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Thomas J. Devine

Thomas J. Devine


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Thomas Devine is gebore in ongeveer 1926. Na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het hy by die Central Intelligence Agency aangesluit. Volgens 'n gedempte verklaring het Devine in 1953 die CIA verlaat om sy medewerker, George H. W. Bush, te help om die oliemaatskappy, Zapata Oil, te stig. Ander groot beleggers was Prescott Bush en Bill Liedtke.

In 1954 word Zapata Off-Shore Company gestig as 'n filiaal van Zapata Oil, met George H. Bush as president van die nuwe maatskappy. Volgens Bush se outobiografie het Eugene Meyer, die uitgewer van die Washington Post, en sy skoonseun, Philip Graham, was groot beleggers in die nuwe maatskappy.

Zapata Corporation verdeel in 1959 in onafhanklike maatskappye Zapata Petroleum en Zapata Off-Shore, onder leiding van George H. Bush, wat sy kantore van Midland na Houston verhuis het. In 1960 stig Bush 'n nuwe maatskappy, Perforaciones Marinas del Golfo (Permargo) saam met Edwin Pauley van Pan American Petroleum. Daar word beweer dat Pauley noue bande met Allen Dulles gehad het. Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het Pauley die voormalige kliënte van die broers Dulles gehelp om Nazi -bates uit Europa te verskuif.

In 1963 het Zapata Petroleum saamgesmelt met South Penn Oil en ander maatskappye om Pennzoil te word. In sy boek Familie van geheime: Die Bush -dinastie (2009) Russ Baker voer aan: "Vir Devine, wat destyds ongeveer sewe en twintig jaar oud was, om op so 'n jong ouderdom te bedank, so kort nadat die CIA baie tyd en geld bestee het om hom op te lei, was ten minste hoogs ongewoon. Dit sou egter blyk dat Devine 'n spesiale verhouding gehad het waarmee hy van die agentskap kon kom en gaan, wat hom in staat stel om ander dinge te doen sonder om werklik sy diensplig te verlaat. "

Na die verkoop van die onderneming word Devine lid van die beleggingsfirma Train, Cabot and Associates in New York. Volgens 'n CIA -memorandum was dit 'n "beleggingsbankfirma wat die (CIA) eie korporasie WUSALINE huisves en bestuur." John Train was een van die stigters van die CIA-gekoppelde redakteurs Die Paris Review.

Devine het later op 12 Junie 1963 weer onder die status van nie-amptelike dekking (NOC) by die CIA aangesluit as 'n bedekte kommersiële bate vir Project WUBRINY/LPDICTUM. Joan Mellen wys daarop dat: "Hierdie CIA -dokument onthul dat Thomas Devine George Bush in kennis gestel het van 'n CIA -projek met die kriptoniem WUBRINY/LPDICTUM. Dit het kommersiële kommersiële bedrywighede van die CIA in die buiteland behels."

Mellen voer aan dat dit George H. Bush met George de Mohrenschildt en Lee Harvey Oswald verbind. "WUBRINY het Haïtiaanse operasies behels, waaruit die dokumente blyk dat 'n deelnemer George de Mohrenschildt, die Dallas CIA -hanteerder van Lee Oswald, was." Russ Baker het Devine in 2008 ondervra en hy wou nie sê of hy by WUBRINY betrokke was nie. 'N Ander CIA -beampte, Gale Allen, het egter in 'n ander onderhoud bevestig dat Devine wel aan die projek deelgeneem het.

Devine het voortgegaan om nou saam te werk met George H. Bush. Volgens die CIA-memorandum het Devine "Bush vergesel op 'n reis na Viëtnam van 26 Desember 1967-11 Januarie 1968, waarvoor 'n tussentydse geheimhouding van die Amerikaanse ministerie van verdediging aan hom toegestaan ​​is." Russ Baker het voorgestel dat daar 'n verband kan wees met die omstrede Phoenix -program.

Bush het lankal die bewerings ontken dat hy verbindings met die intelligensiegemeenskap gehad het voor 1976, toe hy direkteur van die Central Intelligence Agency geword het onder president Gerald Ford. Destyds beskryf hy sy aanstelling as 'n 'ware skok'.

Maar die nuut onthulde memo's beweer dat Bush dekades lank 'n noue persoonlike en sakeverhouding gehad het met 'n CIA -personeellid wat volgens die dokumente van die CIA 'n belangrike rol gespeel het in die stigting van Bush se olie -onderneming, Zapata, in die vroeë vyftigerjare. Bush later na Viëtnam vergesel as 'n "opgeruimde en verstandige kommersiële bate" van die agentskap.

Volgens 'n interne memorandum van die CIA van 29 November 1975 begin Bush se oorspronklike oliemaatskappy, Zapata Petroleum, in 1953 deur gesamentlike pogings met Thomas J. Devine, 'n CIA -personeellid wat dieselfde jaar bedank het om sy privaat besigheid te begin. Die memorandum van '75 beskryf Devine as 'n 'metgesel van 'n oulike kollega van Bush. Die memo is aangeheg aan 'n vroeëre memorandum wat in 1968 geskryf is, waarin uiteengesit word hoe Devine vanaf 1963 begin werk onder die geheime agentskap onder kommersiële dekking.

'Hulle gesamentlike aktiwiteite het uitgeloop op die stigting van Zapata Oil,' lui die memorandum. Trouens, vroeë Zapata -korporatiewe aansoeke weerspieël blykbaar nie Devine se rol in die onderneming nie, wat daarop dui dat dit moontlik verborge was. Tog toon ander dokumente Thomas Devine in die direksie van 'n aangeslote Bush -onderneming, Zapata Offshore, in Januarie 1965, meer as 'n jaar nadat hy weer vir die spioenasie -agentskap begin werk het.

Dit was terwyl Devine in sy nuwe CIA -hoedanigheid as kommersiële voorbladbeampte was, dat hy Bush die dag na Kersfees in 1967 na Viëtnam vergesel het, terwyl hy in die land bly saam met die nuutverkose kongreslid van Texas tot 11 Januarie 1968. Watter inligting die duo ook al was soekend, het hulle net op die nippertjie vertrek. Slegs drie weke nadat die twee mans uit Saigon vertrek het, het die Noord-Viëtnamese en hul kommunistiese bondgenote die Tet-offensief geloods met sewentigduisend troepe wat in meer as 100 stede en dorpe geposisioneer was.

Terwyl die oudste Bush saam met Devine in Viëtnam was, het George W. Bush kontak gemaak met verteenwoordigers van die Texas Air National Guard, deur sy pa se konneksies te gebruik om saam met 'n elite -eenheid in Houston te werk - om sodoende oorsese gevegsdiens te vermy in 'n oorlog wat die Bushes sterk ondersteun het.

Die nuwe onthulling oor George H.W. Bush se CIA -vriend en mede -lid van die Zapata Offshore -bestuurslid sal beslis verdere bespiegeling oplewer dat Bush self sy eie assosiasies met die agentskap het.

Inderdaad, Zapata se jaarverslae beeld 'n verwarrende reeks wêreldwye aktiwiteite uit, in die Midde -Ooste, Asië en die Karibiese Eilande (insluitend buite Kuba) wat blykbaar te groot is vir die onderneming se beskeie resultaat. In sy outobiografie verklaar Bush dat 'ek na die CIA gekom het met 'n algemene kennis van hoe dit werk' en dat sy 'buitelandse kontakte as sakeman' president Nixon regverdig het om hom as VN -ambassadeur aan te stel, 'n besluit wat destyds was hoogs omstrede.

Voorheen geopenbaarde FBI -lêers bevat 'n memorandum van die buro -direkteur J. Edgar Hoover, waarin opgemerk word dat sy organisasie op 23 November 1963, die dag na die sluipmoord op John F. Kennedy, twee mans in die intelligensiegemeenskap ingelig het. Die memorandum verwys na een as “Mr. George Bush van die Central Intelligence Agency "en die ander as" Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency. "

Toe Joseph McBride, bydraer van die tydskrif Nation, hierdie dokument vir die eerste keer in 1988 onthul het, het George Herbert Walker Bush, destyds vise -president en die presidentskap, aangedring deur 'n woordvoerder dat hy nie die man is wat in die memorandum genoem word nie: 'Ek was in Houston, Texas, by die tyd en betrokke by die onafhanklike oliebooronderneming. En ek was aan die einde van '63 in die senaat. Ek het geen idee waarvan hy praat nie. " Die woordvoerder het bygevoeg: 'Moet 'n ander George Bush wees.'

Toe McBride destyds die CIA genader het, het hy aanvanklik 'n beleid ingeroep om niemand se betrokkenheid by die agentskap te ontken of te ontken nie. Maar dit het gou die ongewone stap geneem om te beweer dat die korrekte persoon 'n George William Bush was, 'n eenmalige werknemer van Virginia wat die agentskap beweer het dat hy nie meer kon opspoor nie. Maar dat George Bush, wat deur McBride in sy kantoor in die Social Security Administration ontdek is, opgemerk het dat hy 'n lae ontleder aan die kus- en landingsstrand was en dat hy beslis nooit so 'n FBI-inligtingsessie ontvang het nie.

Intussen kan daar nog baie meer te wete kom oor die vriend van George H. Bush, Thomas Devine. Die memo's wat onlangs verskyn het, verduidelik dat Devine vanaf 1963 die gesag van die agentskap gehad het om onder kommersiële dekking te werk as deel van 'n agentskapsprojek met die naam WUBRINY.

Devine was destyds werksaam by die Wall Street -boetiek Train, Cabot and Associates, wat in die memorandums beskryf word as 'n 'beleggingsbankfirma wat die [CIA] eie korporasie WUSALINE huisves en bestuur. Hierdie nautiese name - 'Saline' en 'Briny' - of, vir die Bay of Pigs -inval 'Wave' - is CIA -kriptonieme vir die betrokke programme en maatskappye.

George H.W. Bush se eie bande word versterk in die CIA -memorandum van 1975, gedateer 29 November, wat duidelik maak dat hy kennis dra van die CIA -bedrywighede voordat hy in die herfs van daardie jaar as die nuwe direkteur van die CIA aangewys is.

In die memorandum van 1975 word opgemerk dat, deur sy verhouding met Devine, "mnr. George Bush [die aangewese direkteur van die CIA] vooraf kennis dra van die nou beëindigde projek WUBRINY/LPDICTUM wat betrokke was by kommersiële kommersiële bedrywighede in Europa."

Tydens sy bevestigingsverhore in 1976 vir die pos van direkteur van sentrale intelligensie, 'n pos waarin hy deur Gerald Ford verhef is, het Bush ontken dat hy 'n voorafgaande verbinding met die CIA gehad het. Dit was 'n leuen. By die National Archives, en op die internet, is 'n CIA-dokument gerig aan sy klandestiene diens (rekordnommer 104-10310-10271) wat onthul dat toe Bush in die 1950's Zapata Oil gestig het, sy vennoot Thomas J. Devine was , wat nie net 'n olievlek was nie, maar ook 'n jarelange CIA-personeellid. Thomas Devine se naam verskyn nie in die oorspronklike koerante van Zapata nie, maar wel in die onderneming wat Bush kort daarna as "Zapata Offshore" geskep het.

Hierdie CIA -dokument onthul dat Thomas Devine George Bush in kennis gestel het van 'n CIA -projek met die kriptoniem WUBRINY/LPDICTUM. Dit het kommersiële kommersiële bedrywighede van die CIA in die buiteland behels. Teen 1963 het Devine nie 'n voormalige CIA -werknemer geword nie, maar ''n duidelike en insiggewende kontak' in die beleggingsbankfirma wat die eie korporasie WUSALINE bestuur het. WUBRINY was betrokke by Haïtiaanse operasies, waaruit die dokumente blyk dat 'n deelnemer George de Mohrenschildt, die Dallas CIA -afrigter van - Lee Oswald, was.

Einde April 1963, in Haïti, het De Mohrenschildt verskyn om beleggingsmoontlikhede te bespreek. Die CIA-beampte, die skrywer van die dokument, slegs genoem WUBRINY/1, het geen idee gehad van die reeds jarelange CIA-verbindings van De Mohrenschildt nie, en veral van sy rol in die herderswese van Oswald in Dallas. De Mohrenschildt kon die CIA -belange in Haïti veilig nastreef, want dit was die maand, April 1963, dat Lee Oswald, sy aanklag, van Texas na New Orleans verhuis het, in opdrag van die CIA, met Oswald wat aan - Hunter Leake.

11 Februarie 2004 - 'n wedersyds voordelige verhouding - beide in die politiek en in die sakewêreld - tussen George Herbert Walker Bush en die Washington Post begin in die vroeë vyftigerjare, toe Bush 'n aansienlike belegging in sy eerste Texas -oliemaatskappy versoek het by Eugene Meyer, voormalige president van die Wêreldbank, stigter van die Washington Post Company, en vader van wyle Katharine Graham. Die verhouding duur tot vandag toe voort in die onwettige presidentskap van Bush se eersgebore seun, George Walker Bush.

Die innerlike dinamika van hierdie verhouding is meestal onsigbaar vir diegene buite die troebel, heersende klas-aansluiting van die militêr-industriële-intelligensie-kompleks en internasionale beleggings- en elite sosiale kringe wat die permanente verborge regering agter die Amerikaanse Potemkin-republiek uitmaak. Maar die baie publieke aard van beide Bush- en Graham-gesinne, tesame met die verminderde behoefte aan diskresie van 'n immer monopoliserende korporatiewe media, maak dat die armlengte tussen die Bushes en die Post steeds deursigtiger word.

Uiteraard moet uiterlik volgehou word. Die natuurlike 'belangebotsing' tussen die politieke klas en sy 'waghond', die 'onafhanklike' media - alles so krities vir die Amerikaanse politieke mitologie - moet gehandhaaf word. Dit is veral waar as die globaliserende ambisies van mediarade perfek ooreenstem met die imperiale doelwitte van die nasionale veiligheidstaat, en wanneer media hoofsaaklik as die propaganda -arm van 'n neofascistiese regering funksioneer. Daar moet 'aanneemlike ontkenning' wees vir die media om geloofwaardig sy onafhanklikheid van die staat te eis.

Byvoorbeeld, terwyl die Washington Post -redaksionele blad die Demokratiese kandidaat vir president een dag elke vier jaar onderskryf, in ooreenstemming met sy 'liberale' tradisie, kan die res van die tyd op die voorblad bestee word om die agenda van wat George W se rolmodel Winston Churchill noem "die hoë kabaal" wat toesig hou oor die belange van Wall Street en die nasionale veiligheidsstaat - wat oor die algemeen Republikein is. Maar natuurlik sal die Post, die nasionale koerant van die rekord, die idees onderskryf van watter party die Graham-gesin en sy aanhangers voel dat dit die unieke politieke en finansiële doelwitte van hul eie faksie van die heersende klas sal bevorder. .


In 1973 trou Thomas Devine, sy beste man was William B. Macomber. ΐ ] Macomber se broer, John Macomber, het Devine aangestel om 'n nuwe korporatiewe visepresidentspos by Celanese Corporation te beklee.

Devine het by die CIA aangesluit, Die amptelike vertelling soos getuig van die Document: 1975 WUBRINY Memo verklaar dat hy dit in 1953 verlaat het om sy medewerker, George H. W. Bush, te help om Zapata Oil te stig, alhoewel baie getwyfel het dat hy werklik weg is. Α ] Russ Baker, byvoorbeeld, merk op dat "Vir Devine, wat destyds ongeveer sewe en twintig jaar oud sou gewees het, om op so 'n jong ouderdom te bedank, so kort nadat die CIA baie tyd en geld om hom op te lei, was ten minste hoogs ongewoon. Dit sou egter blyk dat Devine 'n spesiale verhouding gehad het waarmee hy van die agentskap kon kom en gaan, wat hom in staat stel om ander dinge te doen sonder om werklik sy diens te verlaat. " Β ]

Phoenix -program

Devine het voortgegaan om nou saam te werk met George H. W. Bush. Volgens die CIA-memorandum het Devine "Bush vergesel op 'n reis na Viëtnam van 26 Desember 1967-11 Januarie 1968, waarvoor 'n tussentydse geheimhouding van die Amerikaanse ministerie van verdediging aan hom toegestaan ​​is." Γ ] Russ Baker het voorgestel dat daar 'n verband met die Phoenix -program kan wees. Δ ]

JFK -moord

Dit is onduidelik of Devine by die JFK -moord betrokke was. Δ ]


Amerikaanse dwelmhandhawingsadministrasie

Die spesiale agent Thomas J. Devine, 'n groepsopsigter by die Newark Field Division, is op 25 September 1982 in Passaic, New Jersey, dood aan komplikasies as gevolg van skietwonde wat hy op 12 Oktober 1972 opgedoen het tydens 'n geheime ondersoek in New York Stad. Hy was 40 jaar oud ten tyde van sy dood.

Voordat hy by DEA aangesluit het, het die spesiale agent Devine by die Marine Corps Militêre Polisie gedien, in die New York -omgewing gewerk as 'n sekuriteitsbeampte vir diamanthandelaars en as ondersoeker by groot regsfirmas en korporasies. In 1967 het Devine by die Federale Buro vir Narkotika aangesluit as 'n verdowingsmiddel en in 1968 'n spesiale agent geword toe FBN die Buro vir Narkotika en Gevaarlike Dwelms geword het. Spesiale agent Devine is in April 1972 bevorder tot groepstoesighouer by die BNDD New York Regional Office.

Op 12 Oktober 1972 was Group Supervisor Devine in beheer van 'n onderduimse operasie wat in 'n hotel aan die westekant van Manhattan plaasgevind het, met behulp van die spesiale agent Frank Tummillo in die geheime rol. Spesiale agent Tummillo het pas onderhandel met die handelaars om 10 kilogram kokaïen te koop. As deel van die transaksie het Tummillo aan die handelaars 160 000 dollar gewys wat hy van plan was om te gebruik om die kokaïen te koop. Nadat die twee handelaars die hotelkamer verlaat het om na bewering die kokaïen te kry, het spesiale agent Tummillo die hotelkamer verlaat om met sy mede -agente te vergader. Hy is deur 'n hinderlaag deur die handelaars en met vuurwapen teruggedwing na die kamer. Een handelaar het na die geld gesoek terwyl die ander agent Tummillo as gyselaar aangehou het.

Onbewus van die situasie van agent Tummillo, het groepsopsigter Devine die hotelkamer binnegekom en die gewapende handelaars teëgekom. Devine het met een van die gewapende mans geworstel en is geskiet. Die tweede handelaar het die spesiale agent Tummillo skielik doodgeskiet. Opsieningsagente het die twee handelaars doodgemaak toe hulle probeer ontsnap het. Agent Devine is verlam as gevolg van sy wonde.

Omdat hy beseer was in 'n rolstoel, het hy die volgende 10 jaar aanhou werk ondanks verskeie siektes en operasies. In Oktober 1974 word hy bevorder tot groepstoezighouer vir intelligensie/taktiese ondersteuning by die New York Regional Office. Hy het in Oktober 1978 na die Newark -kantoor oorgeplaas en was in diens tot die dag van sy dood. Spesiale agent Devine is in 1973 deur president Nixon bekroon met die Hank L. Manfredi -toekenning ter ere van sy buitengewone bydraes tot wetstoepassing. Hy word oorleef deur sy vrou, Jean, en twee seuns, Thomas, Jr. en Michael.

Spesiale agent Devine was deel van 'n wetstoepassingsfamilie. Sy pa, William Devine, en sy oom, Thomas Devine, was albei speurders in die New York City Police Department.


Devine, Thomas Jefferson (1820 en ndash1890)

Thomas Jefferson Devine, vooraanstaande regsgeleerde in Texas en die Konfederale diplomaat, seun van die Ierse emigrante William en Katherine (Maxwell) Devine, is gebore in Halifax, Nova Scotia, op 28 Februarie 1820. Hy werk by verskeie firmas in New York en op vyftienjarige ouderdom werk vir 'n klerehandelaar in Tallahassee, Florida. Hy lees in 1838 regte in Woodville, Mississippi, en bestudeer dan drie jaar regte aan die Transylvania University in Kentucky. Na ontvangs van sy graad en lisensie om regte te beoefen, is Devine na La Grange, Texas. Hy trou op 31 Oktober 1844 met Helen Elder, en hulle verhuis dieselfde jaar na San Antonio. Hulle was die ouers van verskeie kinders, waarvan vyf, drie seuns en twee dogters, Devine oorleef het.

Devine is aangestel as stadsadvokaat in San Antonio en dien tot 1851, toe hy as distriksregter verkies is, 'n pos wat hy tien jaar lank beklee het. Hy was lid van die Secession Convention in 1861 en is aangestel as lid van die Committee of Public Safety wat toesig gehou het oor die oorgawe van federale troepe, voorrade en eiendom in Texas (kyk KOMITEES VAN OPENBARE VEILIGHEID). Hy is aangestel as regter van die Confederate Western District of Texas. In 1864 is regter Devine deur genl Edmund Kirby Smith aangestel om na Mexiko te gaan om 'n geskil te besleg oor die versending van katoen uit die Konfederasie, 'n missie wat hy suksesvol uitgevoer het en daardeur bekendheid verwerf het as diplomaat.

Aan die einde van die burgeroorlog keer Devine terug na Mexiko om die eed van trou aan die federale regering af te lê en 'n paar maande daar deur te bring. By sy terugkeer na San Antonio is hy deur federale beamptes gearresteer en in die gevangenis in Fort Jackson Barracks, New Orleans, opgesluit. Hy het aan longontsteking gely en is in Januarie 1866 op parool vrygelaat op sy belofte dat hy nie die Verenigde State sou verlaat nie.

Hy is twee keer aangekla vir hoogverraad en was saam met Jefferson Davis en Clement Clay een van die enigste drie persone wat tydens die oorlog van hoogverraad aangekla is. Hy is egter sonder 'n verhoor begenadig, en sy burgerskap is op 17 Junie 1867 herstel.

Hy is in 1874 as mederegter van die hooggeregshof in Texas aangestel, maar bedank, deels omdat sy vrou ernstig siek was, voor die einde van sy termyn. Hy het teruggekeer na die private regspraktyk. In sy regsloopbaan behaal hy 'n hoë reputasie vir intelligensie en eerlikheid. By die Texas Demokratiese byeenkoms van 1878 is Devine aangemoedig om toe te laat dat sy naam in benoeming vir goewerneur geplaas word, maar het geweier. In 1881–82 was hy lid van die raad van regente van die voorgestelde Universiteit van Texas.

Regter Devine is op 16 Maart 1890 in sy huis in San Antonio oorlede. Begrafnisdienste is by die Saint Mary's Katolieke Kerk gehou, met begrawe in die San Fernando -begraafplaas nommer 1. Die stad Devine is ter ere van hom genoem.


Deel Thomas se doodsberig of skryf u eie om sy nalatenskap te bewaar.

In 1915, in die jaar wat Thomas J Devine gebore is, in Mei, is die RMS Lusitania deur 'n Duitse torpedo gesink. Die Lusitania was 'n Britse passasierskip wat van New York na Liverpool Engeland vaar. Sy sak in 18 minute - 1,198 sterf en 761 oorleef. Terwyl reisigers die belangrikste slagoffer was - en die goedere - het die Lusitania wel wapens uit die oorlog gedra. "Onthou die Lusitania" het die saamtrek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog geword.

In 1926 was hy slegs 11 jaar oud toe NBC op 15 November gestig is. Dit was die eerste groot uitsaai -netwerk van die VSA. Die eienaarskap van die netwerk is verdeel tussen RCA ('n meerderheidsvennoot van 50%), die stigterskorporasie, General Electric (wat 30%besit), en Westinghouse (wat die oorblywende 20%besit).

In 1930, toe hy slegs 15 jaar oud was, as hoof van die rolprentprodusente en -verspreiders van Amerika, het William Hays 'n ordentlike kode opgestel wat beskryf wat aanvaarbaar is in films. Die publiek - en die regering - het gevoel dat films in die twintigerjare al hoe meer gewaagd geword het en dat die gedrag van sy sterre skandalig word. Wette is uitgevaardig. In reaksie hierop het die hoofde van die filmstudio's 'n vrywillige 'kode' aangeneem in die hoop om wetgewing af te weer. Die eerste deel van die kode verbied 'verlaging van die morele standaarde van diegene wat dit sien', vra om afbeeldings van die 'regte lewensstandaarde', en verbied 'n prentjie om enige spot te maak teenoor 'n wet of 'simpatie te skep met die oortreding ". Die tweede deel handel oor besondere filmgedrag, soos homoseksualiteit, die gebruik van spesifieke vloekwoorde en misgenerasie.

In 1984, op die ouderdom van 69 jaar, het Thomas gelewe toe 'Baby Bells' op 1 Januarie geskep is. AT&T was die verskaffer van telefoondienste (en toerusting) in die Verenigde State. Die onderneming het Western Electric, Bell Labs en AT&T Long Distance gehou. Sewe nuwe streekondernemings (die Baby Bells) het plaaslike telefoondienste gedek en is afsonderlik besit. AT&T het 70% van sy boekwaarde verloor weens hierdie stap.

In 1995, in die jaar van Thomas J Devine se afsterwe, op 19 Mei, vind die dodelikste terreuraanval op Amerikaanse bodem plaas - voor 9/11 - in Oklahoma City. 'N Vragmotorbom het buite die Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in die middestad afgegaan - 68 mense is dood, meer as 680 ander beseer en 'n derde van die gebou is vernietig. Die mees ontstellende beelde was van kinders - 'n dagsorg is deur die bom getref. Die dodelikste voorval van binnelandse terrorisme ooit, Timothy McVeigh, Terry Nichols en Michael Fortier is skuldig bevind aan die bomaanval.


Foto, druk, teken 4. Historic American Buildings Survey, AGTER UITSIG (?) - Regter Thomas J. Devine House, San Antonio, Bexar County, TX Foto's van opname HABS TX-332

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  • Toegangsadvies: ---

Verkry afskrifte

As 'n prentjie vertoon word, kan u dit self aflaai. (Sommige beelde word slegs as kleinkiekies buite die Library of Congress vertoon weens regte -oorwegings, maar u het toegang tot beelde van groter grootte op die terrein.)

Alternatiewelik kan u kopieë van verskillende soorte koop deur Library of Congress Duplication Services.

  1. As 'n digitale beeld vertoon word: Die kwaliteite van die digitale beeld hang gedeeltelik af van of dit gemaak is van die oorspronklike of 'n tussenproduk, soos 'n kopie -negatief of deursigtigheid. As die veld Voortplantingsnommer hierbo 'n reproduksienommer bevat wat met LC-DIG begin. dan is daar 'n digitale beeld wat direk uit die oorspronklike gemaak is en voldoende resolusie het vir die meeste publikasiedoeleindes.
  2. As daar inligting in die veld Reproduksienommer hierbo verskyn: U kan die reproduksienommer gebruik om 'n kopie van Duplication Services te koop. Dit sal gemaak word uit die bron wat tussen die hakies na die nommer verskyn.

As slegs swart-en-wit (& quotb & w & quot) bronne gelys word en u 'n kopie wil hê met kleur of tint (as die oorspronklike een het), kan u in die algemeen 'n kwaliteit kopie van die oorspronklike in kleur koop deur die oproepnommer hierbo te noem en insluitend die katalogusrekord (& quotAbout This Item & quot) by u versoek.

Pryslyste, kontakinligting en bestelvorms is beskikbaar op die Duplication Services -webwerf.

Toegang tot die oorspronklike

Gebruik die volgende stappe om te bepaal of u 'n oproepstrokie in die afdrukke en foto's moet lees om die oorspronklike item (s) te sien. In sommige gevalle is 'n surrogaat (plaasvervanger) beskikbaar, dikwels in die vorm van 'n digitale beeld, 'n afskrifafdruk of mikrofilm.

Is die item gedigitaliseer? ('N Miniatuur (klein) prentjie sal aan die linkerkant sigbaar wees.)

  • Ja, die item is gedigitaliseer. Gebruik die digitale prentjie bo die oorspronklike. Alle beelde kan in groot formaat bekyk word as u in 'n leeskamer by die Library of Congress is. In sommige gevalle is slegs miniatuur (klein) beelde beskikbaar as u buite die Library of Congress is, omdat die item regte beperk is of nie vir regtebeperkings geëvalueer is nie.
    As bewaringsmaatreël bedien ons gewoonlik nie 'n oorspronklike item as 'n digitale beeld beskikbaar is nie. Raadpleeg 'n verwysingsbibliotekaris as u 'n oortuigende rede het om die oorspronklike te sien. (Soms is die oorspronklike net te broos om te dien. Byvoorbeeld, glas- en filmnegatiewe is veral beskadig. Dit is ook makliker om aanlyn te sien waar dit as positiewe beelde aangebied word.)
  • Nee, die item is nie gedigitaliseer nie. Gaan asseblief na #2.

Gee die velde vir toegangsadvies of oproepnommer hierbo aan dat daar 'n nie-digitale surrogaat bestaan, soos mikrofilm of kopie-afdrukke?

  • Ja, daar bestaan ​​nog 'n surrogaat. Verwysingspersoneel kan u na hierdie surrogaat verwys.
  • Nee, 'n ander surrogaat bestaan ​​nie. Gaan asseblief na #3.

Om kontak te maak met verwysingspersoneel in die Prints and Photographs-leeskamer, gebruik asseblief ons Ask A Librarian-diens of bel die leeskamer tussen 8:30 en 5:00 by 202-707-6394, en druk 3.


Foto, druk, teken Regter Thomas J. Devine House, San Antonio, Bexar County, TX

Die Library of Congress besit nie die regte op materiaal in sy versamelings nie. Daarom gee dit geen lisensie of hef toestemmingskoste vir die gebruik van sodanige materiaal nie en kan dit nie toestemming verleen of weier om die materiaal te publiseer of andersins te versprei nie.

Uiteindelik is dit die navorser se verpligting om kopiereg- of ander gebruiksbeperkings te beoordeel en toestemming van derde partye te verkry indien nodig voordat materiaal gepubliseer word of andersins versprei word in die versamelings van die biblioteek.

  • Regsadvies: Geen bekende beperkings op beelde wat deur die Amerikaanse regering gemaak is, kan afbeeldings van ander bronne beperk word nie. https://www.loc.gov/rr/print/res/114_habs.html
  • Voortplantingsnommer: ---
  • Oproepnommer: HABS TEX, 15-SANT, 17-
  • Toegangsadvies: ---

Verkry afskrifte

As 'n prentjie vertoon word, kan u dit self aflaai. (Sommige prente word slegs as kleinkiekies buite die Library of Congress vertoon weens regte -oorwegings, maar u het toegang tot beelde van groter grootte op die webwerf.)

Alternatiewelik kan u kopieë van verskillende soorte koop deur Library of Congress Duplication Services.

  1. As 'n digitale beeld vertoon word: Die kwaliteite van die digitale beeld hang gedeeltelik af van of dit gemaak is van die oorspronklike of 'n tussenproduk, soos 'n kopie -negatief of deursigtigheid. As die veld Voortplantingsnommer hierbo 'n reproduksienommer bevat wat met LC-DIG begin. dan is daar 'n digitale beeld wat direk uit die oorspronklike gemaak is en voldoende resolusie het vir die meeste publikasiedoeleindes.
  2. As daar inligting in die veld Reproduksienommer hierbo verskyn: U kan die reproduksienommer gebruik om 'n kopie van Duplication Services te koop. Dit sal gemaak word uit die bron wat tussen die hakies na die nommer verskyn.

As slegs swart-en-wit (& quotb & w & quot) bronne gelys word en u 'n kopie wil hê met kleur of tint (as die oorspronklike een het), kan u gewoonlik 'n kwaliteit kopie van die oorspronklike in kleur koop deur die bogenoemde telefoonnommer te noem en insluitend die katalogusrekord (& quotAbout This Item & quot) by u versoek.

Pryslyste, kontakinligting en bestelvorms is beskikbaar op die Duplication Services -webwerf.

Toegang tot die oorspronklike

Gebruik die volgende stappe om te bepaal of u 'n oproepstrokie in die afdrukke en foto's moet lees om die oorspronklike item (s) te sien. In sommige gevalle is 'n surrogaat (plaasvervanger) beskikbaar, dikwels in die vorm van 'n digitale beeld, 'n afskrifafdruk of mikrofilm.

Is die item gedigitaliseer? ('N Miniatuur (klein) prentjie sal aan die linkerkant sigbaar wees.)

  • Ja, die item is gedigitaliseer. Gebruik die digitale beeld eerder as om die oorspronklike aan te vra. Alle beelde kan in groot formaat bekyk word as u in 'n leeskamer by die Library of Congress is. In sommige gevalle is slegs miniatuur (klein) beelde beskikbaar as u buite die Library of Congress is, omdat die item regte beperk is of nie vir regtebeperkings geëvalueer is nie.
    As bewaringsmaatreël bedien ons gewoonlik nie 'n oorspronklike item as 'n digitale beeld beskikbaar is nie. Raadpleeg 'n verwysingsbibliotekaris as u 'n oortuigende rede het om die oorspronklike te sien. (Soms is die oorspronklike net te broos om te dien. Byvoorbeeld, glas- en filmnegatiewe is veral beskadig. Dit is ook makliker om aanlyn te sien waar dit as positiewe beelde aangebied word.)
  • Nee, die item is nie gedigitaliseer nie. Gaan asseblief na #2.

Gee die velde vir toegangsadvies of oproepnommer hierbo aan dat daar 'n nie-digitale surrogaat bestaan, soos mikrofilm of kopie-afdrukke?

  • Ja, daar bestaan ​​nog 'n surrogaat. Verwysingspersoneel kan u na hierdie surrogaat verwys.
  • Nee, 'n ander surrogaat bestaan ​​nie. Gaan asseblief na #3.

Om kontak te maak met verwysingspersoneel in die Prints and Photographs-leeskamer, gebruik ons ​​ons Ask A Librarian-diens of bel die leeskamer tussen 8:30 en 5:00 by 202-707-6394, en druk 3.


George H.W. Bush het die geskiedenis gevorm - maar nie soos ons vertel word nie

Deur Russ Baker
Gepubliseer 8 Desember 2018 20:00 (EST)

LêER - In hierdie lêerfoto van 13 Maart 1990 het president George H.W. Bush praat tydens 'n nuuskonferensie in die inligtingsaal van die Withuis in Washington. Ted Cruz het eenmaal met trots 'n gordelgespe gedra met die opskrif "President van die Verenigde State" geleen van George H.W. Bush. Hy het hom beywer en gewerk vir die seun van die voormalige president, Dubya, en het gehelp om 'n boek te skryf met lof. En die goedkeuring van George P. Bush, die jongste opkomende politieke ster van die gesin, het geloofwaardigheid verleen aan Cruz se destydse onbekende Senaat-veldtog in 2012. (AP Foto/Barry Thumma, lêer) (AP)

Aandele

Die oorspronklike artikel verskyn op WhoWhatWhy.org.

In die komende dae sal die media gevul word met herinnerings en resensies van oud -president George H.W. Bush se beroemde lewe en politieke loopbaan. Maar die meeste rapporteer - en min weet eintlik - die agtergrond van Bush se rol in die opbou van 'n onderling verbonde familie-, sake- en intelligensienetwerk wat dekades lank die koers van die land getoon het. Dit werk was geheim en het sy bekende (en baie kort) intelligensie loopbaan met dekades voorafgegaan.

Bush, wat op 30 November op 94 -jarige ouderdom oorlede is, word met nostalgie onthou as 'n teken van 'n sogenaamd meer burgerlike en sagmoedige era, toe Amerikaanse leiers die land eerste gestel het. Maar George H.W. Bush en sy medewerkers het 'n diepgaande uitwerking gehad op die vorming van 'n magsvergelyking - meestal op 'n manier wat hulle wou verduister - wat hul belange beskerm en bevorder.

Met dae van Bush -huldeblyke en terugskouinge wat voorlê, dink ons ​​dat dit 'n goeie tyd is om 'n meer volledige prentjie te bied. To provide readers with that missing historical background, we present a revealing excerpt from WhoWhatWhy Founder and Editor-in-Chief Russ Baker’s book, "Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, America’s Invisible Government, and the Hidden History of the Last Fifty Years". More excerpts will follow.

Poppy’s secret

When Joseph McBride came upon the document about George H. W. Bush’s double life, he was not looking for it. It was 1985, and McBride, a former Daily Variety writer, was in the library of California State University San Bernardino, researching a book about the movie director Frank Capra. Like many good reporters, McBride took off on a “slight,” if time-consuming, tangent — spending day after day poring over reels of microfilmed documents related to the FBI and the JFK assassination. McBride had been a volunteer on Kennedy’s campaign, and since 1963 had been intrigued by the unanswered questions surrounding that most singular of American tragedies.

A particular memo caught his eye, and he leaned in for a closer look. Practically jumping off the screen was a memorandum from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, dated November 29, 1963. Under the subject heading “Assassination of President John F. Kennedy,” Hoover reported that, on the day after JFK’s murder, the bureau had provided two individuals with briefings. One was “Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency.” The other: “Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency.”

To:

Direkteur
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of State

[We have been] advised that the Department of State feels some misguided anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U.S. policy… [Our] sources know of no [such] plans… The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency.

McBride shook his head. George H. W. Bush? In the CIA in 1963? Dealing with Cubans and the JFK assassination? Could this be the same man who was now vice president of the United States? Even when Bush was named CIA director in 1976 amid much agency-bashing, his primary asset had been the fact that he was not a part of the agency during the coups, attempted coups, and murder plots in Iran, Cuba, Chile, and other hot spots about which embarrassing information was being disclosed every day in Senate hearings.

For CIA director Bush, there had been much damage to control. The decade from 1963 to 1973 had seen one confidence-shaking crisis after another. There was the Kennedy assassination and the dubious accounting of it by the Warren Commission. Then came the revelations of how the CIA had used private foundations to channel funds to organizations inside the United States, such as the National Student Association. Then came Watergate, with its penumbra of CIA operatives such as E. Howard Hunt and their shadowy misdoings. Americans were getting the sense of a kind of sanctioned underground organization, operating outside the law and yet protected by it. Then President Gerald Ford, who had ascended to that office when Richard Nixon resigned, fired William Colby, the director of the CIA, who was perceived by hard-liners as too accommodating to congressional investigators and would-be intelligence reformers.

Now Ford had named George H. W. Bush to take over the CIA. But Bush seemed wholly unqualified for such a position — especially at a time when the agency was under maximum scrutiny. He had been UN ambassador, Republican National Committee chairman, and the US envoy to Beijing, where both Nixon and Henry Kissinger had regarded him as a lightweight and worked around him. What experience did he have in the world of intelligence and spying? How would he restore public confidence in a tarnished spy agency? No one seemed to know. Or did Gerald Ford realize something most others didn’t?

Bush served at the CIA for one year, from early 1976 to early 1977. He worked quietly to reverse the Watergate-era reforms of CIA practices, moving as many operations as possible offshore and beyond accountability. Although a short stint, it nevertheless created an image problem in 1980 when Bush ran unsuccessfully for the Republican presidential nomination against former California governor Ronald Reagan. Some critics warned of the dangerous precedent in elevating someone who had led the CIA, with its legacy of dark secrets and covert plots, blackmail and murder, to preside over the United States government.

"Must be another George Bush"

In 1985, when McBride found the FBI memo apparently relating to Bush’s past, the reporter did not immediately follow up this curious lead. Bush was now a recently reelected vice president (a famously powerless position), and McBride himself was busy with other things. By 1988, however, the true identity of “Mr. George Bush of the CIA” took on new meaning, as George H. W. Bush prepared to assume his role as Reagan’s heir to the presidency. Joe McBride decided to make the leap from entertainment reportage to politics. He picked up the phone and called the White House.

“May I speak with the vice president?” he asked

McBride had to settle for Stephen Hart, a vice presidential spokesman. Hart denied that his boss had been the man mentioned in the memo, quoting Bush directly. “I was in Houston, Texas, at the time and involved in the independent oil drilling business. And I was running for the Senate in late ’63. I don’t have any idea of what he’s talking about.” Hart concluded with this suggestion: “Must be another George Bush.”

McBride found the response troubling — rather detailed for a ritual non-denial. It almost felt like a cover story that Bush was a bit too eager to trot out. He returned to Hart with more questions for Bush:

  • Did you do any work with or for the CIA prior to the time you became its director?
  • If so, what was the nature of your relationship with the agency, and how long did it last?
  • Did you receive a briefing by a member of the FBI on anti-Castro Cuban activities in the aftermath [of] the assassination of President Kennedy?

Within half an hour, Hart called him back. The spokesman now declared that, though he had nie spoken with Bush, he would nevertheless answer the questions himself. Hart said that the answer to the first question was no, and, therefore, the other two were moot.

Undeterred, McBride called the CIA. A spokesman for the agency, Bill Devine, responded: “This is the first time I’ve ever heard this . . . I’ll see what I can find out and call you back.”

The following day, the PR man was tersely formal and opaque: “I can neither confirm nor deny.” It was the standard response the agency gave when it dealt with its sources and methods. Could the agency reveal whether there had been another George Bush in the CIA? Devine replied: “Twenty-seven years ago? I doubt that very much. In any event, we have a standard policy of not confirming that anyone is involved in the CIA.”

"Apparently" George William Bush

But it appears this standard policy was made to be broken. McBride’s revelations appeared in the July 16, 1988, issue of the liberal magazine the Nasie, under the headline “The Man Who Wasn’t There, ‘George Bush,’ C.I.A. Operative.” Shortly thereafter, CIA spokeswoman Sharron Basso told the Associated Press that the CIA believed that “the record should be clarified.” She said that the FBI document “apparently” referred to a George William Bush who had worked in 1963 on the night shift at the Langley, Virginia, headquarters, and that “would have been the appropriate place to have received such an FBI report.” George William Bush, she said, had left the CIA in 1964 to join the Defense Intelligence Agency.

Certainly, the article caused George H. W. Bush no major headaches. By the following month, he was triumphantly accepting the GOP’s presidential nomination at its New Orleans convention, unencumbered by tough questions about his past.

CIA can’t find "other" George Bush?

Meanwhile, the CIA’s Basso told reporters that the agency had been unable to locate the “other” George Bush. The assertion was reported by several news outlets, with no comment about the irony of a vaunted intelligence agency — with a staff of thousands and a budget of billions — being unable to locate a former employee within American borders.

Perhaps what the CIA really needed was someone like Joseph McBride. Though not an investigative journalist, McBride had no trouble finding George William Bush. Not only was the man findable he was still on the US government payroll. By 1988 this George Bush was working as a claims representative for the Social Security Administration. He explained to McBride that he had worked only briefly at the CIA, as a GS-5 probationary civil servant, analyzing documents and photos during the night shift. Moreover, he said, he had never received interagency briefings.

Several years later, in 1991, former Texas Observer editor David Armstrong would track down the other person listed on the Hoover memo, Captain William Edwards. Edwards could confirm that he had been on duty at the Defense Intelligence Agency the day in question. He said he did not remember this briefing, but that he found the memo plausible in reference to a briefing he might have received over the phone while at his desk. While he said he had no idea who the George Bush was who also was briefed, Edward’s rank and experience was certainly far above that of the night clerk George William Bush.

Shortly after McBride’s article appeared in the Nation, the magazine ran a follow-up op-ed, in which the author provided evidence that the Central Intelligence Agency had foisted a lie on the American people. The piece appeared while everyone else was focusing on Bush’s coronation at the Louisiana Superdome. As with McBride’s previous story, this disclosure was greeted with the equivalent of a collective media yawn. An opportunity was bungled, not only to learn about the true history of the man who would be president, but also to recognize the “George William Bush” diversion for what it was: one in a long series of calculated distractions and disinformation episodes that run through the Bush family history.

George William Bush deposes

With the election only two months away, and a growing sense of urgency in some quarters, George William Bush acknowledged under oath — as part of a deposition in a lawsuit brought by a nonprofit group seeking records on Bush’s past — that he was the junior officer on a three- to four-man watch shift at CIA headquarters between September 1963 and February 1964, which was on duty when Kennedy was shot. “I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum as information furnished to me orally or otherwise during the time I was at the CIA,” he said. “In fact, during my time at the CIA, I did not receive any oral communications from any government agency of any nature whatsoever. I did not receive any information relating to the Kennedy assassination during my time at the CIA from the FBI. Based on the above, it is my conclusion that I am not the Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency referred to in the memorandum.” . . .

George H.W. Bush: Spy from the age of 18

Almost a decade would pass between Bush’s election in 1988 and the declassification and release in 1996 of another government document that shed further light on the matter. This declassified document would help to answer some of the questions raised by the ’63 Hoover memo — questions such as, “If George Herbert Walker Bush was already connected with the CIA in 1963, how far back did the relationship go?”

But yet another decade would pass before this second document would be found, lees, and revealed to the public. Fast-forward to December 2006, on a day when JFK researcher Jerry Shinley sat, as he did on so many days, glued to his computer, browsing through the digitized database of documents on the Web site of the Mary Ferrell Foundation.

On that December day, Shinley came upon an internal CIA memo that mentioned George H. W. Bush [the Bush designated Director of Central Intelligence (DCI)]. Dated November 29, 1975, it reported, in typically spare terms, the revelation that the man who was about to become the head of the CIA actually had prior ties to the agency. And the connection discussed here, unlike that unearthed by McBride, went back not to 1963, but to 1953 — a full decade earlier. Writing to the chief of the spy section of the analysis and espionage agency, the chief of the “cover and commercial staff” noted:

Through Mr. Gale Allen . . . I learned that Mr. George Bush, DCI designate has prior knowledge of the now terminated project WUBRINY/LPDICTUM which was involved in proprietary commercial operations in Europe. He became aware of this project through Mr. Thomas J. Devine, a former CIA Staff Employee and later, oil-wildcatting associate with Mr. Bush. Their joint activities culminated in the establishment of Zapata Oil [sic] [in 1953] which they eventually sold. After the sale of Zapata Oil, Mr. Bush went into politics, and Mr. Devine became a member of the investment firm of Train, Cabot and Associates, New York . . . The attached memorandum describes the close relationship between Messrs. Devine and Bush in 1967-1968 which, according to Mr. Allen, continued while Mr. Bush was our ambassador to the United Nations.

In typical fashion for the highly compartmentalized and secretive intelligence organization, the memo did not make clear how Bush knew Devine, or whether Devine was simply dropping out of the spy business to become a true entrepreneur. For Devine, who would have been about twenty-seven years old at the time, to “resign” at such a young age, so soon after the CIA had spent a great deal of time and money training him was, at minimum, highly unusual. It would turn out, however, that Devine had a special relationship allowing him to come and go from the agency, enabling him to do other things without really leaving its employ. In fact, CIA history is littered with instances where CIA officers have tendered their “resignation” as a means of creating deniability while continuing to work closely with the agency . . .

Devine’s role in setting up Zapata would remain hidden for more than a decade — until 1965. At that point, as Bush was extricating himself from business to devote his energies to pursuing a congressional seat, Devine’s name suddenly surfaced as a member of the board of Bush’s spin-off company, Zapata Offshore — almost as if it was his function to keep the operation running. To be sure, he and Bush remained joined at the hip . . .

Devine, like the senior George Bush, is now in his eighties and still active in business in New York. When I reached him in the winter of 2007 and told him about recently uncovered CIA memos that related both his agency connections and his longtime ties to Bush, he uttered a dry chuckle, then continued cautiously.

“Tell me who you are working with in the family,” he asked when I informed him I was working on a book about the Bushes. I explained that the book was not exactly an “authorized” biography, and therefore I was not “working” with someone in the family. Moreover, I noted, the Bushes were not known for their responsiveness to journalistic inquiries. “The family policy has been as long as George has been in office, they don’t talk to media,” Devine replied. But he agreed to contact the Bush family seeking clearance. “Well, the answer is, I will inquire. I have your telephone number, and I’ll call you back when I’ve enquired.”

Surprisingly enough, he did call again, two weeks later, having checked in with his old friend in Houston. He explained that he had been told by former president George H.W. Bush not to cooperate. When I spoke to him several months later, he still would not talk about anything — though he did complain that, thanks to an article I had written about him for the Real News Project (www.realnews.org), he was now listed in Wikipedia. And then he did offer a few words:

Thomas Devine: I just broke one of the first rules in this game.

Russ Baker: And what is that?

Thomas Devine: Do not complain.

In fact, Devine had little to complain about. At the time, although I was aware that he seemed to be confirming that he himself had been in the “game,” I did not understand the full extent of his activities in conjunction with Bush. Nor did I understand the heightened significance of their relationship during the tumultuous event of 1963, to be discussed in subsequent chapters.

No business like the spy business

Before there was an Office of Strategic Services (July 1942-October 1945) or a Central Intelligence Agency (founded in 1947), corporations and attorneys who represented international businesses often employed associates in their firms as private agents to gather data on competitors and business opportunities abroad. So it was only to be expected that many of the first OSS recruits were taken from the ranks of oil companies, Wall Street banking firms, and Ivy League universities and often equated the interests of their high-powered business partners with the national interest. Such relationships like the one between George H. W. Bush and Thomas Devine thus made perfect sense to the CIA . . .

By the time George H. W. Bush founded his own company, Zapata Petroleum, it was not difficult to line up backers with long-standing ties to industrial espionage activities. The setup with Devine in the oil business provided Bush with a perfect cover to travel abroad and . . . identify potential CIA recruits among foreign nationals . . .

“Poppy” Bush’s own role with intelligence appears to date back as early as the Second World War, when he joined the Navy at age eighteen. On arrival at his training base in Norfolk, Virginia, in the fall of 1942, Bush was trained not only as a pilot of a torpedo bomber but also as a photographic officer, responsible for crucial, highly sensitive aerial surveillance . . .

After mastering the technique of operating the handheld K-20 aerial camera and film processing, Bush recruited and trained other pilots and crewmen. His own flight team became part bomber unit, part spy unit. The information they obtained about the Japanese navy, as well as crucial intelligence on Japanese land-based defenses, was forwarded to the US Navy’s intelligence center at Pearl Harbor and to the Marine Corps for use in planning amphibious landings in order to reduce casualties.

The so-called Operation Snapshot was so hush-hush that, under naval regulations in effect at the time, even revealing its name would lead to court-martial. According to a book by Robert Stinnett, a fellow flier, Admiral Marc Mitscher hit the “bulkhead” when he saw that Bush’s team had filed a report in which they actually referred by name to their top-secret project. The three people above Bush in his command chain were made to take razor blades to the pages of the report and remove the forbidden language.

The lesson was apparently not lost on Bush. From that moment forward, as every Bush researcher has learned, Bush’s life would honor the principle: no names, no paper trail, no fingerprints. If you wanted to know what Bush had done, you had to have the patience of a sleuth yourself.

For Part 1, please go here Part 2, here Part 3, here Part 4, here Part 5, here Part 6, herePart 7, here Part 8, here Part 9, here Part 10, here.


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Thomas was born on December 3, 1932 and passed away on Tuesday, April 12, 2011.

Thomas was a resident of Seekonk, Massachusetts.

The information in this obituary is based on data from the US Government's Social Security Death Index. No further information is available. More details on this data source are provided in our Frequently Asked Questions section.

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Thomas J. Devine - History

Project Description

Tom Devine is Government Accountability Project’s Legal Director, and has worked at the organization since 1979. Since that time, Tom has formally or informally assisted over 7,000 whistleblowers in defending themselves against retaliation and in making real differences on behalf of the public – such as shuttering accident-prone nuclear power plants, rebuffing industry ploys to deregulate government meat inspection, blocking the next generation of the bloated and porous “Star Wars” missile defense systems, instituting a national commercial milk testing program for illegal animal drugs and sparking the withdrawal of dangerous prescription drugs such as Vioxx. He has not lost a case since 2006, and has prevailed in advocacy at numerous U.S. courts of appeals as well as the Supreme Court.

Tom has been a leader in the campaigns to pass or defend 34 national or international whistleblower laws, including nearly all in the U.S. federal enacted over the last two decades. These include: the Whistleblower Protection Act of 1989 for federal employees thirteen breakthrough laws since 2002 creating the right to jury trials for corporate whistleblowers the new European Union Whistleblower Directive creating free speech rights for all 28 member nations as well as United Nations, Organization of American States, World Bank, and African Development Bank policies legalizing public freedom of expression for their own whistleblowers and even national laws in nations such as Serbia. Tom has traveled to 36 countries for whistleblower rights advocacy, including numerous speaking tours for the U.S. State Department that sparked its staff informally naming him the “Ambassador of Whistleblowing.” In that capacity, he has served as a technical expert for drafting or advocacy of 14 more whistleblower laws or polices in nations ranging from Liberia and Tunisia, to Great Britain and Italy.

Tom has authored or co-authored numerous books, including 2011’s The Corporate Whistleblowers Survival Guide: A Handbook for Committing the Truth, which won the 2012 International Business Book of the Year Award at the Frankfurt Book Fair. Other publications include Courage Without Martyrdom: The Whistleblower’s Survival Guide Caught Between conscience and Career: Expose Abuse Without Exposing Your Identity chapters in numerous books, law review articles, magazine articles and newspaper op-eds and is a frequent expert commentator on television and radio talk shows. Tom is the recipient of the “Hugh Hefner First Amendment Award” and the “Defender of the Constitution Award” bestowed by the Fund for Constitutional Government. In 2006 he was inducted into the Freedom of Information Act Hall of Fame. Since 2012 he has been recognized annually by Washingtonian magazine as one of Washington DC’s top employment lawyers. He serves on the Board of Whistleblowing International Network, the global coalition which he helped to found.


Kyk die video: My girl 2 1994- Vada remembers thomas J (Julie 2022).


Kommentaar:

  1. Elsdon

    die baie snaakse antwoord

  2. Navarre

    Ek stem saam, hierdie wonderlike gedagte val terloops

  3. Mikajind

    Ek dink jy sal die fout toelaat. Skryf vir my in PM, ons sal bespreek.

  4. Tugal

    I probably just won't say anything

  5. Mac An T-Saoir

    Stem heeltemal saam met haar. The idea of ??a good, I agree with you.

  6. Hrychleah

    Jy is nie reg nie. Ek is seker. Kom ons bespreek. E -pos my by PM, ons sal praat.



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