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Skermutseling van Frenchman's Creek/ Red House, 28 November 1812

Skermutseling van Frenchman's Creek/ Red House, 28 November 1812

Skermutseling van Frenchman's Creek/ Red House, 28 November 1812

Die skermutselinge van Frenchman's Creek en Red House was die enigste gevegte tydens die tweede Amerikaanse poging om Kanada op die Niagara -front binne 1812 binne te val. Na die nederlaag van die eerste inval by die slag van Queenston Heights (13 Oktober 1812), was bevel van die Amerikaner magte aan die Niagara -front het oorgegaan na brigadier -generaal Alexander Smyth, 'n gewone soldaat, maar een sonder werklike militêre ervaring.

In die onmiddellike nasleep van die slag by Queenston Heights het Smyth 'n wapenstilstand gereël wat met 'n dae kennisgewing beëindig kon word. Daarna het hy begin voorberei op 'n tweede inval. Een van sy meer positiewe bewegings was om seker te maak dat hy genoeg bote het om 3 000 man aan te vaar. Dit was die aantal mans wat hy geglo het dat hy nodig sou wees om die inval suksesvol te maak. Teen November het Smyth 'n mag van tussen 4 000 en 5 000 man gehad, maar 'n groot deel van hierdie mag bestaan ​​uit dieselfde militante wat in Oktober geweier het om die Niagara oor te steek. Smyth het probeer uitvind hoeveel van sy mans eintlik bereid sou wees om aan die inval deel te neem, maar sonder groot sukses.

Desondanks het Smyth op 20 November die wapenstilstand beëindig en begin voorberei om die Niagarivier aan die suidpunt daarvan, naby Buffalo, oor te steek. Die aanval sou op 28 November begin. Voor dagbreek is twee klein aanrandingspartytjies oor die rivier gestuur, een om 'n paar Britse gewere te vernietig en een om 'n brug oor Frenchman's Creek te vernietig. Die suidelike mag het 'n Britse posisie twee en 'n half kilometer stroomaf van Fort Erie oorskry, maar die noordelike aanval kon die brug nie vernietig nie.

Die Britte in Fort Erie het toe 'n teenaanval onder luitenant-kolonel Cecil Bisshopp geloods. Ten koste van 17 dooies, kon 47 gewondes en 35 vermiste Bisshop die Amerikaners dwing om terug te trek oor die rivier.

Intussen is Smyth se 3 000 mans vir die eerste keer probeer om op hul bote te klim. Teen die middagete was slegs 1 200 van hulle aan boord. Smyth het 'n oorlogsraad bel wat besluit het om die aanval uit te stel. 'N Ander poging om die mans aan te pak, is op 30 November tot 1 Desember gedoen, weer sonder sukses. In die nadraai van hierdie mislukking is Smith toegelaat om stil -stil uit die aktiewe diens te tree.

Boeke oor die oorlog van 1812 | Onderwerpindeks: Oorlog van 1812


Historiese tydlyn van die oorlog van 1812

19 Oktober – Amerikaanse magte vernietig en plunder George Adam se huis, distilleerdery en bakhuis in Grantham Township (naby die brug oor die Twelve Mile Creek naby die dorpie St. Catharines)

10 Desember – Amerikaanse magte onder brig.-genl. George McClure ontruim Fort George en verbrand Niagara, Bo -Kanada en trek terug na Fort Niagara

12 Desember – Britse magte herower Fort George

19 Desember – Britse magte c Fort Niagara

19 Desember – 21 – Britse magte verbrand Lewiston, Youngstown en Manchester (Niagara Falls), New York

22 Desember – Britse magte neem Fort Schlosser in

29 Desember – 31 – Britse magte verbrand Buffalo en Black Rock

23 Mei tot 21 Junie – Verraadproewe aan die gang in Ancaster, Bo -Kanada

3 Julie – Amerikaanse magte onder genl.maj. Jacob Brown val Bo -Kanada binne en vang Fort Erie in

5 Julie – Slag van Chippawa, Bo -Kanada

18 Julie – Amerikaanse magte verbrand die gehuggie St David's, Bo -Kanada

20 Julie Agt van die verraaiers wat by die Ancaster Assizes skuldig bevind is, word op Burlington Heights gehang

23 Julie – Brits 104ste onder Luitenant-genl. Gordon Drummond arriveer by Twelve Mile Creek uit die stad York

25 Julie – Slag van Lundy ’s Lane, (Niagara Falls), Bo -Kanada

26 Julie – Amerikaanse magte verbrand Bridgewater Mills (Burch's Mills, bo die Niagara -waterval), Bo -Kanada

3 Augustus – Britse magte steek die Niagara -rivier oor en betrek Amerikaanse magte by Conjocta Creek/Black Rock, New York, en word afgeweer en keer terug na Bo -Kanada

4 Augustus – Britse magte onder luitenant-genl. Drummond begin die beleg van Fort Erie die slagoffers van hierdie beleg het daartoe gelei dat Fort Erie die bloedigste slagveld in Kanada geword het

12 Augustus – USS Somers en USS Ohio gevang in die Erie -meer/Niagara -rivier by Fort Erie

14 Augustus – Britse magte aanval op Snake Hill Battery (Fort Erie), Bo -Kanada

15 Augustus – Britse magte onder luitenant-generaal. Drummond misluk in aanranding op Fort Erie

25 Augustus – Britse magte verbrand Washington, DC

17 September begin Amerikaanse troepe van Fort Erie 'n suksesvolle slag teen Drummond se batterye

21 September – Britse magte beëindig die beleg van Fort Erie en trek terug na Chippawa

15 Oktober – skermutseling in Chippawa

19 Oktober – Battle of Cook ’s Mills (naby Welland) op Lyons Creek, Bo -Kanada

5 November – Amerikaanse magte ontruim Fort Erie, vernietig die oorblyfsels van fort en keer terug na Buffalo

15 November – Britse magte herower Fort Erie na Amerikaanse onttrekking

24 Desember – Verdrag van Gent (België) onderteken om die oorlog van 1812 te beëindig


Verby Polariteit

Chautauqua herlewing

Laat u motor hardloop en#8217
Gaan op die snelweg
Op soek na avontuur
En wat ook al oor ons pad kom ...

Soos 'n ware kind van die natuur
Ons is gebore, gebore om wild te wees ...

Born to be Wild lyrics

In Zen en die kuns van motorfietsonderhoud, Beskryf Robert Pirsig 'n 17 dae lange reis van pa en seun oor die VSA, waar moontlik op sekondêre paaie, as 'n soort Chautauqua:

'Net soos die reisvertententoonstelling Chautauquas wat vroeër deur Amerika getrek het ... 'n ou reeks gewilde gesprekke wat bedoel was om die gees op te bou en te vermaak, die gees te verbeter en kultuur en verligting in die ore en gedagtes van die hoorder te bring.

Voor die dae van die motor, radio en TV, verwelkom geïsoleerde boere en boere buitestaanders en#8211 sprekers, onderwysers, musikante, entertainers, predikers en selfs politici as deel van 'n volwasse onderwysbeweging genaamd Chautauqua (uitgespreek sha-TAW-kwa). Teddy Roosevelt noem Chautauqua 'die mees Amerikaanse ding in Amerika'.

Ons leef nou in 'n uber-ingepropte wêreld. Burgers het oral toegang tot die buitewêreld. En tog is die idee van 'n Chautauqua wat op pad is om hierdie afgeleë en afgesonderde plekke te besoek, aantreklik. Ek het Wallace Stegner s'n weer gelees Wolf Willow, sy verhaal van grootword in die Cypress Hills in pioniersdae. En ek wil meer weet oor hierdie wilde en moeilike plekke, hul allesomvattende heiligheid en hoe mense in hulle midde leef. Alberta en Saskatchewan gaan tans deur moeilike tye, en ons het al voorheen moeilike tye beleef. Behalwe die hoogtepunte in glansryke toeristebrosjures, wil ek hierdie landskap verstaan ​​en leer wat dit kan deel oor die lewe in die Weste en oor vordering en veerkragtigheid.

Om langs 'n motorfiets te sit, is 'n uitstekende manier om 'n moderne Chautauqua te doen. Byna net so perfek, het ek en my vriende vroeg in Augustus in hierdie Dodge Ram vertrek om die wilde plekke te verken waar die hoeke van Alberta en Saskatchewan die deelstaat Montana ontmoet. Dit was nie moeilik om Brian en Nola te oortuig om saam met my en my op hierdie reis te gaan nie. Hulle gesinne het op hierdie afgeleë plekke tuisgemaak en die vrede behou, en hul verhoudings met die Eerste Nasies en die Metis was dik soos bloed. Meer as vyf dae het ons byna 1600 kilometer op Brian se vierwielaangedrewe vragmotor afgelê, waar moontlik op grondpaaie. Slegs een keer het ons 'n reënbui in die Cypress -heuwels afgeskrik van paaie in 'n prairie -gumbo, en ons moes gly en uit 'n taai stuk pad gly.

Nola het die grenslande Chautauqua gepas gedoop. Selfs binne hierdie lappieswerkplein van Kanada het ons deur die Cypress Hills na die Grasslands National Park gegaan tot by Writing-on-Stone in die suide van Alberta en by die huis terug na Calgary, en ons het deur unieke terreine gegaan. Montane in die Cypress Hills, lang stukke kaal weiveld, diep poule en wye riviervalleie, ysige onreëlmatighede, uitgestrekte natuurlike grasvelde en kappies. Elke landskap bied unieke wildlewe. Herten in die grasperke en wildsbokke kies eerder die velde en slote waar salie floreer. Valke wat heiningpale langs die weivelde beklee sonder om deur mense verby te steek, terwyl ratels in die koepels so ver as moontlik van mense af opkrul. En oral, koeie en hul kalwers wat in die reekse rondloop, surrogate vir die buffel. Selfs ons keuse van bed vir die nag weerspieël die diversiteit van die terrein: ons slaap agtereenvolgens in 'n kajuit, 'n plaashuis, 'n tipi, 'n tent.

Tipis in Grasslands National Park, Saskatchewan

Die inwoners wat ons in die koffiewinkels in die dorpe en dorpe ontmoet het, was vriendelik, gasvry en nuuskierig om te weet hoekom ons deur hul landelike geografie ry. Waaroor wou hulle praat? Weer en vrees vir droogte was boaan die lys, gevolg deur die prys van goedere, die geskiedenis van hul familie, NHL -hokkiespanne, plaaslike rodeo's, Trump en Trudeau, en soms God. Dit lyk asof hulle hul politiek en hul godsdiens aan die konserwatiewe kant verkies.

Harvest Moon -kafee in die dorp Lomond, Alberta, om 08:00 op 'n Dinsdagoggend

Charlie se restaurant in Eastend, Saskatchewan, vir middagete

Kilometer na myl ry ons rustig die landskap in. Terwyl ons deur die verskillende terreine beweeg, sit ons almal 'n bietjie regop en ons wonder hardop hoe mense op hierdie plekke oorleef. Oorgange verlewendig dikwels. Soos Philip Connors in sy boek deel Vuur seisoen ('n opmerking oor sy tyd as 'n vuur -uitkykpunt):

'Ek het nog altyd van rande gehou, plekke waar een ding 'n ander word ... oorgangsones, grense en grenslande. Ek hou van die vermenging wat plaasvind, die teenstrydighede, die botsings en verbindings. Ek hou van die manier waarop hulle my help om die wêreld vanuit 'n nuwe hoek te sien. ”

In ons stewige Dodge Ram, het ons die Bow, Highwood, Little Bow, Old Man, South Saskatchewan, Battle, Frenchman's riviere en selfs 'n paar spruite oorgesteek, veral Maple en Bullshead. Ons het gehoop om langs die Melkrivier af te dryf, maar dit was vol mis, danksy die beeste wat stroomop waai. Dit is 'n land wat droogte ken, en daar is baie mensgemaakte pogings om water op te vang-damme en uitgrawings en besproeiingskanale.

Die Melkrivier kronkel deur Writing-on-Stone Provincial Park in Alberta met die Sweetgrass-heuwels van Montana in die agtergrond

Spoorlyne kruis die land. Ons het spoorwaens gesien wat prairiegraan by hysbakke in klein dorpies laai, kalium in die weste na uitvoerterminale vervoer en tenkwaens gelaai met olie wat nie in pypleidings gedruk kon word nie. En die paaie, veral die goed gegradeerde hoë-gesentreerde grondpaaie in Saskatchewan, het gewaagde paadjies deur die landskap gelê in patrone wat honderd kilometer reguit as 'n pyl sou wees, en dan skielik in terugskakelings en zig-zags verander.

Korrelhyser in Eastend, Saskatchewan, die jeughuis van die skrywer, Wallace Stegner, en die ligging van sy roman, Wolf Willow

My sitplek op die agterste sitplek was nie presies so 'n ingeboude perspektief as die van 'n bosbrand -uitkykpunt nie. Dit was nietemin verbasend maklik om die ekonomiese oorgange te onderskei en die kolletjies van die geskiedenis te verbind. U kon sien hoe die polisie in Noordwes ontwikkel het, by buiteposte in Fort MacLeod, Writing-on-Stone en Cypress Hills. Ek kon my voorstel hoe mans in rooi probeer om perde -diewe en whisky -handelaars in toom te hou. Ek kon die mislukte drome van grensmanne en -vroue in die verlate opstal sien, die geslote kerke en skoolhuise, die hartseer in klein begraafplase. Nola en Brian se gesinne was deel van hierdie rou geskiedenis, en hul verhale het ons siening nog ryker gemaak.

En in die meer onlangse geskiedenis was die bewys van 'vordering' duidelik. Dikwels is die bordjies vir die Saskatchewan Grain Pool by hysbakke in die stad oorgeverf. En ons het ons eerder aangetrokke tot die glans van staalgraanbakke wat in perfekte rye op individuele plase staan. Nadat ek op 'n veeboerdery in die suide van Ontario grootgeword het, waar ons eenjariges gestuur het vanaf plekke soos Maple Creek, Saskatchewan, word my eie boerdery idillies herroep toe ons die dubbeldekker-vragmotors ontmoet wat kalwers van boerderye in familie vervoer het. Omdat ons nie die soetheid van hierdie herinneringe wou verloor nie, het ons om die vleisverpakkingsaanlegte in Brooks en die voerkraalstraat noordwes van Lethbridge gegaan.

Die heiligheid van hierdie landskap was soms so tasbaar dat almal in ons vragmotor stil geword het en net asemgehaal het. Op plekke waar toeriste saamgedrom het, was dit 'n bietjie meer uitdagend om die land te hoor praat. Maar binne die veiligheid van 'n vragmotor, onder vriende, kon jy soms die pols voel.

Hierdie land is altyd so flou geëts met die lewens van geslagte van ons eerste mense. Maar dikwels moes ons baie hard soek om hierdie plekke te vind. Die tipiringe van die First Nations se stamme was dikwels toegegroei met gras. Die medisynewiele in Majorville het ons drie afsonderlike besoeke geneem om hulself te onthul. Rotstekeninge by Writing-on-Stone vereis 'n fyn oog om die betekenis daarvan te begryp. Selfs die klippe wat deur buffels glad gevryf is, was nie van ander rotse te onderskei totdat jy naby gekom het nie. Daar is baie inheemse wat verkies dat hul geestelike en wilde plekke onduidelik bly, beskerm teen openbare ondersoek. Miskien weerstaan ​​hulle, soos Venesiërs wat die aantal toeriste wat hul eilande besoek, wil beperk, dat hierdie heiligheid besmet word.

Medicine Wheel in Majorville, Alberta

Het ons dus verstaan ​​wat werklik wild is ... en waarom verlang ons na hierdie wildheid?

Dit is nie eenvoudige vrae nie. Terwyl ons in die bakkie ry, bespreek ons ​​die eerste vraag, aan en af. Diskwalifiseer die mens om 'n enkele boom of 'n hele bos te kap, vir ewig 'n landskap as 'n wilde natuur? Baie van hierdie debat hang af van die vraag hoe ons die mens beskou - as 'n buitestaander of as 'n integrale deel van die natuur. Daar is plekke, wilde plekke, diep in die Kananaskis-vallei in die Rocky Mountains van Alberta, waar strookmynery 'n eeu gelede plaasgevind het, maar stappers en langlaufers vaar steeds oor die terrein via "Coal Mine" -roetes en "Mine Scar" -terreine. In die Rumsey -blok, suid van Stettler Alberta, is weiding probeer, en dit het misluk dat die gebied nie regtig 'n wildernisreservaat is nie, dit word beskryf as 'n ononderbroke park en is amper sonder beskawing. Dit voel wild. Verder noord, in die Canadian Shield -terrein noord van die Athabasca -meer en Fort Chipewyan, is die landskap die tuiste van min mense en voel die meeste wild. En tog het ons almal geweet van minder afgeleë plekke waar daar 'n wilde natuur bestaan, waar ons gevoel het die wêreld is ongetem, soos dit aan ons gegee is. Miskien 'n tuin, of soos Philip Connors suggereer, in 'n paar graslote in 'n verwaarloosde hoek van 'n stegie in New York. Ons gevolgtrekking? Wildernis word deur wetgewers gedefinieer en wetenskaplikes wilheid word gedefinieer deur ons individuele sintuie.

Nou, die moeiliker vraag: Waarom soek ons ​​die natuur? Ons het baie idees gehad. Wildernis gee ons 'n blik op hoe die landskap voor mense voor die beskawing was. Deur die wilde landskap te sien, kan ons die patrone opspoor en die raaisels van ons eie menslikheid raakvat, waar ons vandaan kom, die grondslag van ons wese en identiteit, die menslike bloudruk, ons ontstaan, ons grondslag. Dit kan elke laag beskawing verwyder. Dus, die waarneming van wild gaan meer oor die leer as om te leer? Wildernis kan kalmerend wees, dit kan energiek wees. Dit is soos om in die tuin van Eden te wandel - transenderend en tydloos. Vir inheemse mense het landskap gees. Selfs al is ons nie bewus van hierdie gees nie, soek ons ​​dit miskien onbewustelik in die natuur.

Petroglief geëts op die sandsteen by Writing-on-Stone wat deur sommige geïnterpreteer is as 'n beeld van die landskap (die Sweetgrass Hills van Montana op die agtergrond). Die twee kolletjies dui aan dat die landskap gees het.

Henry David Thoreau, die Amerikaanse digter wat beroemd gesê het: "In Wildness is the preservation of the world" het geglo dat mense wild wil hê om hul voortbestaan ​​te verseker. In sy opstel “Stap, ”Verduidelik Thoreau hoe die rou natuur generasies gelede geneig was om angs en angs te wek by“ beskaafde ”mense, wildheid wat Andersheid en die Onbekende verteenwoordig. Vandag word wildernis gewoonlik gesien as iets goeds wat bewaar moet word.

En omdat ek die skryf van Wallace Stegner liefhet, laat ek uittreksels uit 'n brief wat Stegner in 1960 geskryf het, aan die Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission oor die Idee van Wildernis:

'Sonder 'n oorblywende wildernis is ons heeltemal, sonder kans vir selfs 'n kort nadenke en rus, daartoe verbind om 'n voorsprong in ons tegnologiese termietlewe, die dapper nuwe wêreld van 'n volkome beheerde omgewing, in te gaan. Ons het wildernis bewaar - soveel daarvan as wat nog oor is, en soveel soorte - omdat dit die uitdaging was waarteen ons karakter as volk gevorm is. Die herinnering en die versekering dat dit nog steeds daar is, is goed vir ons geestelike gesondheid, selfs al sit ons nooit een keer in tien jaar daarin nie. Dit is goed vir ons as ons jonk is, as gevolg van die onvergelyklike gesonde verstand wat dit kortliks as vakansie en rus in ons kranksinnige lewens kan bring. Dit is vir ons belangrik as ons oud is bloot omdat dit daar is - belangrik, dit wil sê bloot as 'n idee ...

Vir myself het ek grootgeword op die leë vlaktes van Saskatchewan en Montana en in die berge van Utah, en ek het 'n baie hoë waardering geplaas op wat die plekke my gegee het. En as ek nie van tyd tot tyd kon hernu in die berge en woestyne van Wes -Amerika nie, sou ek amper 'n bughuis gewees het. Selfs as ek nie in die agterland kan kom nie, die gedagte aan die gekleurde woestyne in die suide van Utah, of die versekering dat daar nog stukke prairies is waar die wêreld onmiddellik as skyf en bak beskou kan word, en waar die klein maar intens belangrike mens is blootgestel aan die vyf rigtings van die ses-en-dertig winde, is 'n positiewe troos. Die idee alleen kan my ondersteun ...

Ons het eenvoudig daardie wilde land nodig wat vir ons beskikbaar is, al doen ons nooit meer as om na die rand daarvan te kyk nie. Want dit kan 'n manier wees om ons te vergewis van ons gesonde verstand as wesens, 'n deel van die geografie van hoop. "
Hierdie grenslande Chautauqua, die geleentheid om na die rand van die natuur in hierdie klein stukke in die suide van Alberta en Saskatchewan te ry, herleef. Dit was alles tegelyk stimulerend en vernederend. En bowenal kon ons 'n paar lae van die beskawing afskud en terugdink aan wie ons werklik is as klein mense in hierdie magtige landskap. Die aangebore waardigheid van hierdie landskap was tasbaar.

Nou, tuis in Calgary, gee die idee van wildheid en die wete dat vroeëre inwoners van hierdie landskap volhard het, my praktiese hoop. En die verbeeldingryke kind wat diep in my begrawe is, wil die boek van Maurice Sendak oopmaak, 'Waar die wilde goed is" en skree vir my mede -prairiebewoners:

Glo! Ons kan deur hierdie moeilike plek in ons geskiedenis en ekonomie kom. Ons kan dit doen. Laat ons ons verbeelding oopmaak en 'Laat die Wild Rumpus begin!'

Van "Waar die wilde goed is"'N prentjieboek uit 1963 van Maurice Sendak


Slag

Die volle Britse mag het die Amerikaners opgevolg en om 17:00 by Twenty Mile Creek aangekom. daardie dag. Die mag bestaan ​​uit twee kompanjies van gereelde persone (die ligte kompanie van die 1ste Bataljon, die 1ste Regiment van Voet (Royal Scots), wat 101 man tel, en die ligte geselskap van die 2de Bataljon, 89ste Regiment van Voet, met 45 man), twee voltydse militia-eenhede (die Loyal Kent Volunteers en Caldwell's Western Rangers, met 50 man tussen hulle) en 44 inheemse Amerikaanse krygers (Wyandots en Potawatomis onder Sauganash, of Billy Caldwell soos hy aan die Britte bekend was). In totaal het hierdie mag ongeveer 240 man getel. Die Britse bevelvoerder in Delaware, kaptein Stewart van die Royal Scots, het nie optrede verwag nie en het met kolonel Matthew Elliot van die Essex Militia gaan beraadslaag, sodat die mag onder bevel was van kaptein James Lewis Basden van die 89ste. [1]

Alhoewel Basden slegs 'n rowwe idee gehad het van die grond en Amerikaanse sterkte uit die vroeëre verkenning van die Rangers, val hy nietemin onmiddellik aan. Hy het die Rangers en Vrywilligers beveel om die Amerikaners in die noorde en die inheemse krygers te flank om dieselfde uit die suide te doen, terwyl hy self die stamgaste direk teen die voorkant van die Amerikaanse posisie gelei het. Die Rangers, milisie en Indiërs het die spruit binne die bereik van die Amerikaanse posisie oorgesteek en op die flanke begin skermutseling. Die gereeldes het met 'n klein effek teen die Amerikaanse sentrum losgebrand. Basden het daarna 'n aanklag teen die Amerikaanse posisie gelei. Toe die Britte in die rigting van die brug, in 'n kolom langs die smal pad, vorder, gooi die Amerikaners 'n verwelkende vuur in en sny die voorste troepe af. [9]

Basden het eers van die abati bewus geword nadat die Britte die brug oorgesteek het, maar het nietemin 'n opgang teen die heuwel gelei. Die Britte was nie in staat om die ysige helling in die lig van die hewige vuur te klim nie en is teruggeslaan. Basden is self in die been gewond, en kaptein Johnston, wat die ligte geselskap van die Royal Scots gelei het, is dood. Die Britse stamgaste val toe terug in die kloof waardeur die spruit vloei en probeer om die Amerikaners met muskietvuur van agter bome van die heuwel af te verdryf, maar die Amerikaners wat van 'n hoogte af skiet, het groot ongevalle veroorsaak. [10]

Op die flanke het die Indiane nie hul aanval gedruk nie. Die Rangers was meer suksesvol, maar was te min om 'n aanval op die Amerikaanse posisie te waag. [11] Soos die donker omstreeks 18:30 val. die hele Britse mag, nou onder bevel van Ensign Mills of the 2/89th, het teruggetrek.

Die Britte het 14 dood, 51 gewond, 1 gewonde gevangene en 1 vermis gely. [3] Die Amerikaners verloor 4 dood en 3 gewondes. [4]


Slag

King se aanval

Die mag van Captain King het onder die vuur van die verdedigers by die Rooi Huis beland en aangekla. Luitenant Lamont se losskakeling van die 49ste regiment het King se mag drie keer teruggedryf, maar King het 'n vierde aanval gedoen wat die Britse linkerflank getref het en sy party oorweldig het, Lamont gevange geneem en al sy mans doodgemaak, geneem of versprei het. [16] Die seëvierende Amerikaners het die paal aan die brand gesteek, die gewere gespits en teruggegaan na die landingspunt, waar hulle verwag het dat hul bote weer sou beland het om dit te ontruim. In die maanlose duisternis het King se mag egter versprei en in twee partye verdeel: een onder leiding van King en die ander deur luitenant Angus. Angus keer terug na die landingspunt en vind slegs vier van die tien bote van die party daar. Onbewus daarvan dat die ses vermiste bote in werklikheid nie geland het nie, het Angus aangeneem dat King reeds vertrek het, en hy het die rivier in die oorblywende bote weer oorgesteek. Toe King se geselskap die landingspunt bereik, was hulle vasbeslote. [17] By 'n soektog langs die rivier het twee Britse bote sonder toesig afgekom, [18] waarin King die helfte van sy manne en die gevangenes wat hy gevange geneem het, oor die Niagara gestuur het terwyl hy saam met sy oorblywende mans gewag het dat nog bote uit Buffalo en tel hom op. [19]

Boerstler se aanval

Lt. -kolonel Boerstler het na Frenchman's Creek gegaan, maar vier van sy elf bote, "mislei deur die donkerte van die nag of die onervare roeiers wat hulle nie kon dwing om oor die stroom te val nie, val onder, naby die brug en word gedwing om terug te keer". [20] Nietemin het Boerstler se sewe oorblywende bote 'n landing gedwing, teëgestaan ​​deur luitenant Bartley en sy 37 man van die 49ste regiment. Nadat hulle van Bartley afgery het, word Boerstler se manne aangeval deur kaptein Bostwick se twee maatskappye van Norfolk Militia, wat van Black Rock Ferry gevorder het. Na 'n vuurwisseling waarin Bostwick se mag 3 dood, 15 gewond en 6 gevange verloor het, het die Kanadese teruggetrek. [21] Boerstler het nou 'n ander probleem ondervind: baie van die byle wat voorsien is vir die vernietiging van die Frenchman's Creek -brug, was in die vier bote wat teruggedraai het en die wat in die sewe oorblywende bote was, is agtergelaat toe die Amerikaners hul pad beveg het aan wal. Boerstler het 'n party onder luitenant Waring gestuur om 'die brug op enige manier te breek'. Waring het ongeveer 'n derde van die plank op die brug geskeur toe 'n gevangene verneem het dat "die hele mag van Fort Erie op hulle afstorm". Boerstler het vinnig weer sy bevel oorgeneem en terug geroei na Buffalo, wat luitenant Waring en sy partytjie van agt man by die brug agtergelaat het. [22]

Britse reaksie

In reaksie op die aanval het majoor Ormsby gevorder van Fort Erie na Frenchman's Creek met sy 80 man van die 49ste regiment, waarby hy saam met Lt. McIntyre se 70 ligte infanteriste, majoor Hatt's Lincoln Militia en 'n paar Britse geallieerde inheemse Amerikaners onder majoor Givins . Omdat hy gevind het dat Boerstler se indringers reeds weg was en geen ander vyand se teenwoordigheid in die pikdonker kon bepaal nie, bly Ormsby se 300 man in posisie tot dagbreek, toe luitenant -kolonel Bisshopp van Fort Erie aankom. Bisshopp het die mag na die Rooi Huis gelei, waar hulle kaptein King en sy manne gevind het wat nog wag om ontruim te word. Konstig in die getal, gee King oor. [23]

Winder se versterking

Intussen het Smyth kolonel Winder oor die rivier gestuur om King se losbandigheid te versterk. [19] Winder het luitenant Waring en sy geselskap [24] opgetel en toe geland. Hy het egter slegs 'n deel van sy mag uitgestap toe 'n groot Britse mag verskyn het. Winder beveel sy manne terug na hul bote en vertrek na Buffalo, maar sy bevel kom onder 'n ernstige brand terwyl hulle wegseil, wat hom 28 slagoffers kos. [3]

Deur die vuurwapens by die Rooi Huis se battery aan te steek, het die Amerikaners die belangrikste van hul twee doelwitte bereik: 'n indringermag kan nou tussen Chippawa en Fort Erie land sonder om artillerievuur in die gesig te staar. Die daaropvolgende gebeure sou hul diens egter nutteloos maak.


Skermutseling van Frenchman's Creek/ Red House, 28 November 1812 - Geskiedenis

Ek het pas 'n oorlog van 1812 voltooi waar twee van ons neefs deur die Britte gevange geneem is en 'n oom (hul pa en uit dieselfde geselskap) 'n jaar later gevange geneem en in 'n krygsgevangenekamp in Quebec City gesterf het. (Sien my plasing Slag van Frenchman ’s Creek, 28 November 1812)

Vandag het ek 'n ander neef gevind wat in die oorlog van 1812 deur die Britte gevange geneem is.

Benjamin COLEMAN ’se kleinseun Charles Colman (geb. kompanie bevelvoerder Kapt. Lemuel Bradford (b. 1 Desember 1775 -d. 14 Sept 1814 van wonde wat tydens die oorlog van 1812 opgedoen is) Let op: 14 September 1814 was die dag waarop Francis Scott Key sien dat ons vlag nog steeds daar was en#8221 in Fort McHenry.

Volgens sy inskrywing was Charles 5 ′ 11 1/4 ″ of 6 ′ 0 ″ [Baie lank vir daardie dae]. Blou oë, rooi hare, ligte gelaat Yeoman of skoolmeester Newburyport of Boston.

Charles was in die rol van Amerikaanse krygsgevangenes wat in die skoen kom Lignan te Salem, 16 Maart 1815 gevang te Sixtown Point, Henderson Bay op 28 Mei 1813. M.R. kaptein James Green Jr ’s. detachement Fort Pickering 20 Maart 1815. Present – Book 569 Ontsluit 1 Mei 1815

Kaart van New York, die rooi punt is Sackets Harbour

Die Slag van Sacket ’s Harbour, (Ook genoem die 2de Slag van Sacket ’s Harbour) het plaasgevind op 29 Mei 1813. 'n Britse mag is oor die Ontariomeer vervoer en gepoog om die stad, wat die belangrikste hawe en basis vir die Amerikaanse vloot eskader was, te verower meer. Hulle is deur Amerikaanse stamgemeente en milisie afgeweer.

Isaac Chauncey (1779-1840) was tydens die oorlog van 1812 bevel oor Amerikaanse vlootmagte op die Ontariomeer

Die Britse mag het laat op 27 Mei vertrek en die volgende oggend vroeg by Sacket ’s Harbour aangekom. Die wind was baie lig, wat dit vir kaptein James Lucas Yeo (bevelvoerder van die Britse vlootmag op die Groot Mere) bemoeilik het om naby die strand te beweeg. Hy was ook onbekend met die plaaslike toestande en dieptes van water. Kort voor die middag op 28 Mei het die troepe aan wal begin roei, maar onbekende seile is in die verte gesien. As die kaptein [later kommodoor] Isaac Chauncey se vloot moontlik was, is die aanval afgestel en die troepe keer terug na die skepe. Die vreemde seile behoort aan twaalf bateaux wat troepe van die 9de en 21ste Amerikaanse regimente van Infanterie van Oswego na Sackets Harbour. Die Britte het drie groot kano's vol inheemse Amerikaanse krygers en 'n kanonboot met 'n deel van die Glengarry Light Infantry gestuur om hulle te onderskep.

Die 21ste regiment van Charles Coleman is van Oswego na Sackets Harbour vervoer toe dit op 27 Mei 1813 deur die Britte onderskep is.

Die Britse mag het die konvooi van Stoney Point op Hendersonbaai ingehaal. Terwyl die Britte losgebrand het, het die Amerikaners, wat meestal rou rekrute was, hul bateaux (barge) by Stoney Point geland en in die bos gevlug. [Google Maps se aanwysings vanaf Stony Point na Sackets Harbour 13.5 Miles – 25 minute] Die inboorlinge het hulle deur die bome agternagesit en opgejaag. Na ongeveer 'n halfuur, waarin hulle 35 mense doodgemaak het, het die oorlewende Amerikaanse troepe hul vaartuie teruggekry en 'n wit vlag gehys. Die senior offisier het na die vloot van Yeo geroei en sy oorblywende mag van 115 offisiere en mans, waaronder Charles Coleman, oorgegee. Slegs sewe van die Amerikaanse troepe het ontsnap en die Sackett ’s Harbour bereik.

'N Ander verslag: Op 28 Mei 1813 verskyn 'n vloot van Britse oorlogskepe by die monding van Black River Bay. Die weer was egter ellendig, met swak sig en die meer kalm. Dit het die Britse vloot verhinder om die hawe in te vaar. So hulle het gewag. Deur die mis het hulle opgemerk dat bakke gelaai met versterkings, elemente van die 9de en 21ste Amerikaanse infanterie van Oswego, op pad was na die hawe. Die Britte het hul Indiese bondgenote gestuur om die skuitjies in te haal, wat uit vrees vir hul lewens by Stony Point aan wal getrek het. Baie van die soldate is agtervolg deur Indiërs en is gejag en vermoor. Ander bote wat die bloedbad gesien het, het direk na die Britse vloot getrek, eerder as om hul kanse op die wal te waag teen die Indiane. Hierdie skermutseling staan ​​bekend as die Slag van Stony Point.

Op 28 Mei 1813 het Sir James Lucas Yeo, bevelvoerder van die Royal Navy on the Great Lakes, 115 Amerikaanse troepe, waaronder Charles Coleman, gevange geneem.

Hierdie vertraging het die Amerikaners nietemin tyd gegee om hul verdediging te versterk.

Ek het 'n boek op archive.org gevind wat in 1879 uitgegee is deur Charles Colman se neef en vrou Sarah Ann Smith (geb. 1787 - 1879) getiteld Reminiscenses of a Nonagenarian.

Hierdie boek bevat baie interessante en amusante staaltjies oor die Colman -familie wat ek sal deel. Hier is wat sy moet byvoeg by die verhaal van Charles Colman en die Slag van Sackett's Harbour.

Charles is gevange geneem, as gyselaar aangehou en in die gevangenis in Quebec opgesluit. Met twee ander het hy ontsnap. Having stolen a calf, which they managed to dress and roast, they made the best of their way through the woods for several days, but were so blinded by mosquito bites they were unable to proceed, and were recaptured. Afterwards Mr. Colman was taken to Halifax. At the disbanding of the army he returned home, where he learned that at the time he was taken prisoner a Colonel’s commission was on the way to him, which he failed to get. But later he received the deed of one hundred and sixty acres of land, as other soldiers.

Back to the Battle of Sacket’s Harbor

The next morning, 29 May, Prevost resumed the attack. The British troops landed on Horse Island, south of the town, under fire from two 6-pounder field guns belonging to the militia and a naval 32-pounder firing at long range from Fort Tompkins. They also faced musket fire from the Albany Volunteers defending the island. Although the British lost several men in the boats, they succeeded in landing, and the Volunteers withdrew. Once the landing force was fully assembled, they charged across the flooded causeway linking the island to the shore. Although the British should have been an easy target at this point, the American militia fled, abandoning their guns. Brigadier General Brown eventually rallied about 100 of them.

The British swung to their left, hoping to take the town and dockyard from the landward side, but the American regulars with some field guns gave ground only slowly, and fell back behind their blockhouses and defenses from where they repulsed every British attempt to storm their fortifications.

2010 Reenactment Battle of Sackett’s Harbor

Yeo had gone ashore to accompany the troops, and none of the larger British vessels were brought into a range at which they could support the attack. The small British gunboats, which could approach very close to the shore, were armed only with small, short-range carronades which were ineffective against the American defences.

Sacket’s Harbor during the War of 1812

Eventually one British ship, the Beresford, mounting 16 guns, worked close in using sweeps (long oars). When its crew opened fire they quickly drove the American artillerymen from Fort Tompkins. Sommige van die Beresford’s shot went over the fort and landed in and around the dockyard. Under the mistaken impression that the fort had surrendered, a young American naval officer, Acting Lieutenant John Drury, ordered the sloop of war General Pike which was under construction and large quantities of stores to be set on fire. Lieutenant Woolcott Chauncey had orders to defend the yard rather than the schooners, but had instead gone aboard one of the schooners, which were engaging the British vessels at long and ineffective range.

The “enemy” ship, Fair Jeanne, fires at Sackets Harbor — The 110 foot Canadian Brigantine Fair Jeanne travels the world. This Tall Ships training program has graduated over 2,000 young sailors.

By this time, Governor General of Canada, Lieutenant General Sir George Prevost was convinced that success was impossible to attain. His own field guns did not come into action and without them he was unable to batter breaches in the American defenses, while the militia which Brown had rallied were attacking his own right flank and rear. He gave the order to retreat. Prevost later wrote that the enemy had been beaten and that the retreat was carried out in perfect order, but other accounts by British soldiers stated that the re-embarkation took place in disorder and each unit acrimoniously blamed the others for the repulse.

The Americans for their part claimed that had Prevost not retreated hastily when he did, he would never have returned to Kingston. The U.S. 9th Infantry had been force-marching to the sounds of battle, but the British had departed before they could intervene.

The British defeat at Sacket’s Harbor compared badly with the victorious American opposed landings at York and Fort George, even though the odds at Sackett’s Harbor were slightly more favourable to the defenders. The chief reason was probably that the attack was launched without sufficient preparation, planning and rehearsal. The troops were an ad hoc collection of detachments, which had not been exercised together. This applied to the American regulars also, but since they were fighting from behind fixed defences, this mattered less.

Another account of the end of the battle and aftermath — The British commanders at the same time began to notice a rising plume of dust to the west of the village. They had learned from Americans captured at Stony Point that a column of Tuttle’s 9th Infantry had marched from Oswego the previous morning. Fearing these to be fresh reinforcements who would arrive on their rear, the British commander, Sir George Prevost, sounded a retreat. Tired and beaten, the British broke ranks and ran back to their landing boats, not even stopping to gather their wounded and dead. Once the landing party was safely back to the British fleet, they sent a representative under a flag of truce to ask that a landing party be allowed to tend to the casualties. The Americans refused.

In the aftermath of the battle, the fires in the Navy Yard were extinguished, but not before more than $500,000 worth of supplies and materials had been consumed. The new ship was saved with only minor damage. The wounded soldiers were taken to several homes in the village for care. One of these homes was the Sacket Mansion. The British were also tended to, while the dead were placed in an unmarked grave south of the village. The location of this grave has yet to be found. In all, the Americans lost 21 dead, 84 wounded and 26 missing. The British fared far worse for their effort: 48 dead, 195 wounded, and 16 missing.

So who won the battle? The British object was to destroy the Navy Yard and recapture supplies taken from York [today’s Toronto] and Gananoque. Thanks to some panicked Americans, they succeeded in destroying the Navy Yard and refusing the Americans use of their stores. Although the new ship was saved, the loss of rigging and sails in the fire delayed her commission for months and gave the British clear reign on Lake Ontario. The 250 or so Americans left at Fort Tompkins were beaten, and would not have held out long against an all-out British assault. The Americans, for their part however, inflicted disproportionately heavy damage on the British, something that Sir George Prevost would have to answer for in the coming months.

Sackets Harbor just after the War of 1812 by 19th-century artist William Strickland

[Based out of Hamilton, Ontario, the 21st U.S. (Treat’s Company) seeks to recreate the life and times of a Soldier of the United States during the War of 1812]

They Built Things Better in the Past?

The ships the British and Americans were fighting to destroy and protect left something to be desired in the quality department. Here’s an historical note about their poor workmanship by Dr. Gary M. Gibson:

When something breaks shortly after you bought it, you might complain that “they built things better in the past.” However, if the past was Sackets Harbor during the War of 1812 and the items were warships, you would be well to prefer today’s models.

Between 1812 and 1815 the United States and Great Britain engaged in a war of ship carpenters. Although there were no major naval battles on Lake Ontario to compare with the actions on Lake Erie in 1813 and Lake Champlain in 1814, the shipbuilding efforts on Ontario far surpassed those on the other lakes. Workmen at the American shipyard at Sackets Harbor and the British shipyard at Kingston, Upper Canada, competed to be the first to build enough warships to gain and maintain control of Lake Ontario.

This competition led to hasty work. On the Atlantic, building a 44-gun frigate could easily take two or three years. At Sackets Harbor that feat was accomplished in two months. Even the first warship built at Sackets Harbor, the 24-gun [corvette]USS Madison, was ready to launch in only 45 days.

All this construction required skilled ship carpenters, and at Sackets Harbor there were never enough of them. The gap was filled by hiring common house carpenters. Unfortunately, you did not build a wooden warship like you did a barn. The shipwright at Sackets Harbor, Henry Eckford., had to compensate for this by altering the design to make the vessels easier (and faster) to build.

This nearly lead to disaster. In September 1814, the 22-gun brig USS Jefferson encountered a fierce gale on Lake Ontario and the vessel, rolling heavily and “twice on her beam ends” began to come apart. To save the ship, the captain, Charles G. Ridgeley, had to lighten the load on deck by throwing ten of her cannon overboard.

In January 1815 construction began on two huge warships, the 106-gun New Orleans and Chippewa.

[The first-rate ship-of-the-line, New Orleans was designed to carry a crew of 900 and was enclosed in a huge wooden ship house to protect it for future use, but in 1817, the Rush-Bagot Treaty between the United States and Great Britain limited all naval forces on the Great Lakes. The treaty provided for a large demilitarization of lakes along the international boundary, where many British naval arrangements and forts remained. The treaty stipulated that the United States and British North America could each maintain one military vessel (no more than 100 tons burden) as well as one cannon (no more than eighteen pounds) on Lake Ontario and Lake Champlain. The remaining Great Lakes permitted the United States and British North America to keep two military vessels “of like burden” on the waters armed with “like force”. The treaty, and the separate Treaty of 1818, laid the basis for a demilitarized boundary between the U.S. and British North America.]

[In 1816, a year after construction began] , with the war now over, a British foreman of shipwrights, John Aldersley, visited Sackets Harbor and inspected the incomplete New Orleans. He saw “the most abominable, neglectful, slovenly work ever performed …the timbers are in many instances thrown in one upon the other, without even the bark of the tree being taken off.” Aldersley noted that the New Orleans’ gun ports were created after the ship’s sides were completed, “the same as the doors and windows are cut out after a log house is framed.”

The incomplete USS New Orleans in 1883, the year she was sold for scrapping. She remained on the stocks, housed over, until sold on 24 September 1883 to H. Wilkinson, Jr., of Syracuse, New York.

Built quickly out of green wood, few of these warships survived for long. By the early 1820s most were reported to be “sunk and decayed.” The only exceptions were the incomplete New Orleans and Chippewa, which remained in good condition only because they had expensive shiphouses built over them. As a result, the New Orleans, slovenly construction notwithstanding, was still considered useful as late as the American Civil War, a half century later.

The Great Rope — One Last Fun Story

In May 1814, 84 men carried a ship’s cable weighing five tons from the mouth of Sandy Creek to Sackets Harbor, a distance of 20 miles. It took two days and they were left battered and bruised, but they did the job “can-do” American style.

The serpentine line of cable-carriers passed from village to village during the 20-mile journey where they were met with growing enthusiasm, refreshments, and replacements for those too exhausted or injured to continue. Mats of woven grass were fashioned to protect the shoulders of cable-carriers but all had large bruises. It was said that some carried the callous or mark on their shoulders the rest of their lives.

The Great Rope was the main anchor cable for the “Superior”, a frigate launched May 1, 1814 from Sackets Harbor under the command of Issac Chauncy. When armed, she was to carry 66 guns. The rope, under guard in Oswego, was 22 inches around and weighed 9,600 pounds. Although the rope traveled by boat most of the way, due to heavy fighting on Lake Ontario, the last leg of the trip was made over land on the backs of men. Here’s the complete story “.Events Surrounding The Battle of Big Sandy and the Carrying of the Great Rope in 1814 and the Ensuing 185 Years.” by Blaine Bettinger.

This reenactment rope is undersized. Plus the locals were the ones who pitched in and they wouldn’t have had hats with feathers. The original ships’ cable would have been four times as thick and heavy as the one depicted here.


Opposing forces

Major General Riall commanded 370 of the 1st Battalion, 1st Regiment (Royal Scots), 240 of the 1st Battalion, 8th (King's) Regiment, 250 of the 41st Regiment, 55 of the light infantry company of the 2nd Battalion, 89th Regiment, 50 of the grenadier company of the 100th (Prince Regent's County of Dublin) Regiment, 50 Canadian militia and 400 Native Americans allied to the British. In total, the force numbered 1,415 officers and men. [1]

Available to the American area commander, Major General Amos Hall of the New York Militia, were 2,011 men, all of them volunteers or militia. Stationed at Buffalo were 129 cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel Seymour Boughton, 433 Ontario County volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Blakeslee, 136 Buffalo Militia under Lieutenant Colonel Cyrenius Chapin, 97 of the Corps of Canadian Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Benajah Mallory, 382 of the Genesse Militia Regiment under Major Adams and 307 Chautauqua Militia under Lieutenant Colonel John McMahon. At Black Rock were 382 of Lieutenant Colonel Warren's and Lieutenant Colonel Churchill's Regiments under Brigadier General Timothy Hopkins, 37 mounted infantry under Captain Ransom, 83 Native Americans under Lieutenant Colonel Erastus Granger and 25 militia artillerymen with a six-pounder gun under Lieutenant Seeley. [9]


National Post, Tristin Hopper Jun 23, 2012 Postmedia News files A War of 1812 re-enactment. Although the Iroquois originally planned to stay neutral in the war, Six Nations warriors ultimately sided with both Americans and British forces — something “that &hellip Continue reading &rarr

timescolonist.com (June 2012) ‘We usually pounce’ on offers, heritage minister’s office says By Melanie Karalis, Times Colonist June 23, 2012 ‘We usually pounce’ on offers, heritage minister’s office says Mike Gifford holds the medal that was given to his great, &hellip Continue reading &rarr


Slag

Preliminary movements

Early on 25 July, the British Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, Lieutenant General Gordon Drummond, arrived in Fort George to take personal command on the Niagara peninsula. He immediately ordered a force under Lieutenant Colonel John Tucker to advance south from Fort Niagara (which the British had captured in December 1813) along the east side of the Niagara River, hoping this would force Brown to evacuate the west bank. [13] Instead, Brown ordered an advance north, intending in turn to force the British to recall Tucker's column to protect Fort George. The Americans apparently did not know that the British held Lundy's Lane in strength.

As soon as Riall knew the Americans were advancing, he ordered his troops to fall back to Fort George and ordered another column under Colonel to move from St. Davids to Queenston to cover his withdrawal, rather than advance to his support. These orders were countermanded by Drummond, who had force-marched a detachment of reinforcements to Lundy's Lane from Fort George. The British were still reoccupying their positions when the first American units came into view, at about 6:00 pm. [14]

Scott's attack

Lundy's Lane was a spur from the main Portage Road alongside the Niagara River. It ran along the summit of some rising ground (about 25 feet higher than the surrounding area) and therefore commanded good views of the area. The British artillery (two 24-pounder and two 6-pounder guns, one 5.5-inch howitzer and a Congreve rocket detachment) were massed in a cemetery at the highest point of the battlefield.

The American 1st Brigade of regulars under Winfield Scott emerged in the late afternoon from a forest into an open field and was badly mauled by the British artillery. [15] Scott sent the 25th U.S. Infantry, commanded by Major Thomas Jesup, to outflank the British left. The 25th found a disused track leading to a landing stage on the river and used it to pass round the British flank. They caught the British and Canadian units there (the light company of the 1st Battalion of the 8th (King's) Regiment and the Upper Canada Incorporated Militia Battalion) while they were redeploying and unaware of the American presence, and drove them back in confusion. The British and Canadians rallied, but had been driven off the Portage Road. Jesup sent Captain Ketchum's light infantry company to secure the junction of Lundy's Lane and the Portage Road. Ketchum's company captured large numbers of wounded and messengers, including Major General Riall, who had been wounded in one arm and was riding to the rear. Most of the prisoners escaped when Ketchum, having briefly rejoined Jesup, ran into an enemy unit while trying to return to the main body of the American army, although Riall and militia cavalry leader Captain William Hamilton Merritt remained prisoners. [16]

Jesup's action and the steadiness of Scott's brigade persuaded Drummond to withdraw his centre to maintain alignment with his left flank, and also pull back the Glengarry Light Infantry, who had been harassing Scott's own left flank. The withdrawal of Drummond's center left the artillery exposed in front of the infantry. [17]

Brown's attack

By nightfall, Scott's brigade had suffered heavy casualties. Brown had arrived late in the day with the American main body (the 2nd Brigade of regulars under Brigadier General Eleazer Wheelock Ripley and a brigade of volunteers from the militia under Brigadier General Peter B. Porter). As Ripley and Porter relieved Scott's brigade, Brown ordered the 21st U.S. Infantry under Lieutenant Colonel James Miller to capture the British guns. Miller famously responded, "I'll try, Sir". [18]

While the British were distracted by another attack by the 1st U.S. Infantry on their right, Miller's troops deployed within a few yards of the British artillery. They fired a volley of musketry that killed most of the gunners and followed up with a bayonet charge this captured the guns and drove the British centre from the hill. The British infantry immediately behind the guns (the 2nd Battalion of the 89th Foot) tried to counter-attack, but were driven back by Miller and Ripley. [ aanhaling nodig ]

Meanwhile, the British column under Colonel Hercules Scott was arriving on the field, already tired from its unnecessary diversion via Queenston. Unaware of the changed situation, they blundered into Ripley's brigade and were also driven back in disorder, losing their own three 6-pounder guns. These were recovered by a charge by the light company of the 41st Foot, but were either abandoned again [17] or remained in British hands but could not be brought into action as the drivers and gunners had been scattered. [19]

Drummond's counter-attack

While the Americans tried to deploy their own artillery among the captured British guns, Drummond (who had been wounded in the neck) reorganized his troops and mounted a determined attempt to retake his own cannon. There was no subtlety Drummond launched an attack in line, without attempting to use his many light infantry to harass or disorder the American line, [20] or to locate any weak points in it. The Americans beat back the attack after a short-range musketry duel over the abandoned British guns, in which both sides suffered heavy casualties. [21] The Glengarry Light Infantry, who had once again begun to harass the American left flank, were mistaken for Americans by other British units and forced to withdraw after suffering casualties from British fire.

Undeterred by his first failure, Drummond launched a second attack, using the same methods and formation as in the first. Although some American units wavered, they were rallied by Ripley and stood their ground. [22] While the combat was taking place, Winfield Scott led his depleted brigade (which had been reorganized into a single ad hoc battalion under Major Henry Leavenworth) in an unauthorized attack against Drummond's centre. Scott's brigade was engaged both by the British and by units of Ripley's brigade, who were not aware of the identity of the troops at which they were shooting. Drummond's line was driven back but Scott's men broke in disorder and retreated, before rallying on the American left. [23] Scott rode to join Jesup's regiment, still out on the right flank, but was severely wounded shortly afterwards.

Shortly before midnight, Drummond launched a third counter-attack, using every man he could find, [24] although by this time the British line consisted of mixed-up detachments and companies, rather than organised regiments and battalions. The fighting over the artillery was closer than before, with bayonets being used at one point, but again the exhausted British fell back.

End of the battle

By midnight both sides were spent. On the American side only 700 men were still standing in the line. Winfield Scott and Jacob Brown were both severely wounded. Brown would soon recover but Scott's injury removed him from the campaign. With supplies and water short, Brown ordered a retreat. Porter and Lieutenant Colonel Jacob Hindman (Brown's artillery commander) protested but complied. Ripley apparently did not learn of Brown's order until he realised that Hindman's artillery had been withdrawn. [25] Although urged by Porter to maintain his position, he also withdrew. [19] The British still had 1,400 men on the field but they were in no condition to interfere with the American withdrawal. Drummond had ordered some units to hold the Portage Road and left some light infantry outposts near the Americans, but had withdrawn the remainder a short distance west along Lundy's Lane. [26]

The American artillerymen had suffered severely during the fighting, and Hindman had difficulty finding sufficient draught horses to get all his guns away. One American 6-pounder gun had been lost earlier during the close-range fighting, when its drivers had been hit by musket fire and the horses drawing it had bolted into the British lines. [18] Hindman also had to abandon a howitzer with a broken carriage. The Americans were able to drag away one captured 6-pounder gun that had earlier been pushed to the bottom of the high ground in the centre of the former British position. [27] Hindman later found more horses and sent a team back to recover one of the prized British 24-pounder guns. The team was captured by British parties who were wandering around the battlefield. [28]


Geskiedenis

Following the Battle of Burnt Corn and the subsequent Fort Mims massacre, General Ferdinand Claiborne, under the orders of General Thomas Flournoy, began attempting to round-up troops to attack the Red Stick Creeks. By early December he had amassed a force of roughly 1000 men, including 150 Choctaw warriors under their leader, Pushmataha. Weatherford's Creeks numbered around 320 men. On December 22, 1813, Claiborne's force set up camp about 10 miles (16 km) south of Econochaca. Upon learning of this, the Creeks, under William Weatherford, evacuated women and children from settlement. On December 23 Claiborne attacked the defenses, killing between 20 and 30 Red Stick warriors and losing one man himself. Most of the Creeks escaped, with Weatherford riding his horse Arrow over the bluff and into the river while under fire. The U.S. forces then destroyed the encampment and the Creek supplies. [2] [3] [4]

The site is now home to Holy Ground Battlefield Park, maintained by the United States Army Corps of Engineers. [5] It was added to the Alabama Register of Landmarks and Heritage on May 26, 1976. [1]

Two active battalions of the Regular Army (1-1 Inf and 2-1 Inf) perpetuate the lineage of the old 3rd Infantry Regiment, elements of which were at the Battle of Econochaca.


Victory attributed to a miracle

With the Americans outnumbered it seemed as though the city of New Orleans was in danger of being captured. Consequently, the Ursuline nuns along with many faithful people of New Orleans gathered in the Ursuline Convent's chapel before the statue of Our Lady of Prompt Succor. They spent the night before the battle praying and crying before the holy statue, begging for the Virgin Mary's intercession. On the morning of January 8, the Very Rev. William Dubourg, Vicar General, offered Mass at the altar on which the statue of Our Lady of Prompt Succor had been placed. The Prioress of the Ursuline convent, Mother Ste. Marie Olivier de Vezin, made a vow to have a Mass of Thanksgiving sung annually should the American forces win. At the very moment of communion, a courier ran into the chapel to inform all those present that the British had been defeated. General Jackson went to the convent himself to thank the nuns for their prayers: "By the blessing of heaven, directing the valor of the troops under my command, one of the most brilliant victories in the annals of war was obtained." [ 42 ] The vow made by Mother Ste. Marie has been faithfully kept throughout the years. [ 43 ]


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