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Lyman Trumbull

Lyman Trumbull

Lyman Trumbull is gebore in Colchester, Connecticut op 12 Oktober 1813. Nadat hy die Bacon Academy bygewoon het, werk hy as skoolonderwyser in Connecticut (1829-1833).

Trumbull het regte studeer en nadat hy tot die kroeg toegelaat is, werk hy as advokaat in Belleville, Illinois. Trumbull, 'n lid van die Demokratiese Party, dien in die staatswetgewer (1840-41), sekretaris van die staat Illinois (1841-43) en 'n regter van die hooggeregshof van Illinois (1848-53).

'N Teenstander van slawerny het Trumbull by die Republikeinse Party aangesluit voordat hy in 1854 tot die kongres verkies is. Tydens die presidentskap van Andrew Johnson was Trumbull verbonde aan die Radikale Republikeine.

Na die uitbreek van die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog het Trumbull 'n konfiskeringswet ingestel wat deur die kongres goedgekeur is wat die Unie -leër in staat gestel het om slawe in die konfederale gebied te bevry. Die wet het egter geen handhawingsmeganisme verskaf nie en was ondoeltreffend.

In Julie 1861 was Trumbull lid van 'n groep politici, waaronder Benjamin Wade, James Grimes en Zachariah Chandler, wat die Slag van Bull Run aanskou het. Die geveg was 'n ramp vir die magte van die Unie en in 'n stadium was Trumbull naby om deur die Konfederale Weermag gevange geneem te word. Nadat hy teruggekeer het in Washington, was Trumbull een van diegene wat die aanval op die onbevoegdheid van die leiding van die Unie -leër gelei het.

Trumbull was 'n toonaangewende ondersteuner van die Wetsontwerp op Burgerregte wat daarop gemik was om vrygestelde slawe van die Suidelike Swart Kodes te beskerm (wette wat streng beperkings op vrygemaakte slawe geplaas het, soos om hul stemreg te verbied, hulle te verbied om in die jurie te sit, en hul reg om te getuig beperk. teen wit mans, wapens op openbare plekke dra en in sekere beroepe werk).

Toe Andrew Johnson die wetsontwerp op burgerregte in Maart 1866 vetor, het Trumbull 'n hartstogtelike toespraak gehou teen die president. Hy twyfel egter aan die wettigheid van Johnson om hom te beskuldig en stem teen die maatreël.

In 1872 ondersteun Trumbull die meer radikale Horace Greeley teen die amptelike kandidaat van die Republikeinse Party, Ulysses S. Grant. Nadat hy die senaat in Maart verlaat het, keer Trumbull 1873 terug as 'n advokaat in Chicago. Hy bly aktief in die politiek en bied in 1880 onsuksesvol die pos aan as goewerneur van Illinois. Lyman Trumbull is op 25 Junie 1896 in Chicago oorlede.

Honderde Republikeine wat geglo het dat hul seuns en familielede opgeoffer word aan die onbevoegdheid, onbevoegdheid of verraad van demokratiese generaals teen slawerny, was nie bereid om die administrasie te onderhou wat dit toelaat nie. Ek het self gevoel dat dit 'n opdraande onderneming is om die administrasie te probeer onderhou.

Die wetsontwerp stel in werklikheid 'n diskriminasie voor teen 'n groot aantal intelligente, waardige en patriotiese buitelanders, en ten gunste van die neger, vir wie die weg na vryheid en intelligensie skielik na lang jare van slawerny oopgemaak is. Hy moet noodwendig uit sy vorige ongelukkige toestand van diensbaarheid minder ingelig wees oor die aard en karakter van ons instellings as wat hy, uit die buiteland, ten minste tot 'n mate vertroud is met die beginsels van 'n regering om wat hy vrywillig toevertrou aan "lewe, vryheid en die strewe na geluk."

Die wetsontwerp verleen of verkort nie die regte van enigiemand nie, maar verklaar bloot dat daar in burgerregte gelykheid is tussen alle klasse burgers en dat almal dieselfde straf moet ondergaan. Elke staat, sodat dit nie die groot fundamentele regte wat ingevolge die Grondwet aan alle burgers behoort nie, mag verleen of dit weerhou van burgerlike regte soos dit wil; al wat nodig is, is dat die wette in hierdie opsig onpartydig is. En tog is dit die wetsontwerp wat nou teruggestuur word met die besware van die president.

Wat ook al die mening van die president was op 'n tydstip oor "te goeder trou wat die veiligheid van vrymanne in hul vryheid en hul eiendom vereis", blyk dit nou uit die aard van sy besware teen hierdie wetsontwerp dat hy geen maatreëls sal goedkeur nie wat die doel bereik.


Laerskool Lyman Trumbull vier 100 jaar

Honderd jaar gelede het die vinnige bevolkingsaanwas van Chicago en rsquos die bou van ekstra skole genoodsaak. In die Edgewater -gedeelte van Lakeview het die Andersonville -skool ernstig agteruitgegaan en inwoners het gevra dat iets gedoen moet word vir die opvoeding van hul kinders. Dit was die progressiewe era toe sosiale en burgerlike aktiviste bekommerd was om die lewensomstandighede vir die inwoners van die stad en rsquos te verbeter. Openbare skole sou ontwerp word om 'n aantreklike fisiese omgewing te bied wat leer bevorder. Chicago & rsquos Board of Education was in ooreenstemming met die tyd en in 1905 het die raadslede Dwight H. Perkins as sy hoofargitek aangestel.

Perkins was tydens die bou van die World & rsquos Columbian Exposition verbonde aan die firma Burnham en Root. Hy het ook die Steinway -gebou in die Loop ontwerp en daar kantore opgerig. Dit het 'n bymekaarkomplek geword vir die Chicago Architectural Club. Hierdie groep verwoord wat in die twintigste eeu moderne Amerikaanse argitektuur sou word.

As hoofargitek vir die Chicago -skole het Perkins en sy medewerkers beplanningsinnovasies en ontwerpe aangebied wat by die skole wat tussen 1907 en 1910 gebou is, opgeneem is. Trumbull School is een daarvan. Trumbull is in 1908 gebou en die hoeksteen gelê, maar die gebou het eers in 1909 vir studente oopgemaak.

Die skool is vernoem na Lyman Trumbull, 'n senator en staatsman van Illinois wat die mense van Illinois in verskillende hoedanighede bedien het van 1840 tot 1873. In die tydperk van die burgeroorlog was hy verbonde aan Abraham Lincoln en het hy vir hom 'n veldtog gevoer. Later, as senator en voorsitter van die regterlike komitee van die senaat, het hy die resolusie bekendgestel wat die 13de wysiging van die Grondwet sou word, wat slawerny afgeskaf het. Na sy uittrede uit die senaat in 1873, het hy voortgegaan om die reg te beoefen in Chicago. Hy word weer 'n openbare figuur in 1894 toe hy hom uitspreek teen die voorregte van die rykes en die uitbuiting van die armes.

Die skoolgebou is kenmerkend vanweë die sterk massa van die ontwerp. Die kamer wat na Fosterlaan kyk, wys dit in die massiewe kolomvorms aan weerskante van die ingang. Die ingeboude ingang en die vertikale vensters hierbo word gekruis deur die massiewe ingeboude daklyn. Die massering en vertikale ontwerp word gekontrasteer deur die bande van ligte en donker baksteen wat afwisselend aan die kante van die gebou bo die enkelkleurige baksteenbasis is. Die gebou toon die invloed van die Prairie School of Design en dit is interessant om op te let dat Dwight Perkins familie was van Marion Mahoney, wat saam met Frank Lloyd Wright gewerk het.

Die interne struktuur van Trumbull & rsquos is ontwerp rondom 'n sentrale kern en die ouditorium daarvan. Terwyl 'n pragtige geometriese patroon tans die plafon van drie verdiepings versier, bevat die oorspronklike ontwerp 'n koepel met glas om natuurlike lig in die klaskamers en op die derde en vierde verdieping te verseker. Dit is in die 1950's verander toe onderhoud 'n probleem geword het. Die binne -opknapping van die skool het in 2001 begin. Die eksterne opknapping van die skool het in 2003 begin onder leiding van skoolhoof Robert Wilkin. Die skool is bereid om sy 100ste jaar te voltooi en sy tweede eeu te begin.

Die eerste skoolhoof van Trumbull was juffrou Helen Ryan. Sy was die eerste skoolhoof van die Drummond -skool. Sy was in beheer toe die plan vir Trumbull uitgebrei moes word weens die vinnige toename in gesinne in die gebied nadat die eerste gebou in 1909 geopen is. die webwerf in 1912.

Juffrou Ryan het in 1926 afgetree by haar huis in Lake Forest. Meneer Bache, haar opvolger, het haar 'n kompliment gegee toe hy oorgeneem het en gesê het: 'Ek het nog nooit 'n skool so perfek georganiseer gesien nie; eintlik blyk dit dat ek niks meer hoef te doen nie. & Rdquo Sy verblyf in Trumbull was kort en slegs drie jaar lank . Hy het weggegaan om die hoof van beroepskole vir die raad te word en later 'n distriks -superintendent.

Mnr. Bache is vervang deur 'n pragtige dametjie en juffrou Carrie Patterson, afkomstig van die Bancroft School. Sy was 'n gegradueerde van Vassar en lid van Phi Beta Kappa. Juffrou Patterson tree in 1935 af en sterf in 1939. Haar plaasvervanger was mnr. Ross Herr. Hy kom van die Chicago Normal School, 'n voorbereidingskool vir onderwysers waar hy sedert 1923 werksaam was. Hy het die skool tot 1949 gelei.

In 1949 het mnr. Frank Culhane die roer aangeneem en het hy in alle opsigte 'n wonderlike skool bestuur. In sy jare was die skool bekend vir 'n sterk belangstelling in die kunste, en die sale en klaskamers was vol kunswerk. In 1959 vervang Arthur Fitzgerald mnr. Culhane. Hy dien tot 1970.

Die volgende skoolhoof was Yakia Korey, wat goed onthou word vir 'n lang diensperiode van 1970 tot 1987. In 1987 neem Merle Davis die leiding van Trumbull en dien tot 1989. Peggy Little volg van 1990 tot haar aftrede in 1998.

Die huidige skoolhoof, Robert Wilkin, is in 2001 in die pos aangewys. Gedurende sy jare diens het die skool baie fisieke fasiliteite verbeter. Wilkin is ook aktief op soek na nuwe programme by die skool om wetenskaplike opvoeding te bevorder.

Trumbull School en sy studente het gedurende die 100 jaar as Chicago Public School baie voordele gehad. As u 'n alum is, raai ons u aan om by die uitstalling te kom inloer.

Die uitstalling van die Trumbull School by die Edgewater Historical Society Museum kon nie saamgestel gewees het sonder die hulp van Richard Seidel van die Archive Department van die Chicago Public Schools nie. Dankie ook aan Larry Rosen, Marty Schaffrath, Cynthia Coca, Judy Ring Kinker, Vivian Haberkom en Leroy Blommaert. Benewens foto's en verslae, bevat die uitstalling ook ou handboeke van Florence Johnson, wat Trumbull bygewoon het, en ou publikasies uit die Frances Posner -argief.


Lyman Trumbull -vraestelle

Die vraestelle van Lyman Trumbull bestaan ​​uit mikrofilm wat briewe ontvang het, met 'n paar konsepte of afskrifte van antwoorde. Die versameling is chronologies georganiseer en is gedateer 1843-1894, maar slegs twee dokumente val buite die tydperk van sy diens in die Amerikaanse senaat. Die jare 1868-1871 word skaars weergegee.

'N Paar dokumente hou verband met Trumbull se regspraktyk en sakeondernemings, maar die koerante is in wese polities van aard. Daar is baie materiaal oor die verkiesings van 1856, 1860, 1866 en 1872. Alhoewel die staatspolitiek in Illinois 'n dominante tema is en die meerderheid korrespondente uit die staat kom, hou baie van die artikels verband met nasionale aangeleenthede. Onder die onderwerpe waaroor die korrespondensie handel, is afsprake en beskerming, die wetsontwerp van Kansas-Nebraska, afstigting, die burgeroorlog, wederopbou en die burgerregte-wetsontwerp en die Liberale Republikeinse beweging van 1872. Daar is min materiaal oor die beskuldiging van Andrew Johnson.

Onder die korrespondente is William H. Bissell, Montgomery Blair, Orville Hickman Browning, John Dean Caton, Zachariah Chandler, Salmon P. Chase, Shelby M. Cullom, David Davis, Mark W. Delahay, Jesse Kilgore Dubois, Jesse W. Fell, David Dudley Field, James W. Grimes, Hannibal Hamlin, James Harlan, Ozias M. Hatch, William Henry Herndon, Stephen Augustus Hurlbut, Norman B. Judd, Gustave Phillip Koerner, John A. McClernand, Joseph Medill, Richard J. Oglesby, John M. Palmer, Charles Henry Ray, Horace White en Richard Yates.


Lyman Trumbull

Trumbull, gebore in Connecticut, het in 1837 in Belleville aangekom om regte te beoefen. Hy het die laaste regsregverdiging vir slawerny in Illinois suksesvol betwis. Voordat hy in 1848 van die stad verhuis het, betree hy die politiek, dien hy 'n termyn in die Illinois House en word twee keer minister van buitelandse sake. Daarna sou hy in die hooggeregshof in Illinois dien voordat hy 'n Amerikaanse senator word, en onder meer Abraham Lincoln verslaan. Hy was 'n stigter van die Illinois Republican Party. Toe hy in die Amerikaanse senaat was, was hy 'n belangrike krag agter die aanneming van die 13de wysiging van die Grondwet, wat slawerny in die Verenigde State afgeskaf het.

2014 opgerig deur Belleville Historical Society.

Onderwerpe. Hierdie historiese merker word in hierdie onderwerplys gelys: Abolition & Underground RR.

Ligging. 38 & deg 30.828 ′ N, 89 & deg 59.068 ′ W. Marker is in Belleville, Illinois, in St. Clair County. Marker is by die kruising van West Main Street en North Illinois Street (Illinois Route 159), aan die regterkant wanneer u wes in West Main Street reis. Marker is voor die St. Clair Annex -gebou, met ander Belleville Walk of Fame -plate op die noordwestelike kwadrant van Belleville Public Square. Raak vir kaart. Marker is by of naby hierdie posadres: 23 Public Square, Belleville IL 62220, Verenigde State van Amerika. Raak vir aanwysings.

Ander merkers in die omgewing. Minstens 8 ander merkers is binne loopafstand

afstand van hierdie merker. Gustavus P. Koerner/Sophia Engelmann Koerner (hier, langs hierdie merker) Edward A. Daley (hier, langs hierdie merker) Ninian Edwards (hier, langs hierdie merker) Les Mueller (hier, langs hierdie merker) George Blair (hier, langs hierdie merker) Julius Liese (hier, langs hierdie merker) Robert "Bob" Goalby (hier, langs hierdie merker) Theodor Erasmus Hilgard (hier, langs hierdie merker). Raak aan vir 'n lys en kaart van alle merkers in Belleville.

Meer oor hierdie merker. Trumbull was een van die vyf intrekkers in Belleville's Walk of Fame. 2014 was die jaar waarin die stad Belleville sy tweehonderdjarige bestaan ​​gevier het, en die plaaslike historiese vereniging het besluit om 'n Walk of Fame aan die noordwestelike kwadrant van Belleville Public Square te begin. (Die ander intrekkers was Bob Goalby, Ninian Edwards, George Blair en Christian "Buddy" Ebsen.)

Sien ook. . . Lyman Trumbull op Wikipedia. Gee 'n baie gedetailleerde blik op sy loopbaan in die regte, veral as regter. Daar word egter min oor sy lewe in Belleville vertel. (Ingesit op 21 Julie 2020, deur Jason Voigt van Glen Carbon, Illinois.)


Inhoud

Die skrywer van die Civil Rights Act van 1866 was die Amerikaanse senator Lyman Trumbull. [3] Kongreslid James F. Wilson het wat hy beskou as die doel van die wet as volg opgesom toe hy die wetgewing in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers ingestel het: [4]

Dit maak voorsiening vir die gelykheid van die burgers van die Verenigde State in die genot van 'burgerregte en immuniteite'. Wat beteken hierdie terme? Bedoel dit dat burgerlikes, sosiale, politieke en alle burgers gelyk is, sonder ras- of kleuronderskeid? Hulle kan geensins so geïnterpreteer word nie. Bedoel dit dat alle burgers in die verskillende state sal stem? Nee vir stemreg is 'n politieke reg wat onder die beheer van die verskillende state gelaat is, slegs onderhewig aan die optrede van die kongres wanneer dit nodig is om die waarborg van 'n republikeinse regeringsvorm af te dwing (beskerming teen 'n monargie). Dit beteken ook nie dat alle burgers in die jurie moet sit nie, of dat hul kinders dieselfde skole sal bywoon. Die definisie van die term "burgerregte" in Bouvier's Law Dictionary is baie bondig en word ondersteun deur die beste gesag. Dit is die volgende: "Burgerregte is diegene wat geen verband het met die vestiging, ondersteuning of bestuur van die regering nie."

Tydens die daaropvolgende wetgewingsproses is die volgende sleutelbepaling geskrap: "daar mag geen diskriminasie in burgerregte of immuniteite wees onder die inwoners van enige staat of gebied van die Verenigde State nie weens ras, kleur of vorige toestand van diensbaarheid." John Bingham was 'n invloedryke voorstander van hierdie skrapping, op grond van die feit dat howe die term 'burgerregte' breër kan interpreteer as wat mense soos Wilson bedoel het. [5] Weke later beskryf senator Trumbull die voorgestelde omvang van die wetsontwerp: [6]

Hierdie wetsontwerp belemmer geensins die munisipale regulasies van enige staat wat almal in hul regte van persoon en eiendom beskerm nie. Dit kan geen operasie hê in Massachusetts, New York, Illinois of die meeste van die state van die Unie nie.

Op 5 April 1866 het die senaat president Andrew Johnson se veto oortree. Dit was die eerste keer dat die Amerikaanse kongres ooit 'n presidensiële veto vir 'n belangrike wetgewing oortree het. [7]

Met 'n opskrif van "'n Wet om alle persone in die Verenigde State te beskerm in hul burgerregte en die middel van hul regverdiging te gee", het die wet verklaar dat alle mense wat in die Verenigde State gebore is en nie aan 'n vreemde mag onderworpe is nie, geregtig is om burgers te wees, sonder inagneming van ras, kleur of vorige toestand van slawerny of onwillekeurige diensbaarheid. [2] 'n Soortgelyke bepaling (die burgerskapsklousule genoem) is 'n paar maande later in die voorgestelde veertiende wysiging van die Amerikaanse grondwet geskryf. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Die Burgerregtewet van 1866 het ook gesê dat elke burger dieselfde reg het as wat 'n blanke burger het om kontrakte te sluit en af ​​te dwing, te dagvaar en gedagvaar te word, getuienis in die hof te lewer, en erwe, koop, verhuur, verkoop, besit en oordra en persoonlike eiendom. Boonop het die wet aan alle burgers die "volle en gelyke voordeel van alle wette en verrigtinge gewaarborg vir die veiligheid van persoon en eiendom, soos wit burgers geniet, en. Soos straf, pyne en strawwe." Persone wat hierdie regte ontken het as gevolg van ras of vorige slawerny was hulle skuldig aan 'n wangedrag en 'n boete van hoogstens $ 1.000, of gevangenisstraf van hoogstens een jaar, of albei opgelê. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Die wet gebruik taal wat baie ooreenstem met dié van die gelyke beskermingsklousule in die nuut voorgestelde veertiende wysiging. Die wet bespreek veral die noodsaaklikheid om "redelike beskerming te bied aan alle persone in hul grondwetlike gelykheidsreg voor die wet, sonder onderskeid tussen ras of kleur, of vorige toestand van slawerny of onwillekeurige diensbaarheid, behalwe as straf vir misdaad, waarvan die party is behoorlik skuldig bevind. "[2]

Hierdie statuut was 'n belangrike deel van die algemene federale beleid tydens heropbou en het 'n noue verband met die Wet op die Tweede Vryheidsburo van 1866. Volgens kongreslid John Bingham "bevat die sewende en agtste afdelings van die wetsontwerp op die Freedmen Buro dieselfde regte en al die regte en voorregte wat in die eerste afdeling van hierdie [die Burgerregte] wetsontwerp opgesom word. " [8]

Dele van die Civil Rights Act van 1866 is afdwingbaar tot in die 21ste eeu, [9] volgens die Amerikaanse kode: [10]

Alle persone binne die jurisdiksie van die Verenigde State het dieselfde reg in elke staat en gebied om kontrakte te sluit en af ​​te dwing, om te dagvaar, partye te wees, getuienis te lewer en tot volle en gelyke voordeel van alle wette en verrigtinge vir die veiligheid van persone en eiendom soos wat wit burgers geniet, en is onderworpe aan dieselfde straf, pyne, strawwe, belastings, lisensies en allerhande verpligtinge, en aan niemand anders nie.

Een afdeling van die Amerikaanse kode (42 U.S.C. §1981) is §1 van die Civil Rights Act van 1866, soos hersien en gewysig deur daaropvolgende kongreswette. Die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 is deur die Wet op Handhawing van 1870, hfst. 114, § 18, 16 Stat. 144, gekodifiseer as afdelings 1977 en 1978 van die hersiene statute van 1874, en verskyn nou as 42 U.S.C. §§ 1981–82 (1970). Artikel 2 van die Civil Rights Act van 1866, soos dit later hersien en gewysig is, verskyn in die Amerikaanse kode op 18 U.S.C. §242. Nadat die veertiende wysiging van krag geword het, is die wet van 1866 weer 'n byvoeging tot die handhawingswet van 1870 om enige moontlike twyfel oor die grondwetlikheid daarvan te verdryf. Wet van 31 Mei 1870, hfst. 114, § 18, 16 Stat. 144. [11]

Senator Lyman Trumbull was die senaatborg van die Civil Rights Act van 1866, en hy het aangevoer dat die Kongres die mag gehad het om dit in te stel ten einde 'n diskriminerende "kenteken van diensbaarheid" wat deur die dertiende wysiging verbied word, uit te skakel. [12] Kongreslid John Bingham, hoofskrywer van die eerste afdeling van die veertiende wysiging, was een van verskeie Republikeine wat (voor die wysiging) geglo het dat die kongres nie die mag gehad het om die wet van 1866 te aanvaar nie. [13] In die 20ste eeu het die Amerikaanse hooggeregshof uiteindelik Trumbull se dertiende wysigingsrede vir die kongres aangeneem om rassediskriminasie deur state en deur private partye te verbied, aangesien die dertiende wysiging nie 'n staatsakteur vereis nie. [12]

In die mate waarin die Burgerregtewet van 1866 bedoel was om verder te gaan as die voorkoming van diskriminasie, deur spesiale regte aan alle burgers te verleen, was die konstitusionele bevoegdheid van die Kongres meer twyfelagtig. Verteenwoordiger William Lawrence het byvoorbeeld aangevoer dat die Kongres die bevoegdheid gehad het om die statuut in te stel as gevolg van die voorregte en immuniteitsklousule in artikel IV van die oorspronklike onveranderde grondwet, alhoewel howe anders voorgestel het. [14]

In elk geval is daar tans geen konsensus dat die taal van die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 eintlik wetlike voordele verleen aan wit burgers nie. [15] Verteenwoordiger Samuel Shellabarger het gesê dat dit nie die geval was nie. [16] [17]

Na die inwerkingtreding van die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 deur 'n presidensiële veto te ignoreer, het sommige lede van die Kongres die veertiende wysiging gesteun om twyfel oor die grondwetlikheid van die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866, [20] uit te skakel of verseker dat geen daaropvolgende kongres die hoofbepalings van die wet later kon herroep of verander nie. [21] Die burgerskapsklousule in die veertiende wysiging stem dus ooreen met burgerskapstaal in die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866, en ook die Gelyke Beskermingsklousule stem ooreen met die nie -diskriminasietaal in die Wet van 1866 in die mate waarin ander klousules in die Veertiende Wysiging elemente kan bevat van die Wet op Burgerregte van 1866 is 'n kwessie van voortgesette debat. [22]

Die bekragtiging van die veertiende wysiging is in 1868 voltooi, twee jaar nadat die wet van 1866 weer ingevoer is, soos artikel 18 van die Wet op Afdwinging van 1870. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Die aktiwiteite van groepe soos die Ku Klux Klan (KKK) ondermyn die daad, wat beteken dat dit nie die burgerregte van Afro -Amerikaners onmiddellik kon verseker nie. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Terwyl dit was de jure onwettig in die VSA om sedert 1866 in werk en huisvesting op grond van ras te diskrimineer, is daar eers in die tweede helfte van die 20ste eeu voorsiening gemaak vir federale boetes (met die aanvaarding van verwante wetgewing oor burgerregte), wat beteken dat die betrokkenes: omdat diegene wat gediskrimineer is, beperkte of geen toegang tot regshulp gehad het nie, het dit dikwels slagoffers van diskriminasie sonder reg gelaat. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Daar is sedert die tweede helfte van die 20ste eeu 'n toenemende aantal remedies ingevolge hierdie wet, insluitend die landmerk Jones v. Mayer en Sullivan v. Little Hunting Park, Inc. besluite in 1968. [23]


Lyman Trumbull - Geskiedenis

Lyman Trumbull is gebore in Colchester, Connecticut, op 12 Oktober 1813. Sy ouers was Benjamin Trumbull en Elizabeth Mather, en Lyman het ten minste twee broers: Benjamin, Jr., en George. Nadat hy sy opleiding aan die plaaslike Bacon Academy ontvang het, is hy na Georgia om werk as onderwyser te kry. Gedurende hierdie tyd begin hy regte studeer en nadat hy in 1837 na Belleville, Illinois, verhuis het, begin hy met sy werk in die regsberoep. Teen 1840 het Trumbull sy eie plaaslike praktyk gevestig. Hy is daardie jaar verkies tot die staatswetgewer van Illinois as 'n demokraat, hoewel hy spoedig aangegaan het en Stephen Douglas vervang het as staatsekretaris van Illinois, wat hy in daardie hoedanigheid gedien het van 1841 tot sy bedanking in 1843. In 1848, na 'n onsuksesvolle stryd om die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers tydens die verkiesing van 1846, het Trumbull 'n regter geword vir die hooggeregshof in Illinois, waar hy tot 1855 gedien het.

In 1855 begin Trumbull sy kongresloopbaan deur sy verontwaardiging oor die Kansas-Nebraska-daad te gebruik om die steun van 'n faksie van die gesplete Demokratiese Party te verkry en die verkiesing vir die Amerikaanse senator in die staat Illinois te wen, wat 'n groep uitdagers wat die Abraham Lincoln ingesluit. Gedurende sy kongres het Trumbull 'n uitgesproke teenstander van slawerny geword en in 1857 die Demokratiese Party verlaat vir die ontluikende Republikeinse Party. Hy het bekendheid verwerf as 'n vurige teenstander van Stephen A. Douglas oor die kwessie in Kansas-Nebraska, en ondersteun die pogings van Abraham Lincoln en die Unie tydens die Burgeroorlog. Na die oorlog was Trumbull steeds 'n prominente stem in die regering, wat die finale ontwerp van die dertiende wysiging geskryf het, maar het begin wegdryf van die heersende sentimente binne die Republikeinse Party. Trumbull was een van 'n handjievol Republikeinse senatore wat tydens sy beskuldigingverhoor gestem het om Andrew Johnson vry te spreek en in 1872 'n verkiesing vir die presidensie kortliks oorweeg het, maar uiteindelik laat vaar het. In 1873, by verstryking van sy termyn, verlaat Trumbull die senaat en keer terug na Illinois om die regte in Chicago te beoefen, waar sy gesin gedurende die hele oorlog gebly het. Trumbull is op 25 Junie 1896 oorlede.

Lyman Trumbull het twee vroue gehad, waarvan die eerste Julia M. Jayne (1824-1868) van Springfield, Illinois was, met wie hy op 21 Junie 1843 getroud is. Julia, wie se voorouers uit Massachusetts was, was 'n bruidsmeisie vir die troue van Abraham en Mary Todd Lincoln. Sy sterf in 1868. Die egpaar het drie oorlewende seuns: Walter (1846-1891), Perry (ongeveer 1841-1902) en Henry. Walter trou in 1876 met Hannah Mather Slater en het twee oorlewende seuns: Walter S. (geb. 1879) en Charles L. (geb. 1884). Perry trou in 1879 met Mary Caroline Peck en hulle het vier kinders: Julia, Edward, Charles en Selden.

In 1877 trou Trumbull met sy neef, Mary Jane Ingraham (1843-1914), die dogter van Almira Mather Ingraham en John D. Ingraham van Saybrook, Connecticut. Lyman en Mary het ook twee dogters gehad, wat nie een tot volwassenheid oorleef het nie: Mae (1878-1884) en Alma (1883-1894).

Mary se ma, Almira W. Mather (1823-1908), was afstammelinge van die New York Mather-familie en het ten minste een broer, Samuel Rogers Selden Mather. Haar man, John Dickinson Ingraham, was 'n matroos, die egpaar het vier kinders: John Dickinson Ingraham Jr. (1839-1875), Mary Jane (wat met Lyman Trumbull getroud is), Annie Elizabeth (1847-1865) en Julia Trumbull (1853) -1918). John D. Ingraham, Jr., was 'n matroos soos sy pa, en het tydens die burgeroorlog in die vloot gedien. Julia trou met George S. Rankin (1845-1892), wat ook 'n seevaarder was, en die twee het ten minste een dogter Annie, wat in die kinderjare gesterf het. Die egpaar het in Saybrook, Connecticut, gewoon.

  • Trumbull -familiebriewe
    • Lyman Trumbull Diverse briewe (1838-1895)
    • Lyman Trumbull aan Julia Trumbull (1844-1855)
    • Julia Trumbull aan Lyman Trumbull (1860-1866)
    • Lyman Trumbull aan Mary Ingraham Trumbull (1869-1884)
    • Briewe aan Mary Ingraham Trumbull (1859-1914)
    • Diverse familiebriewe van Trumbull (1850-1903)
    • Julia Ingraham en George Rankin briewe (1868-1899)
    • Diverse Ingraham-familiebriewe (1824-1913)
    • Die Annie Ingraham-skoolverslagboek (1860-1864) van verskillende verslae uit die tyd van die skrywer op skool, met 'n aantal persoonlike inskripsies en herinnerings agterin.
    • Die joernaal John D. en Annie Ingraham (1853 1859) is 2 bladsye met joernaalskrywing van John D. Ingraham en een bladsy met joernaal Annie.
    • Die mev John D. Ingraham -dagboek (1900) bevat inskrywings vir die eerste helfte van 1900, wat hoofsaaklik fokus op gesinsbesoeke en die daaglikse lewe in Saybrook, Connecticut. Die dagboek bevat ook 'n rekeningblad, verskeie los bladsye met bykomende inskrywings en briewe wat aan die skrywer gerig is.
    • Die handtekeningboek van Julia Ingraham (1866-1892) bevat handtekeninge van verskillende kennisse rondom Saybrook Sound, Connecticut.
    • Die Julia Ingraham Rankin-joernaal en gewone boek (1883-1890) dokumenteer hoofsaaklik die gesinslewe in Saybrook, Connecticut, en bevat inskrywings oor poësie, gekopieerde uittreksels en ingevoegde uitknipsels.
    • Die Mary J. Trumbull-dagboek (1887-1890) dokumenteer die daaglikse lewe en bevat ongeveer 17 items, insluitend verskeie briewe, koerantuitknipsels en efemera.
    • Die Julia Ingraham Rankin -aantekeninge oor Shakespeare (1892) bestaan ​​uit verskillende persoonlike aantekeninge en gedagtes wat saamgestel is uit verskillende werke van Shakespeare, waaronder enkele van sy bekendste toneelstukke, soos "Romeo en Juliet".
    • Die inhoud van die [Julia Rankin] notaboek (1911-1914) bestaan ​​hoofsaaklik uit akademiese essays oor 'n verskeidenheid onderwerpe, voorlesings en lesings. In die boek was 'n groot aantal manuskripgedigte, baie toegeskryf aan ander skrywers, en vier koerantuitknipsels. Een snit bevat 'n gedig opgedra aan 'La Grippe', geskryf deur John Howard, MD
    • Verskeie mense voor die hardewarewinkel van Vose & amp
    • 'N Portret van twee meisies
    • Twee klein, individuele foto's van babas
    • Drie kinders waai Amerikaanse vlae
    • 'N Vrou in 'n tuin
    • 'N Vrou vergesel deur 'n hond
    • William W. Patton fotoalbum
    • Astrologie-Geskiedenis.
    • Chicago (Ill.)-Geskiedenis.
    • Deep River (Conn.: Town)
    • Gesinne-Verenigde State-Geskiedenis.
    • Illinois-Geskiedenis-1865-.
    • Shakespeare, William, 1564-1616-Studie en onderrig.
    • Verenigde State. Kongres-Geskiedenis-19de eeu.
    • Verenigde State-Geskiedenis-1865-1898.
    • Verenigde State-Geskiedenis-Burgeroorlog, 1861-1865-Sosiale aspekte.
    • Vroue-Onderwys-Verenigde State.
    • Alpe -streek.
    • Christelike kuns.
    • Egiptenare.
    • Landskappe.
    • Standbeelde.
    • Switserland.
    • Turke.
    • Ingraham, Almira Mather.
    • Ingraham, Annie Elizabeth, 1847-1865.
    • Ingraham, John Dickinson, Jr., 1839-1875.
    • Ingraham, Julia, 1853-1918.
    • Lincoln, Robert Todd, 1843-1926.
    • Mather, Samuel Rogers Selden.
    • Rankin, George, 1845-1892.
    • Trumbull, Julia Jayne, 1824-1868.
    • Trumbull, Lyman, 1813-1896.
    • Trumbull, Walter.
    • Uhlhorn, John Frederick.
    • Handtekeningalbums.
    • Billfolds.
    • Kaartfoto's.
    • Cartes-de-visite (kaartfoto's)
    • Dagboeke.
    • Blomme (plante)
    • Uitnodigings.
    • Briewe (korrespondensie)
    • Foto albums.
    • Foto's.
    • Gedigte.
    • Volmag.
    • Afdrukke (visuele werke)
    • Resepte.
    • Kwitansies (finansiële rekords)
    • Toesprake.
    • Studio portrette.
    • Besoekingskaarte.
    • Waterverf (skilderye)
    Korrespondensie [reeks]

    Die Correspondence -reeks is verdeel in reekse en subreekse gebaseer op onderskeidelik familie en outeur/ontvanger.

    Alternatiewe plekke

    'N Fotoalbum word in die grafiese afdeling gehuisves.

    Verwante materiaal

    Die William Dickson -vraestelle bevat twee items oor Lyman Trumbull.

    Die Handige papiere bevat 'n item wat aan Lyman Trumbull gerig is.

    Die Library of Congress bevat 'n groot versameling van Lyman Trumbull se amptelike korrespondensie.

    Bibliografie

    Wit, Horace. Die lewe van Lyman Trumbull. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1913.

    Whittlesey, Charles Barney. Geslagsregister van die familie Whittlesey-Whittelsey. 2de uitgawe. McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1941.

    Kontak Ons

    William L. Clements -biblioteek
    909 S. University Ave
    Ann Arbor, MI 48109-1190

    Ure en aanwysings

    Kontak biblioteekinligtingstegnologie om tegniese foute aan te meld


    Birthright Citizenship: Wie word 'n Amerikaner

    Op 5 Januarie 1866 stel Trumbull S-61 voor, 'n wetsontwerp om burgerskap te verleen aan alle vrygemaakte slawe wat in die Verenigde State gebore is. He expected Congress to pass this bill, formally known as “An Act to protect all Persons in the United States in their Civil Rights, and furnish the Means of their Vindication,” and President Andrew Johnson to sign it into law.

    However, citizenship proved a more divisive issue than Trumbull had envisioned, and in a controversy with echoes into the present, Congress spent months heatedly debating who deserves to be an American.

    Initially, the concept of American citizenship was unsettled. Foreign-born immigrants became citizens by naturalization, a process the first Congress codified in 1790 that was limited to white persons and activated only after a five-year wait. Immigrants’ children born in

    Supreme Court Chief Justice Roger B. Taney called blacks “an inferior order” with “no rights a white man was bound to respect.”

    the United States, however, enjoyed citizenship by virtue of jus soli, “right of the soil,” regardless of parental nationality. Jus soli, also called birthright citizenship, had originated in England and had emigrated to the colonies with the first settlers from that nation. Still, the issue was not clear-cut, since neither the Constitution nor any statute expressly recognized or defined birthright citizenship. Jus soli was assumed to be the law, its theoretical and practical contours vague.

    The United States was a nation of immigrants, and in the early 1800s its borders were open, with entry unrestricted. America needed hands to farm, backs to toil in factories, and pioneers to settle the West. By 1860, the population was 31.4 million, including 4.1 million foreign-born residents. Since Day One, European immigrants had come mostly by choice—except those Britain had transported as punishment. Most Americans of African descent had had no choice, arriving as they or their antecedents had in shackles as chattel. By 1860, the slave population of the United States of America had reached 3.9 million, mostly native-born.

    Between 1820 and 1860 tentative streams from Ireland and other European countries began what would become an immigrant tide, causing xenophobia among so-called nativists to surge. These descendants of immigrants formed the anti-immigrant American Party, or Know-Nothings—if queried about the party, members were instructed to say they knew nothing—whose 1856 platform proclaimed that “Americans must rule America.” That year, the party’s presidential candidate, former chief executive Millard Fillmore, won 21.5 percent of the popular vote. Xenophobia was not universal. As of 1861, five states—Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, Oregon, and Wisconsin—allowed non-citizens to vote. In 1862, the Homestead Act, implemented to settle portions of the West, allowed foreigners stating their intent to become citizens to take possession of publicly offered land.

    The issue of birthright citizenship had reached the Supreme Court in 1857. Dred Scott, a slave born in Virginia, had sued his owner for his freedom in federal court after the planter brought Scott to a non-slave state. The owner, a U.S. Army surgeon, had taken Scott for several

    When Dred Scott sued for his freedom, central to his case was the principle that a citizen of one state could sue a citizen of another state in federal court. Taney’s ruling denied Scott, and all African Americans, citizenship. (Granger, NYC)

    years to the free state of Illinois and the free territory of Wisconsin before returning the slave and his family to the South. Scott needed to establish jurisdiction before the courts would consider his case he invoked diversity jurisdiction, which allows a citizen of one state to sue a citizen of another in federal court. Citizenship seemed to be a given for the American-born Scott, but the Supreme Court disagreed, closing the courthouse door by holding that African-Americans were not citizens. Writing for the seven-justice majority, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney called blacks “beings of an inferior order” with “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” Advocates of slavery rejoiced. Foes mourned. Enmity between North and South deepened.

    Tydens die burgeroorlog, immigrants and African-Americans rallied to the flag. More than 500,000 foreign-born men—some naturalized, some non-citizens—and nearly 200,000 African-Americans fought for the Union. After the war, the 39th Congress faced the task of reunifying the country and eradicating bondage and its vestiges. On December 6, 1865, Georgia became the 27th state to ratify the 13th Amendment, and slavery was outlawed. The next step was establishing citizenship for the formerly enslaved. Importation of slaves had ended in 1807 most freedmen of the day had been born in the United States. The Scott decision flatly denied them citizenship. Nullifying that ruling would be politically astute for the Republicans controlling Congress. Citizenship begat suffrage and GOP leaders expected that African-Americans would embrace the political party that had freed them.

    Trumbull, 52, was point man on the citizenship drive. A moderate elected to the Senate in 1854, he had chaired the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee since 1861.

    The Illinois Republican was well-respected but aloof, lacking “the warmth of temperament calculated to win personal friendship,” a contemporary noted. The slim, 5’10’ Trumbull bore “a cast of countenance which marks the man of thought” and was a “clear and cogent reasoner” but not “gifted with personal ‘magnetism.’”

    Trumbull may have seen citizenship for freed slaves as a matter of fairness, but he was a white man of his age. “Among the strongest anti-slavery champions in the West” and known in his lawyering days for representing slaves suing for freedom, he had as a senator drafted the 13th Amendment. Even so, in an 1858 speech, he had declared, “I want to have nothing to do either with the free negro or the slave negro.”

    Introduced on January 5, 1866, Trumbull’s bill, now known as the Civil Rights Act of 1866, initially sought to make birthright citizens of “persons of African descent born in the United States.” Trumbull soon realized his bill’s language was too restrictive, implying as it did that only African-Americans qualified for jus soli. On January 30, 1866, he submitted a rewrite to cover “(a)ll persons born in the United States, and not subject to any foreign Power.”

    Trumbull’s revised bill codified the long-held belief that children born in the United States were American citizens. “As a matter of law, does anyone deny here or anywhere that the native born is a citizen, and a citizen by virtue of his birth alone?” asked Senator Lot M. Morrill (R-Maine). Officially recognizing that principle, however, had wider implications, and officials worried about the bill’s reach.

    Would enactment of the bill make citizens of “the children of Chinese and Gypsies born in this country?” asked Senator Edgar Cowan (R-Pennsylvania). “Undoubtedly,” Trumbull replied. Cowan angrily predicted that “the day may not be very far distant when California, instead of belonging to the Indo-European race, may belong to the Mongolian…” The very idea of granting non-whites citizenship outraged Senator Garrett Davis, a Unionist from Kentucky. Defining the American nation as a “Government and a political organization of white people,” Davis asserted that when “a negro or Chinaman is attempted to be obtruded into it, the sufficient cause to repel him is that he is a negro or Chinaman.” Senator Peter G. Van Winkle, a West Virginia Unionist, feared immigrants “whose mixture with our race…could only tend to the deterioration of the mass.” Van Winkle worried that the bill’s language was broad enough to cover “a future immigration to this country of which we have no conception.”

    Representative James F. Wilson (R-Iowa) insisted the bill’s reach was not unlimited. According to Wilson, that reach excluded “children born on our soil to temporary sojourners,” a remote issue, since owing to travel cost and time, most who came to America came to stay.

    The outcome was never in doubt. Republicans enjoyed a healthy majority in both houses, and the former Confederate states had not yet regained representation in Congress. On February 2, 1866, the Senate passed the bill 33-12. On March 13, 1866, the House approved 111-38. The Civil Rights Bill of 1866 went to President Johnson for his signature.

    Trumbull, who had met with the president while the bill was pending, believed he had Johnson’s support. He felt betrayed on March 27, 1866, when the president vetoed the bill. Johnson claimed that since a European immigrant had to undergo a five-year wait to seek citizenship but a former slave would not, the bill discriminated “against large numbers of intelligent, worthy, and patriotic foreigners, and in

    In this 1896 cartoon, a judge points to immigrants as a source of Uncle Sam’s woes. (Bettmann/Getty Images)

    favor of the Negro.” Reaction to Johnson’s veto was mixed. Die Nasie attacked its logic as “that of a stump speech, and its law would hardly pass current in a college moot court.” Die New York Times praised Johnson for rejecting the bill’s favoritism for the “black freedman” over the “white immigrant.”

    Counterattacking on April 6, 1866, the Senate overrode Johnson’s veto 33-15. The vote drew applause in galleries that included “some hundreds of men of color…whose dusky but earnest faces were bent upon the fate of the bill.” Three days later, the House overrode the veto 122-41, with the ensuing applause “especially strong from the ‘colored galleries.’”

    Birthright citizenship was now the law, but supporters were uneasy. If one Congress could adopt jus soli by legislation, a later Congress could reverse that action just as easily. A constitutional amendment, Republican leaders felt, would give greater permanence. They tacked citizenship onto the 14th Amendment, pending in the Senate.

    On May 30, 1866, Senator Jacob M. Howard (R-Michigan) added language to the amendment granting citizenship to “all persons born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof.” This provision was, Howard said, “simply declaratory of what I regard as the law of the land already.” Making that change, he said, would remove “all doubt as to what persons are or are not citizens of the United States,” an issue Howard called “a great desideratum in the jurisprudence and legislation of this country.” The “subject to” clause, he explained, would exclude children born to foreign ambassadors in America and those born to members of Indian tribes Congress treated as sovereign. Neither foreign diplomats nor these Native American tribes were considered subject to the jurisdiction of the United States. Native Americans had to wait until 1924 for citizenship.

    Pennsylvania Senator Cowan, jus soli’s most vocal foe, trotted out the bogeymen of the day: Gypsies and the Chinese. The Republican said he opposed citizenship for Gypsies, who, he said, “wander in gangs in my State…(and) followno ostensible pursuit for a livelihood.” This was too much for Senator John Conness (R-California), who knew firsthand about immigration and bigotry. Born in Ireland in 1821, he had come to America in 1836 and had lived through the Know-Nothing era. “I have heard more about Gypsies within the last two or three months than I have heard before in my life,” Conness quipped, accusing Cowan of conjuring imaginary Gypsy hordes “so that hereafter the negro alone shall not claim our entire attention.”

    Cowan, who claimed to be “as liberal as anybody toward the rights of all people,” saved his strongest acid for the Chinese. “[I]s it proposed that the people of California are to remain quiescent while they are overrun by a flood of immigration of the Mongol race?” vra hy. “Are they to be immigrated out of house and home by Chinese?” Conness mocked Cowan’s argument. “It may be very good capital in an electioneering campaign to declaim against the Chinese,” the California senator told his colleague, adding that Cowan should “give himself no further trouble on account of the Chinese in California.”

    Cowan had a loud voice but few votes. On June 8, 1866, the Senate passed the 14th Amendment 33-11, well exceeding the required two-thirds majority. On June 13, the House approved 120-32. The president’s signature was not needed to amend the Constitution, and the 14th Amendment went to the states for ratification. Ratification required approval by three quarters of the states. The amendment’s contentiousness rendered the process rough. Besides recognizing birthright citizenship, the instrument guaranteed due process and equal protection for all, meanwhile permanently barring certain former Confederate officials from federal office. The 11 former Confederate states, still not back in Congress, did count for ratification purposes, meaning for the amendment to become law, 28 of the 37 states had to approve. When the former rebel states balked, Congress threatened to withhold readmission to Congress. On July 9, 1868, South Carolina, the first state to secede from the Union, became the 28th to ratify the amendment.

    However, there was a bump. After ratifying the amendment, New Jersey and Ohio had rescinded their ratifications in formal votes by their legislatures. No one was sure what rescission meant, except to rattle the amendment’s backers. Ratification by Alabama and Georgia removed any doubt, bringing the total of state ratifications again to 28, and on July 28, 1868, Secretary of State William H. Seward certified the 14th Amendment as adopted.

    It had taken Lyman Trumbull two years, but he had succeeded in his quest for birthright citizenship. Trumbull’s conscience, which had told him that people deserved certain basic rights, was his undoing. Seeing radical Republicans’ impeachment of Andrew Johnson as a partisan vendetta, in May 1868 he attacked his own party’s “intemperate zealots” for seeking Johnson’s removal. When impeachment came to a vote in the Senate, Trumbull voted to acquit, effectively ending his political career. He retired from the Senate when his term ended in 1873.

    Over the next two decades, immigration policy began to acquire its modern form by means of a rolling drumbeat of restrictions for entry. In 1875, Congress barred entry by prostitutes and foreign convicts, though providing no mechanism to determine who was a prostitute or convict. The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act barred laborers from that country and denied naturalization to Chinese immigrants

    Chinese immigration was a political hot potato in the 1800s. Opponents of jus soli argued that children of Chinese immigrants should not be granted automatic citizenship. (California State Parks)

    already living in the United States. The same year, Congress prohibited entry by any “lunatic, idiot, or any person unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge.” In 1891, Congress excluded “persons suffering from a loathsome or a dangerous contagious disease” and polygamists. Imposition of these restrictions created a category for individuals coming to America in violation of these restrictions. Today they are called illegal aliens or undocumented immigrants, phrases unknown to the 39th Congress because in 1866 anyone could enter, and not until the 20th century did Congress begin setting country by country quotas for admission. Deportation also entered the picture, with Congress in 1891 ordering that anyone caught trying to enter illegally “be immediately sent back on the vessel Co. by which they were brought in.” Any forbidden immigrant found to have sneaked in was to be “returned as by law provided.”

    Executive agencies imposed particular limits on birthright citizenship. In 1884, Ludwig Hausding, raised in Germany, sought an American passport, claiming to be a U.S. citizen because he had been born here. On January 15, 1885, however, Secretary of State Frederick T. Frelinghuysen refused to issue the passport, finding that Ludwig was not a citizen because his German parents were not immigrants but only temporary visitors when their son was born. Later that year, the State Department came to the same conclusion regarding Richard Greisser, whose German father and Swiss mother had been visiting the United States at the time of his birth.

    Customs officials had their own restrictions. In August 1895, California native Wong Kim Ark, 22, visited relatives in China and returned to San Francisco. Customs collector John H. Wise refused to let Wong land. Born in San Francisco in 1873, Wong was as American as Wise, but the customs man, a self-proclaimed “zealous opponent of Chinese immigration,” could not see beyond Wong’s “race, language, color, and dress.” Wong was imprisoned aboard ship in San Francisco Bay when attorney Thomas D. Riordan, known for his work on behalf of Chinese-Americans, came to his aid. Wong went to court. His case set the contours of birthright citizenship when the U.S. Supreme Court sided with him in a landmark 1898 decision. Writing on behalf of the six-member majority, Justice Horace Gray described Wong’s ancestry as irrelevant and found him to be as American as the Fourth of July. Gray wrote that except for the children of foreign ambassadors and Native Americans, “[e]very person born in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, becomes at once a citizen of the United States, and needs no naturalization.”

    To hold otherwise, Gray noted, “would be to deny citizenship to thousands of persons of English, Scotch, Irish, German, or other European parentage, who have always been considered and treated as citizens of the United States.” Two justices disagreed. Dissenting Chief Justice Melville Fuller saw peril in jus soli for parents in the country unlawfully. The parents could be deported, he wrote, but as citizens, their children could stay. He decried as “cruel and unusual punishments” any move to “tear up parental relations by the roots.”

    Wong Kim Ark, still in effect today, seemed to settle the issue of birthright citizenship. However, the decision may have left open the question of jus soli for the temporary visitors’ issue and for children of those in the country unlawfully. The Supreme Court did not explicitly address either scenario because Wong’s parents were neither temporary visitors nor illegal aliens. They had emigrated before 1882 to settle and to run a business.

    Birthright citizenship remains a flash point, and full resolution of the issue’s disputatious aspects may require another Supreme Court ruling, perhaps equal in significance to the Court’s 1857 citizenship ruling. “Stay tuned,” legal scholar James C. Ho, now a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals, wrote in a 2006 law journal article. “Dred Scott II could be coming soon to a federal court near you.”

    Still Making Headlines

    The American argument over birthright citizenship continues, with unexpected twists and a profound constant—the nation is still one of immigrants. The 2010 census counted some 40 million residents—13 percent of the population—were born elsewhere. Rules on lawful entry and stay are strict, but some estimates have more than 20 million people living illegally in the United States.

    Jus soli reverberates far beyond anything members of the 39th Congress could have imagined. In 1866, the country had no curbs on entry today, birthright citizenship can legitimize the status of immigrants who entered illegally. In 2017, nearly 150,000 people became permanent residents based on sponsorship by their children, the Department of Homeland Security states.


    Lyman Trumbull - History

    One hundred years ago, Chicago&rsquos rapid population growth necessitated the construction of additional schools. In the Edgewater section of Lakeview, the Andersonville school had seriously deteriorated and residents were calling for something to be done for the education of their children. This was the progressive era, when concerned social and civic activists worked to improve living conditions for the city&rsquos residents. Public schools were to be designed to provide an appealing physical environment that would promote learning. Chicago&rsquos Board of Education was in tune with the times and, in 1905, the board members appointed Dwight H. Perkins as its chief architect.

    Mr. Perkins had been associated with the firm of Burnham and Root during the construction of the World&rsquos Columbian Exposition. He also designed the Steinway Building in the Loop and set up offices there. This became a gathering place for what was to become the Chicago Architectural Club. This group articulated what was to become modern American architecture in the 20th century.

    As chief architect for the Chicago schools, Perkins and his associates presented planning innovations and designs that were incorporated into the schools that were built between 1907 and 1910. Trumbull School is one of those. Trumbull was constructed in 1908 and the cornerstone laid, but the building opened for students in 1909.

    The school was named for Lyman Trumbull, a Senator and statesman from Illinois who served the people of Illinois in various capacities from 1840 until 1873. In the period of the Civil War, he was associated with Abraham Lincoln and campaigned for him. Later, as a Senator and Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, he introduced the resolution to abolish slavery that was to become the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. After his retirement from the Senate in 1873, he continued to practice law in Chicago. He became a public figure again in 1894 when he spoke out against the privileges of the rich and the exploitation of the poor.

    The School building is distinctive because of the strong massing of its design. The façade facing Foster Avenue shows this in the massive column shapes on either side of the entrance. The recessed entrance and vertical windows above are crossed by the massive entablature at the roof line. The massing and vertical design is contrasted by the bands of light and dark brick which alternate on the sides of the building above the single colored brick base.

    Trumbull&rsquos internal structure is designed around a central core &ndash its auditorium. While a beautiful geometric pattern presently adorns the three story ceiling, the original design incorporated a glass paneled dome to allow for natural light in both the auditorium and third and fourth floor classrooms. This was altered in the 1950s when maintenance became an issue. The interior renovation of the school began in 2001. The exterior renovation of the school began in 2003 under the direction of Principal Robert Wilkin. The school has been prepared to complete its 100th year and begin its second century.


    --> Trumbull, Lyman, 1813-1896

    Lawyer from Belleville, Illinois United States Senator (1855-1873) State Supreme Court Justice (1848-1853) State Representative, St. Clair County (1840-1842) Illinois Secretary of State (1841-1843) unsuccessful candidate for Governor (1880).

    From the description of Letter, September 29, 1842. (Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library). WorldCat record id: 71275513

    Lawyer from Belleville, Illinois United States Senator (1855-1873) State Supreme Court Justice (1848-1853) State Representative, St. Clair County (1840-1842), Illinois Secretary of State (1841-1843) unsuccessful candidate for Governor (1880).

    From the description of Family papers, 1821-1917. (Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library). WorldCat record id: 23124664

    Lawyer from Belleville, Illinois United States Senator (1855-1873) State Supreme Court Justice (1848-1853) State Representative, St. Clair County (1840-1842) Illinois Secretary of State (1841-1843): unsuccessful candidate for governor (1880).

    From the description of Papers, 1841-1870. (Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library). WorldCat record id: 60858865

    From the description of Papers of Lyman Trumbull, 1843-1894 (bulk 1855-1872). (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 71063832

    From the description of Autograph letter signed : Washington, to an unidentified recipient, 1856 Dec. 13. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 270573391

    From the description of Autograph letter signed : [n.p.], to the Hon. Isaac Newton, Supt. of the Agriculture Dept., [n.d.]. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 270573386

    Lyman Trumball (1813-1896), U.S. Senator from Illinois (1855-1873), aligned with Radical Republicans in Congress. He sponsored the 13th Ammendment and the Civil Rights bill (1865-1867).

    From the description of Lyman Trumbull Papers 1843-1894 1855-1867. (Unknown). WorldCat record id: 122387708

    • 1813, Oct. 12 : Born, Colchester, Conn
    • 1836 : Admitted to the bar
    • 1837 : Began law practice, Bellevue, Ill.
    • 1840 - 1842 : Democratic member of the state legislature
    • 1842 - 1843 : Secretary of state, Illinois
    • 1843 : Married Julia Maria Jayne
    • 1848 - 1855 : Justice, supreme court of Illinois
    • 1855 - 1873 : United States senator
    • 1854 : Opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill
    • 1864 : Introduced resolution that led to the Thirteenth Amendment
    • 1865 - 1867 : Aligned with Radicals in Congress sponsored Civil Rights bill
    • 1868 : Voted against the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson
    • 1872 : Prominent in the Liberal Republican movement
    • 1873 : Resumed law practice, Chicago, Ill.
    • 1876 : Counsel for Samuel Tilden in disputed presidential election
    • 1880 : Unsuccessful Democratic candidate for governor of Illinois
    • 1896, June 25 : Died, Chicago, Ill.

    From the guide to the Lyman Trumbull Correspondence, 1843-1894, (bulk 1855-1872), (Manuscript Division Library of Congress)


    Kyk die video: Lyman Trumbull (November 2021).