh se webwerf, The Puzzle Palace, het een ding: Marsh self, 'n eienaardige, onafhanklike en innoverende navorser wat af en toe byna briljant kan werk.

Dr Chad Zimmerman is 'n chiropraktisyn wat sy kennis van anatomie gebruik het om die JFK Assassination Research Page te vervaardig, wat handel oor verskillende mediese en ballistiese kwessies.

Fair Play was voorheen 'n aanlyn tydskrif wat deur John Kelin saamgestel is. Die argiewe van die webwerf word selde nou opgedateer, maar dit bevat 'n wye verskeidenheid materiaal. Alhoewel dit blykbaar sommige van die mees onbetroubare getuies (Roger Craig, Perry Raymond Russo) ondersteun, het dit ook samesweringsverhale ontbloot. 'N Belangrike kenmerk is die gedetailleerde verslag van Joe Backes oor dokumentvrystellings van die Assassination Records Review Board. Die baanbreker JFK -moordblad.


'Ons kies om na die maan te gaan': Lees JFK se maantoespraak volledig

Terwyl die VSA Rusland in die ruimtewedloop agterweë gelaat het, moes president Kennedy 'n toenemende Amerikaanse poging bywoon.

Gepubliseer: 05 Julie, 2019 om 16:00

Die ruimtevaart van Yuri Gagarin op 12 April 1961 was 'n groot verleentheid vir president John F Kennedy, die nuwe bewoner van die Withuis. Tot op daardie stadium het hy die ruimtevaart nie ernstig opgeneem nie, en was hy bekommerd oor die wêreldwye reaksie op die triomf van Rusland. Hy stap vinnig in die Withuis en vra sy adviseurs: 'Wat kan ons doen? Hoe kan ons inhaal? ”

Net 'n week later het Kennedy nog 'n nederlaag gely. 'N 1300-sterk mag van die ballingskap in ballingskap, ondersteun deur die CIA, het by die Bay of Pigs in Kuba geland met die doel om Fidel Castro se regime te vernietig. Kennedy het die inval goedgekeur, maar Castro se troepe het geweet wat kom en wag op die strande. Die aanval was 'n totale ramp.

Daar was egter 'n mate van aanmoediging vir die nuwe president. Op 5 Mei 1961 is die NASA -ruimtevaarder Alan Shepard bo -op 'n klein Redstone -booster gelanseer. Sy vlug was nie 'n volle baan van die aarde nie, slegs 'n ballistiese boog wat ongeveer 15 minute duur. Gagarin se Vostok -vaartuig het om die wêreld gegaan, terwyl Shepard se klein Mercurius -kapsule in die Atlantiese Oseaan gespat het, net 'n paar honderd kilometer van die beginpunt af. Maar dit was genoeg om die vermoëns van NASA te bewys.

Lees meer oor die ruimtewedloop:

Kennedy wend hom nou tot die ruimte as 'n manier om sy geloofwaardigheid te versterk. Op 25 Mei 1961 het hy 'n belangrike toespraak aan die kongres gelê waarin hy Amerika belowe het om 'n maan te beland "voordat hierdie dekade verby is" en die Apollo -projek gebore is. Maar om die prestasie te bereik wat baie mense as verkeerd beskou en in sommige gevalle onnodig beskou het, het hy die steun van die Amerikaanse publiek nodig gehad.

Op 12 September 1962 het hy sy visie uitgespreek in 'n toespraak wat aan 40 000 mense by die Rice University in Texas gehou is, en dit het die land tot 'n nuwe grens gedryf.


President Kennedy se "Moon Speech" word 50 jaar oud

In 1961 het president John F. Kennedy 'n toespraak aan die kongres gelewer waarin hy 'n beroep op die land doen om 'hom te verbind tot 'n man op die maan', 'n doelwit wat teen die einde van die dekade bereik is. Ira Flatow en gaste bespreek die begin en nalatenskap van die Apollo -missies na die maan.

John M. Logsdon, skrywer: "John F. Kennedy en The Race to The Moon" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), professor emeritus in politieke wetenskap en internasionale aangeleenthede, Elliot School of International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington, DC

Nicholas de Monchaux, skrywer: "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo" (MIT Press, 2011), assistent -professor in argitektuur en stedelike ontwerp, Universiteit van Kalifornië, Berkeley, Berkeley, Kalifornië.

Jy luister na SCIENCE FRIDAY. Ek is Ira Flatow. Die beroemde JFK -maantoespraak daarna.

President JOHN F. KENNEDY: Ek glo dat hierdie nasie hom daartoe moet verbind om die doel te bereik, voordat hierdie dekade uit is, om 'n man op die maan te land en veilig terug te keer na die aarde.

Geen enkele ruimteprojek in hierdie tydperk sal vir die mensdom meer indrukwekkend wees of belangriker vir die verkenning van die ruimte op lang afstand nie, en dit sal nie so moeilik of duur wees om dit te bereik nie.

FLATOW: Dit was hierdie week 50 jaar gelede dat president Kennedy 'n ambisieuse plan aan die kongres voorgelê het, regtig 'n uitdaging - hy wou 'n man veilig op die maan laat beland en hom terugbring voor die einde van die dekade, en u weet die res, soos hulle sê, is geskiedenis.

Maar baie van die geskiedenis is nie te bekend nie, soos byvoorbeeld die manier waarop NASA en CBS saamgewerk het om die eerste landing op televisie te stuur, of dat Kennedy twyfel oor die plan en dat dit nog lank nie 'n koue oorlog was nie, hy was bereid om saam met die Russe aan die projek saam te werk.

Baie van hierdie verborge geskiedenis kan nou gevind word in twee boeke oor Apollo, en hul skrywers is nou hier by my. John Logsdon is skrywer van "John F. Kennedy en die wedloop na die maan." Hy is professor emeritus in politieke wetenskap en internasionale aangeleenthede aan die George Washington Universiteit. Hy het ook die Space Policy Institute daar gestig, en hy sluit by ons aan by ons NPR Studios in Washington. Welkom terug by SCIENCE FRIDAY, John.

Professor JOHN LOGSDON (George Washington Universiteit): Goeiemiddag, Ira.

FLATOW: U is welkom. Nicholas de Monchaux is die skrywer van "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo." Hy is die assistent -professor in argitektuur en stedelike ontwerp aan die Universiteit van Kalifornië, Berkeley. Hy sluit by ons aan vanaf ons ateljee daar. Welkom terug by SCIENCE FRIDAY, dr. De Monchaux.

Professor NICHOLAS DE MONCHAUX (Universiteit van Kalifornië, Berkeley): Baie bly om by u te wees.

VLAK: En net om ons luisteraars in te vul, toe ons 'n paar maande gelede die eerste keer met dr. De Monchaux gesels het, het hy met ons gepraat oor die ontwerp van die ruimtepak. 'N Goeie deel van die boek is hoe Playtex die ruimtepak ontwerp het wat die ruimtevaarders op die maan laat beland het.

Jou boeke is gevul met soveel interessante besonderhede wat oor die ruimtewedloop weggelaat is. Ek wil dadelik daarby ingaan. John Logsdon, vir mense wat nie die geskiedenis kan onthou nie, of dalk nie te jonk is om te onthou nie, gee ons 'n idee wat in die wêreld aan die gang was toe Kennedy die toespraak gelewer het.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, Kennedy het in die amp gekom sonder om baie na te dink oor die ruimteprogram en wou 'n besluit uitstel oor wat die Verenigde State sou doen. Maar toe op 12 April '61, is Yuri Gagarin deur die Sowjetunie gelanseer, die eerste mens wat in 'n wentelbaan gegaan het, en die wêreldreaksie was eenvormig positief.

En ek dink dit het Kennedy regtig oortuig dat die Verenigde State die Sowjetunie standaard nie kon toelaat om alles skouspelagtig in die ruimte te doen nie, en 'n paar dae later het die Verenigde State Kubaanse rebelle na die oewer van die Varkbaai gestuur, het hulle toe nie lugondersteuning gegee nie.

En Kennedy en sy nuwe administrasie het swak gelyk voor die wêreld, terwyl die Sowjetunie sterk gelyk het. Ek dink dit versterk Kennedy se besluit om vorentoe te gaan.

Kennedy het gesê dat die Verenigde State 'n manier moet vind om terug te keer en in werklikheid 'n ruimtewedloop te wen.

FLATOW: So het hy die idee in gedagte gehad, of het hy sy adviseurs gevra om iets vir hom te bedink?

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, ek dink hy het die baie breë idee dat ons iets moet doen om ons in die leidende posisie in die ruimte te plaas, maar op 20 April skryf hy 'n memo aan Lyndon Johnson wat sê: Find me a space program wat dramatiese resultate beloof, waarin ons kan wen - 'n baie duidelike stel vereistes: ruimte, dramaties, wen.

FLATOW: En hy het dit aan Johnson gegee om te vind.

Prof. LOGSDON: Hy het Johnson gevra om 'n oorsig te doen of 'n oorsig te reël, en die volgende twee weke het die vise -president dit gedoen, NASA ingebring, die departement van verdediging ingebring, Werner von Braun ingebring, amper as 'n individu het 'n paar sakelui en 'n paar leiers in die senaat ingebring en uiteindelik tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die maan inderdaad die eerste teiken was wat die Verenigde State ten minste 'n goeie kans gehad het om voor die Sowjetunie te bereik.

FLATOW: Nicholas, sou u in die algemeen met die beoordeling saamstem?

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Ek sou. Ek dink dit is - Dr. Logsdon se werk is wonderlik oor hierdie onderwerp, dink ek. Maar ek neem jou na 1961, waar jy, as jy 'n koerant oopmaak, waarskynlik 'n foto van John F. Kennedy self in 'n ruimtepak sal sien, nie letterlik een nie, maar aangetrek in 'n ruimtepak, soos hy gereeld was, deur beide tekenaars soos Herblock en kunstenaars soos Richard Hamilton (ph).

En die soort afplatting van die hele ruimtevaart rondom Kennedy was 'n baie belangrike illustrasie van hoe Kennedy se eie persoonlikheid, as 'n soort heldhaftige figuur met hierdie bemeestering van die media, onmiddellik was, so gou toe die ruimtewedloop aangegaan het, was dit in botsing met die heldhaftige figuur van die ruimtevaarder self.

Ek dink dus dat die verhaal, soos u dit vandag vertel, wat natuurlik 'n epiese wêreldverhaal is, maar ook 'n baie persoonlike verhaal oor Kennedy, 'n baie interessante manier is om hierdie geskiedenis te verstaan.

FLATOW: ek verstaan ​​ook dat u albei u boeke gelees het - dit is albei uitstekende boeke - dat dit amper van die begin af die eerste reuse -televisie -geleentheid sou wees, nie waar nie?

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, Kennedy.

VLAK: Gaan voort, John, u kan eers gaan.

Prof. LOGSDON: Goed. Ek bedoel Kennedy het baie betrokke geraak by 'n kritieke besluit, naamlik om die eerste Amerikaanse bekendstelling, die suborbitale vlug van Alan Shepard, wat uiteindelik op 5 Mei gebeur het, op televisie te stuur, om dit regstreeks op televisie te stuur, ondanks 'n aantal van sy adviseurs wat sê dit is te riskant net na die Varkbaai wil ons beslis nie nog 'n ramp hê nie, en veral nie 'n ramp waar die kans groot is dat 'n ruimtevaarder sy lewe kan verloor op regstreekse televisie nie.

Kennedy het die advies van 'n paar mense wat gesê het waarom 'n sukses uitgestel word, geneem en die besluit geneem dat die missie en alles wat daarop volg, op regstreekse televisie sou wees.

DE MONCHAUX: Ag, ek wil u daarop wys dat onder die adviseurs wat Johnson bymekaar gekom het, eintlik Frank Stanton (ph), die hoof van CBS, was, en daar was baie naby aan die oppervlak in die hele beplanningsproses die idee hiervan as 'n media -gebeurtenis, en dit was iets wat die Verenigde State baie goed kon doen wat die Sowjetunie nie kon doen nie, omdat die Sowjets nooit in hul hele ruimtegeskiedenis suksesse aangekondig het nie, nadat hulle seker was dat dit gebeur het. Hulle was allergies vir enige idee van lewendige dekking en deursigtigheid.

Kennedy het dus die toon van die Amerikaanse ruimtevaart as 'n openbare media -geleentheid sowel as 'n tegnologiese poging aangegee.

Prof. LOGSDON: Die doel van Apollo was immers om Amerikaanse tegnologiese en organisatoriese bekwaamheid te demonstreer, en die beste manier om dit te demonstreer, is om dit deur almal te laat sien.

FLATOW: En u doen baie moeite in u boek, Nicholas, om daarop te wys dat dit was - omdat Frank Stanton 'n adviseur was, dat CBS 'n soortgelyke keuse was. U sê 'n toenemende medepligtigheid tussen NASA se perskantoor en CBS, dat CBS as die netwerk gekies is, en Walter Cronkite, om die vreugdes van die ruimtewedloop oor te dra.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Wel, ek sou nie noodwendig sê dat CBS gesalf is nie, maar dat dit destyds baie gesalf was deur die Amerikaanse bevolking destyds as die sentrale stem van nuusdekking.

CBS het beslis meer geld bestee as enigiemand anders op sy televisie -dekking. Dit was ontevrede oor baie van die beeldmateriaal wat NASA aangebied het tydens die beplanningsproses vir die maansending, wat so lank en duur was as verskillende komponente van die ruimteprogram.

En so het dit baie van die ondernemings wat simulators en visuele effekte verskaf het, weer aangestel om die ruimtevaarders vir NASA op te lei om visuele effekte en simulasies vir hul eie gehoor vir die TV -uitsending te produseer.

En ek dink dat die gehoor se aandeel vir CBS tydens die Apollo -program tussen 45 en 50 persent van die Amerikaanse huishoudings was. Die stem van Cronkite was dus die stem van die ruimteprogram.

FLATOW: Maar CBS is ook na Kennedy in die Johnson-administrasie ingebring, waartydens die grootste deel van die ruimte-poging plaasgevind het, om die beeld van Lyndon Johnson eintlik te help. Het CBS nie gehelp om die lessenaar wat Lyndon Johnson ontwerp het, te ontwerp nie.

DE MONCHAUX: Wel, Frank Stanton het persoonlik gehelp om Lyndon Johnson se lessenaar in die Withuis te ontwerp om hom meer telegenies te maak. Johnson was baie onseker oor sy eie beeld, veral met betrekking tot die Kennedys. Hy het dus gevoel dat hy elke hulp nodig het wat hy kan kry.

FLATOW: En u wys ook daarop dat die stel waarna CBS gebruik is, die HAL-1,000 genoem word.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Ja, wel, dit was selfs die HAL-10,000.

VLAK: Tienduisend, ek is jammer, ek het 'n nul laat staan.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Moenie bekommerd wees nie. Dit was, dit was - wel, die stel is 'n pragtige voorwerp, en dit word nie gereeld gesien in baie van die terugwerkende beeldmateriaal wat ons sien nie. Maar dit is ontwerp deur Douglas Turnbull (ph), wat al die visuele effekte vir Kubrick se "2001" gedoen het, en daarom het dit hierdie naam gehad.

En dit was - dit was 'n soort revolusionêre tegnologie. Dit bevat baie van die komponente wat ons vandag met TV -uitsendings assosieer: knipbanke, groen skerms, bedekte skerms wat destyds net so ongewoon was as wat dit nou oral voorkom, veral omdat - verskoon my - Bob Whistler (ph), wat die vervaardiger was van die CBS-uitsendings, het eintlik saam met Ted Turner van CNN die mede-stigter geword, waarin baie van hierdie tegnieke wat ontwikkel is vir hierdie ongekende, 31 uur, 48-uur uitsendings, waarna dit saamgevoeg is tot maak baie uit die kontemporêre medialandskap.

VLAK: Mm-hmm. 1-800-989-8255 is ons nommer. John, dink u dat Kennedy geweet het wat eintlik tegnies behels het om maan toe te gaan toe hy die toespraak gehou het?

Prof. LOGSDON: Nee, baie min mense het begin. Ek bedoel, die plan was destyds om 'n vuurpyl te bou wat selfs groter was as die Saturn V wat uiteindelik gekies is en net na die maan se oppervlak te vlieg. Die hele idee van ontmoetings in die baan van die aarde of in die maanbaan is nie in ag geneem nie.

As ek die dokumente lees, na die bande luister, het ek die gevoel dat Kennedy nie veel tegnologie het nie, dat hy nie 'n tegnologies gesofistikeerde individu is nie. Ek bedoel, hy het die Kaap ses dae voor sy dood besoek en is ingelig oor die Apollo -reëlings en die Saturnus I -lanseerder gesien. En NASA nommer drie op daardie tydstip, Bob Simmon, sê miskien het hy vir die eerste keer 'n goeie idee gehad van wat hy goedgekeur het. Ek dink dus dat dit vir hom 'n politieke was; ek dink nie vreeslik visioenêr nie, maar nie 'n goeie idee van die tegnologie nie.

VLAK: Hmm. Gesels met John Logsdon, skrywer van "John F. Kennedy en die wedloop na die maan", en Nicholas de Monchaux, skrywer van "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo."

Het die president gedink - jy weet, daar was 'n reuse -wedloop met die Sowjets, en jy praat in jou boek dat hy op 'n stadium Nikita Chroesjtsjof genader het en hom gevra het of hulle wil saamwerk.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, hy het hom twee keer genader.

Prof. LOGSDON: Ek bedoel, in die eerste plek het ons nie geweet wat die Sowjetunie doen nie. Dit blyk dat hulle nie 'n maanprogram gehad het terwyl Kennedy gelewe het nie, en dat ons net onsself gejaag het. Maar ons het dit nie geweet nie.

Kennedy het die Withuis binnegekom omdat hy aan ruimte gedink het as 'n gebied van samewerking om spanning te verminder. In sy intreerede wat hy aan die Sowjetunie gesê het, laat ons saam die sterre verken. Gagarin en die besluit om mee te ding, lê dit opsy, maar nie baie lank nie. Tien dae later, nadat hy die besluit oor die maanlanding aangekondig het, ontmoet hy Khrushchev in Wene, hul enigste ontmoeting van aangesig tot aangesig, en tydens albei middagetes word voorgestel, waarom doen ons dit nie saam nie? En Chroesjtsjof het nee gesê. Dit is te naby aan ons militêre tegnologie, ons militêre geheime. Ons wil dit nie doen nie.

En toe, twee maande voor hy vermoor is, het Kennedy in die mees openbare omgewing teruggekeer na hierdie idee, die Algemene Vergadering van die Verenigde Nasies, het 'n gesamentlike ekspedisie na die maan voorgestel. Ted Sorensen sê Kennedy, deur dit alles, sou eerder saamgewerk het as om mee te ding. Maar mededinging blyk die meer polities relevante en lewensvatbare opsie te wees.

FLATOW: Dit is SCIENCE FRIDAY van NPR. Ek praat Ira Flatow met John Logsdon en Nicholas de Monchaux.

50 jaar later, wat dink jy is die nalatenskap? Ek sal julle albei vra, John, die eerste van die Apollo -program en die wedloop na die maan?

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, ek dink die erfenis van beelde, die feit dat ons dit gedoen het, het dit gedoen, is iets wat deel uitmaak van die Amerikaanse erfenis, iets waarop ons steeds moet wys wanneer ons trots wil wees. land. Dit het wel 'n sterk positiewe invloed op die Amerikaanse beeld regoor die wêreld gehad. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n cliché - as ons na die maan kan gaan, waarom kan ons nie, wat volgens my basies leeg is van betekenis? Ek dink Apollo en die omstandighede wat dit moontlik gemaak het, was uniek en nie 'n model vir ander grootskaalse ondernemings nie.

En ek dink dit het 'n taamlik jammer effek op die langtermyn-Amerikaanse ruimteprogram gehad deur die program as 'n wedloop te beskou. Sodra u die wedloop gewen het, soos ons met Apollo 11 gedoen het, was daar geen antwoord op wat daarna sou gebeur nie. En ek dink ons ​​is al 40 jaar lank besig om te dryf.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Wel, ek - een van die dinge wat ek in my boek probeer doen het, is om seker te maak dat die verhaal van Apollo nie net 'n soort opkomende tegnologiese verhaal is nie, dit is baie duidelik, maar eerder so baie 'n produk van die kultuur en 'n soort sagte landskap van sy tyd.

Ek sou sê dat - terwyl ons daarna terugkyk, ons ook baie versigtig moet wees om dit nie bloot as 'n soort groot nasionale prestasie te beskou nie. Dit is beslis wat al die verskillende media ons destyds vertel het. Maar ook baie soort van 'n illustrasie van die intense magte wat die Amerikaanse kultuur binnedring en die leiers soos Kennedy, wat besluite wou neem oor hoe ons hierdie ongewone, vreemde landskap van die 1960's sou onderhandel waarin ons almal kon sterf môre deur 'n kernaanval en wat ons nie geweet het in watter rigting dit was nie. En dit was dus 'n poging om sin te maak uit daardie era en om 'n soort funksie aan 'n openbare gesig te gee, aan iets wat baie ingewikkeld en baie subtiel was.

En ek dink dat ons op baie maniere ook baie dankbaar moet wees dat ons nie in 'n tyd wat so verwarrend was, leef nie. Ons eie tyd is natuurlik ook baie verwarrend, maar nie heeltemal in sulke apokaliptiese terme nie.

FLATOW: John, wat sou die ekwivalente 2012 -dollar wees.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, ek ken die 2010 -dollar vir Apollo.

Prof. LOGSDON: Dit is $ 151 miljard in 2010 -ekwivalente. Net ter vergelyking, die pendelbus het ons amper 209 gekos. Die pendelbus het ons meer gekos as wat Apollo gedoen het.

VLAK: Wow. Dit plaas dit 'n bietjie meer in perspektief, dink ek.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Maar die Apollo -program was slegs - jy weet, van die begin daarvan af tot die oomblik dat ons op die maan beland het, sou dit wees asof ons besluit het met geen van die tegnologie om op die maan te land nie, jy weet , 2001 en het dit drie jaar gelede gedoen. Dit was 'n enorme rede, daarom sê ek dat dit die soort diamant was van 'n prestasie wat destyds deur die tydelike en politieke kragte saamgepers is, terwyl die pendelprogram 'n soort van dekades lange, heel ander soort onderneming is.

Prof. LOGSDON: Ja, dit is eerlik genoeg. Ek bedoel, miskien is die beter vergelyking iets soos die Manhattan -projek, wat dieselfde hoeveelheid dollars, $ 28 miljard of die Panamakanaal, wat agt miljard was, kos in vergelyking met Apollo's 151.

VLAK: Wow. Goed. Ons neem 'n kort pouse en neem u - ons neem u vrae en telefoonoproepe. Ons nommer: 1-800-989-8255. Gesels met John Logsdon, skrywer van "John F. Kennedy en The Race to the Moon", en Nicholas de Monchaux, wie se skrywer van "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo."

Soos ek sê, ons nommer: 1-800-989-8255. En tweet ons, @scifri, S-C-I-F-R-I. Verlaat 'n gesprek - of sluit aan by 'n gesprek. Begin een op Facebook op sciencefriday/ - Facebook/ scifri. En ook op ons webwerf by sciencefriday.com. Ons kom terug na hierdie kort pouse en praat oor die erfenis van John F. Kennedy se toespraak 50 jaar gelede hierdie week. Bly by ons.

President KENNEDY: Ons kies om in hierdie dekade maan toe te gaan en die ander dinge te doen, nie omdat dit maklik is nie, maar omdat dit moeilik is.

FLATOW: Dit is president Kennedy wat aan die Rice -universiteit in September 1962 praat. Dit is SCIENCE FRIDAY. Ek is Ira Flatow. Ons praat oor die - nog 'n toespraak wat die president 'n jaar tevore in die kongres gehou het, in 1961, oor die noodsaaklikheid - om na die maan te gaan voordat die dekade uit was.

My gaste, John Logsdon, skrywer van "John F. Kennedy en The Race to the Moon", en Nicholas de Monchaux, skrywer van "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo."

John, het die president enige tyd in sy denke afstand gedoen of het hy gedink nadat hy die eerste toespraak of die tweede een gehou het?

Prof. LOGSDON: Ag, ek dink so. Hy was nie 'n ruimtevisioenêr nie. Hy was nie toegewyd aan ruimte nie. Hy het aanhoudend gesê: is dit regtig die geld werd? Dit is baie geld, om seker te maak dat ons dit nie mors nie. En dan was daar baie kritiek in 1963, en Kennedy het redelik baie van die kritiek ter harte geneem.

Die Kennedy -biblioteek het Woensdag, op die herdenking van die toespraak, 'n opname van die ontmoeting tussen NASA -administrateur Jim Webb en die president vrygestel. En die uittreksels uit die vergadering klink asof Kennedy wankelrig was. Ek dink hulle is 'n bietjie uit verband geruk. Hy was bekommerd oor die behoud van politieke steun vir die program toe die Verenigde State of die Sowjetunie 'n paar jaar lank nie veel in die ruimte doen nie. En hy was bekommerd dat dit 'n kwesbaarheid sou word, terwyl hy hom in 1964 vir herverkiesing beywer het.

FLATOW: Het president Johnson, wat oorgeneem het - ek bedoel, hy kon gesê het, dit was JFK se ding, nie myne nie. Maar hy het.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, hy het wel gesê - ek is jammer.

Prof. LOGSDON: Hy het wel gesê dit is JFK se ding. En omdat dit so was, gaan ons vorentoe. Dit het 'n gedenkteken geword vir 'n gevalle president.

FLATOW: Ja. Ek sou sê, dit kon hom 'n geleentheid gegee het as hy nie wou gaan nie, om te sê dat dit JFK's was, maar hy het dit geneem en daarmee gehardloop.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, dit was immers.

Prof. LOGSDON:. Lyndon Johnson wat die program in die eerste plek aan Kennedy aanbeveel het.

FLATOW: En die ruimtesentrum is in Houston, laat ons nie vergeet nie.

Prof. LOGSDON: Wel, nie per ongeluk nie, maar nie as gevolg van Lyndon Johnson nie.

Prof. LOGSDON: Dit was 'n Texas -kongreslid met die naam Albert Thomas wat die krediete van NASA beheer het, wat die onmiddellike oorsaak was. Hy het aan Jim Webb gesê, aan John Kennedy gesê: as u die geld wil hê wat u daarvoor vra om Apollo aan die gang te kry, is dit beter om die installasie vir die program in my distrik in Houston te vind.

FLATOW: En u reaksie hierop, Nicholas?

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Wel, jy weet, ek dink dit is regtig - Kennedy is so 'n interessante figuur en in sommige opsigte 'n bietjie soos die ruimteprogram. Hy is - die heldhaftige eienskap wat hy deur die geskiedenis gegee is - help ons soms om die soort wonderlike pragmatisme wat eintlik in werking was, te verblind. Ek bedoel, Kennedy was iemand wat - of dit nou 'n beeld was soos die monnik, Thich Quang Duc - wat hom in Junie 1962 in Viëtnam aan die brand steek, of betogers wat in Mei 1963 deur polisiehonde in Birmingham aangeval is - hy was iemand wat voel gebuffel deur die destydse televisiebeelde en wat altyd gevoel het dat hulle op hierdie besondere beelde reageer. En dus was die ruimteprogram regtig 'n poging om die verhaal terug te keer en op soortgelyke wyse te beheer - op 'n werklik globale skaal.

U weet, Harold Macmillan, die eerste minister van Groot -Brittanje, het in sy dagboek geskryf nadat hy Kennedy vir die eerste keer ontmoet het, dat hy regtig nie veel van hom as 'n soort groot strategiese denker gedink het nie, maar dat hy gedink het dat hy die beste was person he had ever met making decisions under pressure.

And so I think what's so interesting about the decision to go to the moon, which we have - with the lens of history we see as this grand, heroic, kind of thoughtful decision, was actually something made only in a few weeks, in April of 1961, and only under enormous pressure after the launch of Gagarin and the Bay of Pigs and the larger political climate of the time, as Professor Logsdon points out. So you know, in some ways, it was a really good decision, but it was really astonishing.

FLATOW: Are we ready? Ek is jammer. Go ahead.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: No, it was a great decision, but it was a decision made under pressure, not necessarily with a sense of history.

FLATOW: All right. I want to thank you gentlemen for taking time to be with us today.

Prof. LOGSDON: We enjoyed it.

FLATOW: Fascinating books, really fascinating books on his 50th anniversary. John Logsdon, author of "John F. Kennedy and The Race to the Moon." He's professor emeritus of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, and also he founded the Space Policy Institute there. Nicholas de Monchaux, author of "Spacesuit: Fashioning Apollo." And he is assistant professor of architecture and urban design at the University of California at Berkeley. Thank you both for joining us today.

Prof. DE MONCHAUX: Thank you.

Prof. LOGSDON: Our pleasure.

Copyright © 2011 NPR. Alle regte voorbehou. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

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Although goals for landing humans on the moon was toward the end of the nearly 6,000-word speech, it is deemed the moment that propelled Americans to the lunar surface and start of NASA's famed Apollo program. Now, sixty years after Kennedy address Congress (pictured), NASA is looking to return in 2024 with the Artemis mission that will see the first woman and next man leave boot marks in the lunar dirt

But the Cuban leader's army was no match for the small group of exiles, who were ultimately killed or taken as prisoners.

And the only other way the US could out due the Soviets was to put human boots on the moon.

On April 20, 1961, Kennedy asked his vice president, Lyndon B. Johnson, if the US had 'a chance of beating the Soviets' by putting a lab in space, orbiting the moon or even landing on it.

'Is there any other space program which promises dramatic results in which we could win?' Kennedy wrote in the memo.

Fredrik Logevall, professor of history at Harvard University, told CNN: 'He needed to do something dramatic.'

This was a weighty proposition, and they spent a lot of time on (the speech).

'Ted Sorensen was the person who did most of the drafting.'

Sorensen and other writers may have written most of the May 25 speech, but Kennedy was known to make his own contributions to a number of his addresses.

And in the original copy of the May 25 speech, there are edits written by Kennedy in pencil.

Kennedy linked the need for a space program with battle between democracy and communism, urging Congress to to mobilize financial resources to speed up the pace of the space program’s progress.

In November of 1961, NASA announced Houston as home to the manned Spacecraft Center that now serves as Mission Control Center for US human space flight missions. Pictured is the land where the facility now stands

This speech may not have been as rich as the one he gave at Rice University in Houston, Texas a year later where he said: 'We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard.'

But the words spoken at the joint session of Congress on May 25 lit the fire NASA needed to get the ball rolling.

The following November, NASA announced Houston as home to the manned Spacecraft Center that now serves as Mission Control Center for US human space flight missions.

Along with proposing millions of dollars to fund human space flight, the president specified new technology to make it happen.

'We propose to develop alternate liquid and solid fuel boosters, much larger than any now being developed, until certain which is superior,' Kennedy said.

'We propose additional funds for other engine development and for unmanned explorations--explorations which are particularly important for one purpose which this nation will never overlook: the survival of the man who first makes this daring flight.

This speech may not have been as rich as the one he gave at Rice University in Houston, Texas (pictured) a year later where he said: 'We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard.' But the words spoken at the joint session of Congress on May 25 lit the fire NASA needed to get the ball rolling

Following another speech about the moon in 1962, Kennedy (center) and vice president Johnson (right) toured the Manned Spacecraft Center (MSC) to see the the Saturn I rocket

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Just sometime after noon on November 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated as he rode in a motorcade through Dealey Plaza in downtown Dallas, Texas.

Although he was not alive to see his speech become a reality, NASA landed the first men on the moon before the end of the decade.

Although he was not alive to see his speech become a reality, NASA landed the first men on the moon before the end of the decade. On July 20, 1969, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin (pictured) planted the first human footprints on the lunar surface

Pictured is Neil Armstrong moments before he said: 'That's one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind'

On July 20, 1969, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin planted the first human footprints on the lunar surface.

'That's one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind,' Armstrong said as he walked down the latter of the lander and onto the moon.

Regardless of what he did or did not do, Kennedy will be known as the first US president to inspire Americans to venture out to the moon.

NASA is keeping his dream alive with the Artemis mission that will send Americans to the moon's South Pole by 2024 - the first US crewed flight since Apollo 17 in 1972.


The Moon and Man at 50: Why JFK's Space Exploration Speech Still Resonates

Fifty years ago today (May 25), President John F. Kennedy presented NASA and the nation with a historic challenge: To put a man on the moon and return him safely to Earth before the end of the 1960s.

Kennedy's dramatic 1961 speech jump-started NASA's Apollo program, a full-bore race to the moon that succeeded when Neil Armstrong's boot clomped down into the lunar dirt on July 20, 1969. The moon landing was a tremendous achievement for humanity and a huge boost to American technological pride, which had been seriously wounded by several recent space race defeats to the Soviet Union.

The impact of Kennedy's words lingers still, long after Apollo came to an end in 1972. The speech fundamentally changed NASA, ramping up the space agency's public profile and creating a huge infrastructure that continues to exist today. [Photos: John F. Kennedy's NASA Legacy]

"This is the most significant decision made by our national political leaders in relation to space activities," said Roger Launius, space history curator at the Smithsonian's National Air and Space Museum. In addition to starting up humanity's first journey to another world, he added, "it transformed NASA into a big space-spectacular agency, which it wasn't before."

A Cold War challenge

Kennedy made his speech before a special joint session of Congress just four months after being sworn in as president. Filled with proposed policy initiatives (the moon challenge being the last and most dramatic of these), the address was an attempt to get his presidency on track after a very bumpy start. [Video: President Kennedy's Moonshot Moment]

In Kennedy's brief time in office, the United States had already suffered two key Cold War defeats to the rival USSR. First, on April 12, cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin became the first human to reach space, making one full orbit of Earth during a 108-minute mission. (NASA launched Alan Shepard successfully on May 5, but his 15-minute flight only reached suborbital space.)

Then, on April 17, 1961, the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion began. A small group of CIA-trained Cuban exiles stormed the island nation in an attempt to overthrow the communist government of Fidel Castro, which was backed by the Soviet Union. The would-be revolutionaries were defeated within three days.

And the Soviets had notched another huge victory less than four years earlier with the surprise launch of Sputnik I, the world's first artificial satellite, in October 1957. That momentous event effectively started the space race.

So Kennedy felt he and the nation had to answer the Soviets to demonstrate American technological superiority and international leadership. He believed the United States needed a big accomplishment in space. [50 Years of Presidential Visions for Space Exploration]

"The Soviet Union kind of had defined the playing field as space success, and Kennedy came to the conclusion that he had no choice but to accept that game rather than try to shift the stakes into something else," said space policy expert John Logsdon, author of "John F. Kennedy and the Race to the Moon" (Palgrave Macmillian, 2010).

Getting to the moon first

Shortly after Gagarin's flight, Kennedy met with some of his top advisers to figure out how to beat the Soviets in space. They needed to find something on which the USSR didn't already have a big head start. [JFK's Moon Shot: Q & A With Space Policy Expert John Logsdon]

The consensus answer: A manned moon landing.

"They [the Soviets] would have to build a new, larger rocket to send people to the surface of the moon," Logsdon told SPACE.com "And so the moon became the first thing where the United States had, as [famed rocket designer Wernher] von Braun said, a sporting chance to be first."

Kennedy presented the ambitious moon goal just six weeks after Gagarin's flight. The year Kennedy and his advisers originally had in mind for the first manned lunar landing makes clear that Cold War concerns motivated the president.

"The initial speech says 1967," Launius told SPACE.com. "The reason for that was, that would be the 50th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution."

But Kennedy apparently had second thoughts about that timeframe, worrying that landing a man on the moon in less than seven years might prove too difficult. So he did a little last-second improvising.

"Literally on the way up to give the speech, Kennedy just strikes through that and says, 'by the end of the decade,'" Launius said.

Long-lasting effects

The Apollo program achieved Kennedy's goal on July 20, 1969, when astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin became the first humans ever to set foot on a world beyond Earth. Five more Apollo missions eventually landed astronauts on the moon, the last one coming in December 1972.

The impact of Kennedy's words, however, did not end with that last mission. His speech changed NASA in fundamental, long-lasting ways.

"To make the moon landing possible, NASA had to be ramped up a lot in terms of funding," Launius said. "It had to have new centers built, and new systems put into place to accomplish this task. So one of the things that was a result of that was the creation of an infrastructure that now has had to be fed ever after."

While NASA's budget has been scaled back considerably from its Apollo heyday, the agency has had to keep supporting those centers and their large numbers of personnel. NASA has not been allowed to trim infrastructure in an effort to stretch its limited funding, Launius said, because that would mean job losses in the districts of influential Congressmen.

"I know there have been attempts by NASA administrators over the years to try to close down centers, and they've been stopped at every turn," Launius said. "So you're spending more money today than you would like to spend just on the stuff associated with facilities."

A world without Apollo?

NASA had a plan for human spaceflight before Kennedy's speech. It involved demonstrating a proficiency in low-Earth orbit with the Mercury program. Later, the agency would develop a winged, reusable vehicle, like today's space shuttle, and put a space station into orbit. Then would come more ambitious journeys &mdash going to the moon and, eventually, to Mars.

"That was a fairly reasonable, integrated strategy," Launius said. "When Kennedy said, 'Let's go to the moon,' he threw all of that into a cocked hat."

So maybe NASA astronauts would have made it to the moon someday anyway, perhaps a few decades later, and Kennedy's stirring speech just shook up the timeline. But that's not a given, considering how often expensive, ambitious spaceflight plans fail to be realized (the cost of the Apollo program is estimated at $25 billion, well over $100 billion in today's dollars).

So perhaps Kennedy's bold challenge, driven by the pressures of the Cold War space race, was essential. Maybe without that speech, humanity would still be looking up at the moon and wondering when the first human foot would ever settle into the gray lunar dust.

Kennedy's speech "was a product of the convergence of the politics of the moment with the dreams of centuries," Logsdon said. "And I think Kennedy was a leader who was able to do that, to mix long-term vision with political reality in ways that turned into something grand."


John F. Kennedy Sets Sights on Moon - HISTORY

September 12, 1962

Movie clips of JFK speaking at Rice University: (.mov) or (.avi) (833K)

See and hear the entire speech for 56K modem download [8.7 megabytes in a .asf movie format which requires Windows Media Player 7 (speech lasts about 33 minutes)].
See and hear the entire speech for higher speed access [25.3 megabytes in .asf movie format which requires Windows Media Player 7].
See and hear a five minute audio version of the speech with accompanying slides and music. This is a most inspirational presentation of, perhaps, the most famous space speech ever given. The file is a streaming video Windows Media Player 7 format. [11 megabytes in .asf movie format which requires Windows Media Player 7].
See and hear the 17 minute 48 second speech in the .mpg format. This is a very large file of 189 megabytes and only suggested for those with DSL, ASDL, or cable modem access as the download time on a 28.8K or 56K modem would be many hours duration.

TEXT OF PRESIDENT JOHN KENNEDY'S RICE STADIUM MOON SPEECH

President Pitzer, Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.

I am delighted to be here, and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.

We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a State noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.

Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation s own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.

No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man s recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power.

Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.

This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.

So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this State of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.

William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.

If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.

Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolutions, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.

Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.

We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say the we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.

Daar is nog geen twis, geen vooroordeel, geen nasionale konflik in die buitenste ruimte nie. Die gevare daarvan is ons almal vyandig. Die verowering verdien die beste van die hele mensdom, en die geleentheid vir vreedsame samewerking kom nooit weer voor nie. Maar hoekom, sê sommige, die maan? Waarom dit as ons doel kies? En hulle kan wel vra waarom die hoogste berg klim? Waarom, 35 jaar gelede, die Atlantiese Oseaan vlieg? Waarom speel Rice Texas?

Ons kies om maan toe te gaan. Ons kies om in hierdie dekade maan toe te gaan en die ander dinge te doen, nie omdat dit maklik is nie, maar omdat dit moeilik is, omdat dit die doel is om die beste van ons energie en vaardighede te organiseer en te meet, want die uitdaging is een wat ons bereid is om te aanvaar, een wat ons nie wil uitstel nie, en een wat ons van plan is om te wen, en die ander ook.

It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.

In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where the F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.

Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were "made in the United States of America" and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.

The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the the 40-yard lines.

Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.

We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.

To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.

The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.

And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this State, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your City of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this Center in this City.

To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year s space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United Stated, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us.

But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.

I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute. [lag]

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the term of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.

I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.

Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.


JFK’s 1962 moon speech still appeals 50 years later

Few moments in Rice’s history are as well known or oft remarked upon as the 1962 speech in which President John F. Kennedy boldly declared, “We choose to go to the moon!”

Kennedy spoke at Rice Stadium Sept. 12, 1962

The speech marked a turning point for Rice, the city of Houston, the nation and the world. Globally, the space race played out against the backdrop of the Cold War, and in the U.S. the space program shared headlines with the Vietnam War and the struggle for civil rights. In Houston, NASA would pump more than $1 billion into the local economy in the 1960s and help the city blossom into the nation’s fourth-largest metropolis.

In a tribute to Apollo 11 astronaut Neil Armstrong this week, Rice alum Paul Burka 󈨃, executive editor of Texas Monthly magazine, published the verbatim text of Kennedy’s speech in his blog. Burka, who was at Rice Stadium that day, said the speech “speaks to the way Americans viewed the future in those days. It is a great speech, one that encapsulates all of recorded history and seeks to set it in the history of our own time. Unlike today’s politicians, Kennedy spoke to our best impulses as a nation, not our worst.”

Kennedy spoke at the stadium at 10 a.m. Sept. 12. It was a warm, sunny day, and fall classes were not yet under way. Rice’s incoming freshmen were on campus for orientation, but many of the estimated 40,000 spectators were Houston school children, said Rice Centennial Historian Melissa Kean.

Kennedy told the audience that the United States intended to take the lead in spaceflight, both to ensure that the Soviet Union did not base strategic weapons in space and because space exploration “is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in the race for space.”

The best-known line from the speech — “We choose to go to the moon!” — earned a thunderous ovation, in part because of Kennedy’s clever oratory. He played to the hometown crowd with the preceding line, “Why does Rice play Texas?” — a line that Kennedy jotted between the lines of the typed copy prepared by White House aide Ted Sorensen.

Kennedy added the line, "Why does Rice play Texas?" at the last minute.

In its front-page coverage of the speech, the Rice Thresher made note of this line and others. The paper reported that the speech capped a two-day visit to Houston in which Kennedy toured facilities at the Manned Spacecraft Center (now Johnson Space Center), and the Thresher referred to the costly nature of the space program by citing the $5.4 billion annual NASA budget, a figure Kennedy also used in the speech.

The number impressed chemist Robert Curl 󈧺, one of many faculty members at the stadium.

“I came away in wonder that he was seriously proposing this,” said Curl, Rice’s Pitzer-Schlumberger Professor Emeritus of Natural Sciences and professor emeritus of chemistry. “It seemed like an enormous amount of money to spend on an exploration program. It was an impressive amount of money back then, and if you adjust for inflation, the Apollo program cost more than the LHC today.”

Curl said Kennedy’s vision paid off for NASA and Houston when Apollo 11 landed on the moon less than eight years later.

Another Rice faculty member in attendance was Ron Sass, fellow in global climate change at Rice’s Baker Institute for Public Policy and the Harry C. and Olga K. Wiess Professor Emeritus of Natural Sciences.

Sass and Curl each said Kennedy’s speech seemed no more remarkable at the time than the 1960 speech by President Eisenhower at Autry Court. Today, Eisenhower’s speech is largely forgotten, and Kennedy’s is still frequently cited in the news.

Sass said part of the enduring appeal of Kennedy’s speech is the magnitude of what he proposed, something Sass said he has come to appreciate more with age.

“It didn’t seem outlandish to me at the time,” Sass said. “I was young, and I thought you could do just about anything.”


Hands-on History

The John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum is bringing the popular annual Presidents' Day Family Festival into your homes and online classrooms through hands-on crafts and activities for all ages, including adults! From campaign buttons and Mercury spacecraft to White House china and zines, there's something for everyone. Instructions have been modified to accommodate supplies you might have at home. Activities are organized into several themes that you can choose from.

Hands-on History: Presidents' Day 2021

Hands-on History: Presidential History

Explore the history of our nation’s highest office, including the Kennedy presidency, and make crafts related to the executive branch and our democracy.

Hands-on History: Space

President Kennedy set a goal of landing a man on the moon by the end of the 1960s. On July 20, 1969, the Apollo 11 astronauts—Neil Armstrong, Michael Collins, and Edwin "Buzz" Aldrin Jr.—realized President Kennedy's dream. Follow American astronauts from the first sub-orbital flight to the first steps on the Moon with hands-on space activities.

Hands-on History: President Kennedy and the Sea

John F. Kennedy had a lifelong love of the sea. He enjoyed sailing from a young age and even taught his siblings and wife, Jacqueline to sail on his own sailboat, the Victura. Explore President Kennedy's passion for the sea with hands-on nautical crafts.

Hands-on History: Celebrating Suffrage

The movement to gain women access to the ballot box was a long-fought battle that resulted in the ratification of the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution in 1920. Discover some of the symbols of power that suffragists and their supporters used in their historic fight as you make your own history-based crafts.

Hands-on History: Civic Engagement

Throughout American history, democracy has required the active participation of everyday citizens. The Constitution guarantees the freedom of speech and the freedom of assembly. During the early 1960s, people took part in protests, gave speeches, and marched in support of civil rights. Explore these activities inspired by historic examples, and prepare for your own civic engagement for a cause or candidate you support today!


First moonwalk

AP

Neil Armstrong, waving in front, heads for the van that will take the crew to the rocket for launch to the moon at Kennedy Space Center in Florida, July 16, 1969.

Armstrong, who died August 25, 2012 at 82, commanded the Apollo 11 spacecraft that landed on the moon July 20, 1969. Armstrong and fellow astronaut Buzz Aldrin spent nearly three hours walking on the moon's surface, collecting samples, conducting experiments and taking photographs. In all, 12 Americans walked on the moon from 1969 to 1972.