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Abraham Lincoln - Feite, verjaardag en moord

Abraham Lincoln - Feite, verjaardag en moord

Abraham Lincoln, 'n self-geleerde prokureur, wetgewer en vokale teenstander van slawerny, is in November 1860 tot 16de president van die Verenigde State verkies, kort voor die uitbreek van die burgeroorlog. Lincoln was 'n skerp militêre strateeg en 'n vaardige leier: sy emansipasieverklaring het die weg gebaan vir die afskaffing van slawerny, terwyl sy Gettysburg -toespraak een van die beroemdste stukke in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis is. In April 1865, met die Unie op die rand van oorwinning, word Abraham Lincoln vermoor deur die Konfederale simpatiseerder John Wilkes Booth. Lincoln se moord het hom 'n martelaar gemaak weens die vryheid, en hy word algemeen beskou as een van die grootste presidente in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis.

Abraham Lincoln se vroeë lewe

Lincoln is op 12 Februarie 1809 gebore vir Nancy en Thomas Lincoln in 'n houthuis in een kamer in Hardin County, Kentucky. Sy gesin verhuis na die suide van Indiana in 1816. Lincoln se formele skoolopleiding was beperk tot drie kort tydperke in plaaslike skole, aangesien hy voortdurend moes werk om sy gesin te onderhou.

In 1830 verhuis sy gesin na Macon County in die suide van Illinois, en Lincoln kry werk by 'n rivierboot wat langs die Mississippirivier na New Orleans vervoer word. Nadat hy hom in die stad New Salem, Illinois, gevestig het, waar hy as winkelier en posmeester gewerk het, het Lincoln as ondersteuner van die Whig Party by die plaaslike politiek betrokke geraak en in 1834 die verkiesing tot die Illinois wetgewer gewen.

Net soos sy Whig -helde Henry Clay en Daniel Webster, was Lincoln gekant teen die verspreiding van slawerny na die gebiede en het hy 'n groot visie gehad op die uitbreiding van die Verenigde State, met die fokus op handel en stede eerder as landbou.

Lincoln het homself in die regte leer en die balie -eksamen in 1836 geslaag. Die jaar daarna verhuis hy na die nuut genoemde hoofstad Springfield. Die volgende paar jaar het hy daar gewerk as 'n prokureur en kliënte bedien, van individuele inwoners van klein dorpies tot nasionale spoorlyne.

Hy ontmoet Mary Todd, 'n welgestelde Kentucky-belle met baie vryers (waaronder Lincoln se toekomstige politieke mededinger, Stephen Douglas), en hulle trou in 1842. Die Lincolns het vier kinders saam gehad, hoewel slegs een in die volwassenheid sou lewe. : Robert Todd Lincoln (1843–1926), Edward Baker Lincoln (1846–1850), William Wallace Lincoln (1850–1862) en Thomas “Tad” Lincoln (1853-1871).

LEES MEER: Die gruwelike moordverhoor wat gehelp het om die nasionale profiel van Abraham Lincoln te verhoog

Abraham Lincoln betree politiek

Lincoln wen die verkiesing tot die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers in 1846 en begin sy termyn die volgende jaar dien. As kongreslid was Lincoln ongewild by baie kiesers in Illinois weens sy sterk standpunt teen die Meksikaan-Amerikaanse oorlog. Hy belowe om nie herverkiesing te soek nie, en keer in 1849 terug na Springfield.

Gebeurtenisse het egter saamgesweer om hom terug te keer na die nasionale politiek: Douglas, 'n leidende demokraat in die kongres, het die Kansas-Nebraska-wet (1854) deurgevoer wat verklaar dat die kiesers van elke gebied, eerder as die federale regering, het die reg gehad om te besluit of die gebied slaaf of vry moet wees.

Op 16 Oktober 1854 het Lincoln voor 'n groot skare in Peoria gegaan om die meriete van die Kansas-Nebraska-wet met Douglas te bespreek, die slawerny en die uitbreiding daarvan aan die kaak te stel en die instelling 'n skending van die mees basiese beginsels van die Onafhanklikheidsverklaring te noem.

Met die Whig -party in puin, het Lincoln by die nuwe Republikeinse Party aangesluit - wat grotendeels gevorm is in teenstelling met die uitbreiding van slawerny na die gebiede - in 1856 en het hy weer daardie jaar vir die Senaat geveg (hy het ook in 1855 sonder sukses vir die setel gepleit). In Junie het Lincoln sy nou beroemde toespraak oor 'huis verdeeld' gelewer, waarin hy uit die Evangelies aangehaal het om sy oortuiging te illustreer dat 'hierdie regering nie permanent, half slaaf en half vry' kan verdra nie.

Lincoln het toe in 'n reeks beroemde debatte teen Douglas opgetree; alhoewel hy die senaatverkiesing verloor het, het Lincoln se prestasie nasionaal sy reputasie gemaak.

Abraham Lincoln se presidensiële veldtog van 1860

Lincoln se profiel het vroeg in 1860 nog hoër gestyg nadat hy nog 'n opwindende toespraak gelewer het in die Cooper Union in New York. In Mei het Republikeine Lincoln as hul kandidaat vir president gekies, en hy het senator William H. Seward van New York en ander magtige aanspraakmakers ten gunste van die onwrikbare Illinois -prokureur verbygesteek, met slegs een onuitgesproke kongresperiode onder sy band.

In die algemene verkiesing het Lincoln weer te staan ​​gekom voor Douglas, wat die noordelike demokrate verteenwoordig het; Suid -Demokrate het John C. Breckenridge van Kentucky genomineer, terwyl John Bell vir die splinternuwe Party van die Constitutional Union verkies het. Met Breckenridge en Bell wat die stemme in die suide verdeel het, het Lincoln die grootste deel van die noorde gewen en die kieskollege gedra om die Withuis te wen.

Hy bou 'n buitengewoon sterk kabinet wat bestaan ​​uit baie van sy politieke teenstanders, waaronder Seward, Salmon P. Chase, Edward Bates en Edwin M. Stanton.

Lincoln en die burgeroorlog

Na jare van spanning in die deursnee, het die verkiesing van 'n noordelike anti -slawerny as die 16de president van die Verenigde State baie Suid -Afrikaners oor die rand gedryf. Teen die tyd dat Lincoln in Maart 1861 as die 16de Amerikaanse president ingehuldig is, het sewe suidelike state van die Unie afgestig en die Konfederale State van Amerika gevorm.

Lincoln het in April 'n vloot Unie -skepe beveel om die federale Fort Sumter in Suid -Carolina te voorsien. Die Konfederate het op die fort en die vloot van die Unie geskiet en die burgeroorlog begin. Die hoop op 'n vinnige oorwinning van die Unie is deur 'n nederlaag in die Slag van Bull Run (Manassas) in die wiele gery, en Lincoln het nog 500 000 troepe gevra terwyl albei partye voorberei het op 'n lang konflik.

Terwyl die Konfederale leier Jefferson Davis 'n West Point -gegradueerde, 'n Mexikaanse oorlogsheld en voormalige oorlogsekretaris was, het Lincoln slegs 'n kort en ononderskeie diensperiode in die Black Hawk War (1832) tot sy eer. Hy het baie verbaas toe hy bewys het dat hy 'n bekwame leier in die oorlog was, en vinnig geleer het oor strategie en taktiek in die vroeë jare van die Burgeroorlog en oor die keuse van die bekwaamste bevelvoerders.

Generaal George McClellan, hoewel geliefd onder sy troepe, het Lincoln voortdurend gefrustreer met sy onwilligheid om voort te gaan, en toe McClellan nie daarin kon slaag om Robert E. Lee se terugtrekkende Konfederale Weermag na te streef na die oorwinning van die Unie by Antietam in September 1862 nie, het Lincoln hom uit kommando verwyder .

Tydens die oorlog het Lincoln kritiek gelewer oor die opskorting van sekere burgerlike vryhede, waaronder die reg op habeas corpus, maar hy het sulke maatreëls as noodsaaklik geag om die oorlog te wen.

Emancipation Proclamation en Gettysburg -adres

Kort na die Slag van Antietam (Sharpsburg) het Lincoln 'n voorlopige emansipasie -afkondiging uitgereik, wat op 1 Januarie 1863 in werking getree het en al die slawe in die opstandige state bevry het, nie onder federale beheer nie, maar diegene in die grensstate gelaat het ( lojaal aan die Unie) in slawerny.

Alhoewel Lincoln eens beweer het dat sy 'belangrikste doel in hierdie stryd is om die Unie te red, en nie om slawerny te red of te vernietig nie, het hy emansipasie egter as een van sy grootste prestasies beskou en sou hy argumenteer vir die verloop van 'n grondwetlike wysiging wat slawerny verbied (uiteindelik aanvaar as die 13de wysiging na sy dood in 1865).

Twee belangrike oorwinnings van die Unie in Julie 1863 - in Vicksburg, Mississippi, en tydens die Slag van Gettysburg in Pennsylvania - het uiteindelik die gety van die oorlog omgedraai. Generaal George Meade het die geleentheid misgeloop om 'n laaste slag teen Lee se leër in Gettysburg te lewer, en Lincoln sou vroeg in 1864 na die oorwinnaar in Vicksburg, Ulysses S. Grant, as opperbevelvoerder van die Unie -magte draai.

LEES MEER: 5 dinge wat u nie mag weet oor Abraham Lincoln, slawerny en emansipasie nie

In November 1863 lewer Lincoln 'n kort toespraak (slegs 272 woorde) tydens die toewydingseremonie vir die nuwe nasionale begraafplaas in Gettysburg. Die Gettysburg -toespraak wat wyd gepubliseer is, het die doel van die oorlog welsprekend uitgespreek en teruggekeer na die stigters, die onafhanklikheidsverklaring en die strewe na menslike gelykheid. Dit het die bekendste toespraak van Lincoln se presidentskap geword, en een van die toesprake wat die meeste in die geskiedenis aangehaal is.

Abraham Lincoln wen die presidentsverkiesing van 1864

In 1864 het Lincoln 'n moeilike herverkiesingstryd teëgekom teen die Demokratiese genomineerde, die voormalige unie -generaal George McClellan, maar die oorwinnings van die Unie in die geveg (veral generaal William T. Sherman se verowering van Atlanta in September) het die stemme van die president baie geswaai. In sy tweede inhuldigingstoespraak, gelewer op 4 Maart 1865, het Lincoln die noodsaaklikheid aangespreek om die Suide te herbou en die Unie te herbou: “Met kwaadwilligheid teenoor niemand; met liefde vir almal. ”

Terwyl Sherman triomfantlik noordwaarts deur die Carolinas marsjeer nadat hy sy mars na die see vanaf Atlanta gehou het, het Lee op 9 April aan Grant oorgegee by Appomattox Court House, Virginia, en die oorwinning van die unie was naby, en Lincoln het op April 'n toespraak gehou op die grasperk van die Withuis. 11 en het sy gehoor aangemoedig om die suidelike state weer in die groep te verwelkom. Tragies genoeg sou Lincoln nie help om sy visie op rekonstruksie uit te voer nie.

Die moord op Abraham Lincoln

In die nag van 14 April 1865 het die akteur en die Konfederale simpatiseerder John Wilkes Booth in die president se boks by Ford's Theatre in Washington, DC, ingeglip en hom in die agterkop geskiet. Lincoln is na 'n koshuis oorkant die teater vervoer, maar hy het nooit sy bewussyn herwin nie, en is in die vroeë oggendure van 15 April 1865 oorlede.

Lincoln se moord het hom 'n nasionale martelaar gemaak. Op 21 April 1865 vertrek 'n trein met sy kis Washington, DC op pad na Springfield, Illinois, waar hy op 4 Mei begrawe sou word. Abraham Lincoln se begrafnis trein reis deur 180 stede en sewe state sodat rouklaers hulde kan bring aan die gevalle president.

Vandag word Lincoln se verjaardag - saam met die verjaardag van George Washington - vereer op President's Day, wat op die derde Maandag van Februarie plaasvind.

Abraham Lincoln kwotasies

"Niks waardevol kan verlore gaan deur tyd in beslag te neem nie."

'Ek wil hê dat die mense wat my die beste ken, van my gesê het dat ek altyd 'n distel pluk en 'n blom plant waar ek dink 'n blom sou groei.'

'Ek is eerder geneig om te swyg, en of dit nou wys is of nie, dit is ten minste meer ongewoon om 'n man te vind wat sy tong kan hou as om een ​​te vind wat nie kan nie.'

'Ek is uiters angstig dat hierdie Unie, die Grondwet en die vryhede van die mense in stand gehou moet word in ooreenstemming met die oorspronklike idee waarvoor die stryd gevoer is, en ek sal inderdaad baie bly wees as ek 'n nederige instrument in die hande van die Almagtige, en hiervan, sy byna uitverkore volk, vir die voortbestaan ​​van die doel van die groot stryd. ”

'Dit is in wese 'n People's -wedstryd. Aan die kant van die Unie is dit 'n stryd om die vorm en inhoud van die regering in die wêreld te handhaaf, wie se voornaamste doel is om die toestand van mans te verhoog - om kunsmatige gewigte van alle skouers af te lig - om die paaie van lofwaardige strewe na almal - om alles te bekostig, 'n onbegrensde begin en 'n regverdige kans in die wedloop van die lewe. "

'Vier en tagtig jaar gelede het ons vaders op hierdie kontinent 'n nuwe nasie voortgebring wat in vryheid verwek is en toegewy is aan die stelling dat alle mense gelyk geskape is.'

'Hierdie volk, onder God, sal 'n nuwe geboorte van vryheid hê - en die regering van die mense, deur die mense, vir die mense, sal nie van die aarde af vergaan nie.'

FOTOGALERIES


Lincoln - Kennedy toeval stedelike legende

Beweerde toevallighede wat die Amerikaanse presidente Abraham Lincoln en John F. Kennedy verbind, is 'n stuk Amerikaanse folklore van onbekende oorsprong. Die lys van toevallighede verskyn in die hoofstroom Amerikaanse pers in 1964, 'n jaar na die sluipmoord op John F. Kennedy, nadat dit in die GOP Congressional Committee Newsletter verskyn het. [1] [2] Martin Gardner ondersoek die lys in 'n artikel in Wetenskaplike Amerikaner, later herdruk in sy boek, Die towergetalle van dr. Matrix. [3] Gardner se weergawe van die lys bevat 16 items, baie latere weergawes het baie langer lyste versprei. Die lys is vandag nog in omloop, en het meer as 50 jaar lank in die gewilde verbeelding bestaan. In 1992 het die Skeptiese ondersoeker het 'n "Spooky Presidential Coincidences Contest" gehou. Een wenner het 'n reeks van sestien soortgelyke toevallighede tussen Kennedy en die voormalige Mexikaanse president Álvaro Obregón gevind, terwyl die ander soortgelyke lyste vir een-en-twintig pare Amerikaanse presidente opgestel het. [4]


Amerikaanse burgeroorlog

President Abraham Lincoln is op 14 April 1865 deur John Wilkes Booth geskiet. Hy was die eerste president van die Verenigde State wat vermoor is.

Waar is Lincoln vermoor?

President Lincoln het 'n toneelstuk genaamd Our American Cousin bygewoon in die Ford Theatre in Washington, DC. Hy het saam met sy vrou, Mary Todd Lincoln, en hul gaste majoor Henry Rathbone en Clara Harris in die Presidentsboks gesit.


Lincoln is in die Ford's Theatre geskiet, maar dit was nie
te ver van die Withuis af.
Foto deur Ducksters

Toe die toneelstuk 'n punt bereik waar daar 'n groot grap was en die gehoor hardop lag, het John Wilkes Booth die boks van president Lincoln binnegegaan en hom in die agterkop geskiet. Majoor Rathbone het hom probeer keer, maar Booth het Rathbone gesteek. Toe spring Booth uit die boks en vlug. Hy kon buite die teater klim en op sy perd klim om te ontsnap.

President Lincoln is na die koshuis van William Petersen oorkant die straat vervoer. Daar was verskeie dokters by hom, maar hulle kon hom nie help nie. Hy is op 15 April 1865 oorlede.


Booth het hierdie klein pistool gebruik
skiet Lincoln van naby.
Foto deur Ducksters

John Wilkes Booth was 'n Konfederale simpatiseerder. Hy het gevoel dat die oorlog eindig en dat die Suide gaan verloor, tensy hulle iets drasties doen. Hy het 'n paar vennote bymekaargemaak en eers 'n plan gemaak om president Lincoln te ontvoer. Toe sy ontvoeringsplan misluk, wend hy hom tot moord.

Die plan was dat Booth die president sou doodmaak terwyl Lewis Powell die minister van buitelandse sake, William H. Seward, sou vermoor en George Atzerodt, vise -president Andrew Johnson, sou vermoor. Alhoewel Booth suksesvol was, kon Powell gelukkig nie Seward doodmaak nie, en Atzerodt het sy senuwees verloor en nooit probeer om Andrew Johnson te vermoor nie.

Booth was in 'n skuur in die suide van Washington geleë, waar hy deur soldate geskiet is nadat hy geweier het om oor te gee. Die ander samesweerders is betrap en verskeie is gehang vir hul misdade.


Gesoek plakkaat vir die samesweerders.
Foto deur Ducksters


Die Petersen -huis
is reg oorkant geleë
die straat van die Ford's Theatre af

Foto deur Ducksters

Die sluipmoord op Lincoln

By Ford's Theatre Booth het hy sy weg geneem na die privaat boks waarin Lincoln en sy vrou, Mary Todd Lincoln, saam met hul gaste, die toneelstuk, Clara Harris en haar verloofde, vakbondbeampte, majoor Henry Rathbone, gekyk het (daar omdat 'n aantal meer prominente mense het die uitnodiging van die Lincolns geweier). Booth vind die boks van die president in wese onbewaak, en gaan daar binne en sluit die buitedeur van binne. Toe, op 'n oomblik in die toneelstuk wat hy geweet het 'n groot lag sou veroorsaak, bars Booth by die binnedeur van die boks in. Hy het Lincoln een keer in die agterkop geskiet met 'n .44 kaliber derringer, Rathbone met 'n mes in die skouer gesny en van die boks na die verhoog onder gespring en sy linkerbeen in die herfs gebreek (alhoewel sommige meen dat die besering wel gebeur het) kom eers later voor). Wat Booth gesê het tydens die aanval en toe hy gesê het, is 'n saak van geskil. Lede van die gehoor het uiteenlopend berig dat hy uitgeroep het: "Sic semper tirannis" ("So altyd vir tiranne", die staatsleuse van Virginia) of "The South is revenge!" of albei, voordat dit deur 'n deur aan die kant van die verhoog verdwyn het waar sy perd vir hom gehou is. Aan die ander kant, in 'n nota wat 'n paar dae na die sluipmoord geskryf is, beweer Booth dat hy 'Sic semper' geskree het voordat hy afgevuur het (alhoewel dit waarskynlik lyk dat dit Booth se poging was om die geskiedenis te dramatiseer). Booth het in elk geval in die nag en uit Washington gery en in Maryland ontmoet met Herold, wat sonder Powell van die toneel van die Seward -aanval gevlug het.

Verskeie dokters wat in die gehoor was, het Lincoln onmiddellik bygewoon. Daar is gemeen dat die president nie ver moes skuif nie, en hy is dus oorkant die straat geneem na die huis van William Petersen, wat ekstra kamers aan huurders verhuur het. In een van daardie kamers is Lincoln skuins oor 'n bed gelê, waarvoor hy andersins te lank was. Dokters het min hoop gehad dat die bewustelose Lincoln sou herstel, en gedurende die nag het verskeie kabinetslede, amptenare en dokters in die klein kamer waak. Mary treur histeries. Toe Lincoln op 15 April om 07:22 dood verklaar word, het die oorlogsekretaris Edwin M. Stanton beroemd gesê: "Nou behoort hy tot die eeue" (of "aan die engele" getuies stem nie saam nie).


Kinderjare en jeug

In Desember 1816 het Thomas Lincoln, met 'n regsgeding wat die titel van sy plaas in Kentucky uitgedaag het, saam met sy gesin na die suidweste van Indiana verhuis. Daar, as plakkers op openbare grond, het hy inderhaas 'n "halfgesigte kamp" opgeslaan-'n kru struktuur van stompe en takke met die een kant oop vir die weer-waarin die gesin skuil agter 'n brandende vuur. Gou bou hy 'n permanente kajuit, en later koop hy die grond waarop dit staan. Abraham het gehelp om die lande skoon te maak en die gewasse te versorg, maar het vroeg 'n afkeer van jag en vis gekry. In die daaropvolgende jare herinner hy hom aan die 'panter se gil', die bere wat 'op die varke getrek het' en die armoede van die Indiana -grenslewe, wat soms 'redelik knyp' was. Die ongelukkigste tydperk van sy kinderjare het gevolg op die dood van sy ma in die herfs van 1818. As 'n geskeurde negejarige het hy haar in die woud begrawe, en 'n winter in die gesig gestaar sonder die liefde van 'n moeder. Gelukkig, voor die aanvang van 'n tweede winter, het Thomas Lincoln 'n nuwe vrou vir homself uit Kentucky huis toe gebring, 'n nuwe ma vir die kinders. Sarah Bush Johnston Lincoln, 'n weduwee met twee meisies en 'n eie seuntjie, het energie en liefde gehad om te spaar. Sy bestuur die huishouding met 'n egalige hand en behandel albei kindersoorte asof sy almal gedra het, maar sy was veral lief vir Abraham en hy vir haar. Daarna het hy na haar verwys as sy 'engelmoeder'.

Sy stiefma het ongetwyfeld Lincoln se smaak vir lees aangemoedig, maar die oorspronklike bron van sy begeerte om te leer bly 'n raaisel. Albei sy ouers was byna heeltemal ongeletterd, en hy het self min formele opleiding ontvang. Hy het eenkeer gesê dat hy as kind 'klein was' skoolgegaan het - 'n bietjie nou en dan 'n bietjie - en sy hele skoolopleiding beloop nie meer as 'n jaar se bywoning nie. Sy bure onthou later hoe hy kilometers ver geloop het om 'n boek te leen. Volgens sy eie verklaring het sy vroeë omgewing egter absoluut niks verskaf om ambisie vir opvoeding aan te wakker nie. Toe ek volwasse was, het ek natuurlik nie veel geweet nie. Tog kon ek op een of ander manier lees, skryf en kodeer volgens die reël van drie, maar dit was alles. ” Blykbaar het die jong Lincoln nie 'n groot aantal boeke gelees nie, maar die paar wat hy wel gelees het, deeglik opgeneem. Dit sluit in die van Parson Weems Die lewe en onvergeetlike optrede van George Washington (met sy verhaal van die strydbyl en die kersieboom), Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, John Bunyan's Pelgrim se vordering, en Aesop's Fabels. Van sy vroegste dae af moes hy vertroud gewees het met die Bybel, want dit was ongetwyfeld die enigste boek wat sy familie besit het.

In Maart 1830 onderneem die Lincoln -gesin 'n tweede migrasie, hierdie keer na Illinois, terwyl Lincoln self die span osse bestuur. Toe hy pas 21 jaar oud was, wou hy op sy eie begin. Ses voet vier sentimeter lank, was hy met 'n ribbeband en slank, maar gespierd en fisies kragtig. Hy was veral bekend vir die vaardigheid en krag waarmee hy 'n byl kon dra. Hy het met 'n twang in die agterplaas gepraat en in die lang, platvoetige, versigtige manier van 'n ploegman gestap. Goedhartig, hoewel ietwat buierig, talentvol as nabootser en storieverteller, het hy maklik vriende aangetrek. Maar hy moes nog die ander vermoëns demonstreer wat hy besit.

Na sy aankoms in Illinois, sonder 'n begeerte om 'n boer te wees, het Lincoln sy hand probeer by verskillende beroepe. As spoorverdeler het hy gehelp om sy pa se nuwe plaas skoon te maak en te omhein. As 'n platbootman het hy 'n reis langs die Mississippirivier onderneem na New Orleans, Louisiana. (Dit was sy tweede besoek aan die stad, sy eerste besoek was in 1828, terwyl hy nog in Indiana gewoon het.) By sy terugkeer na Illinois vestig hy hom in New Salem, 'n dorp met ongeveer 25 gesinne aan die Sangamonrivier. Daar het hy van tyd tot tyd as winkelier, posmeester en landmeter gewerk. Met die koms van die Black Hawk War (1832) het hy hom as vrywilliger aangestel en is hy as kaptein van sy geselskap verkies. Daarna het hy 'n grap gemaak dat hy tydens die oorlog geen 'lewende, strydende Indiërs' gesien het nie, maar 'baie bloedige stryd met die muskiete' gehad het. Intussen het hy in sy eerste probeerslag verslaan en daarna herhaaldelik herkies na die staatsvergadering, met die doel om 'n wetgewer te word. Hy beskou smid as 'n ambag, maar besluit uiteindelik ten gunste van die wet. Nadat hy homself grammatika en wiskunde geleer het, het hy regsboeke begin studeer. In 1836, nadat hy die balie -eksamen geslaag het, het hy reg begin beoefen.


Vyf feite oor ... die moord op Abraham Lincoln

Op die 150ste herdenking van die sluipmoord op Abraham Lincoln, Geskiedenis onthul bring u vyf feite oor die dood van die president.

Hierdie kompetisie is nou gesluit

Lincoln het die Emancipation Proclamation onderteken, die slawe wettiglik bevry en die brutaal gewelddadige burgeroorlog beëindig. Maar op 14 April 1865 het John Wilkes Booth Abraham Lincoln geskiet terwyl hy in Ford's Theatre sit en kyk na die komedie, Ons Amerikaanse neef, wat hom die eerste Amerikaanse president maak wat vermoor is.

Hier is vyf fassinerende feite oor die dood van Lincoln.

Breek 'n been

Nadat hy Lincoln in sy privaat boks geskiet het, spring John Wilkes Booth op die verhoog en breek sy been. Hy skree vir die gehoor, 'Sic semper tirannis', Wat' so altyd vir tiranne 'beteken, die leuse van die staat Virginia. Hy het Ford's Theatre ontsnap, maar is na tien dae opgespoor na 'n plaas in Virginia. Na 'n kort stilstand is hy in die nek geskiet en is drie uur later aan sy wonde dood.

Waar was die lyfwag?

Abraham Lincoln het net een lyfwag gehad, 'n polisieman genaamd John Parker wat nie op sy pos was toe die president geskiet is nie. Met die pouse het hy die teater verlaat om saam met Lincoln se koetsier na 'n nabygeleë salon te gaan.

Geheime diens

Parker se noodlottige verwaarlosing word vererger deur die feit dat Lincoln die geheime diens geskep het op dieselfde dag as wat hy vermoor is. Dit is oorspronklik gestig om vervalsing aan te pak, nie sy rol vandag om die president te beskerm nie, maar die geheime diens het Lincoln op 'n manier gered. In 1876 het dit 'n poging om Lincoln se liggaam te steel, gefnuik.

Tyd van dood

Hoewel hy op 'n leë afstand in die kop geskiet is, het Lincoln nie onmiddellik gesterf nie. Hy is oorkant die straat na die Petersen -huis geneem en is nege uur later dood. Oorlogsminister Edwin Stanton was langs Lincoln se kant toe hy sterf en sê: "Nou behoort hy tot die eeue".

Vreemde toevallighede

In 'n bisarre wending het die broer van John Wilkes Booth die lewe van Lincoln se seun maande voor die sluipmoord gered. Robert Lincoln het op 'n treinspoor in Jersey City, New Jersey, geval toe die trein die stasie verlaat toe Edwin Booth hom na veiligheid trek.


10 feite oor die sluipmoord op Abraham Lincoln

Dit was op hierdie dag in 1865 dat president Abraham Lincoln geskiet is terwyl hy na 'n toneelstuk in die Ford & rsquos -teater gekyk het. Lincoln sterf die volgende oggend, en in die nadraai blyk dit dat daar vreemde feite opduik.

Waarom was generaal Ulysses S. Grant in die teaterkas saam met Lincoln, soos geskeduleer? Waar was die president en rsquos -lyfwag? Hoeveel mense is in die plot geteiken? En hoe het al die moordenaars ontsnap, ten minste tydelik?

Baie van die vrae is uiteindelik beantwoord, maar sommige bly vandag nog. En sommige mense twyfel oor een van die beweerde planners en haar betrokkenheid by Lincoln en rsquos -moord.

1. Waar was generaal Grant?

Hy wou in New Jersey wees! Grant is volgens die New York Times, maar hy het die uitnodiging geweier sodat hy saam met sy vrou na New Jersey kon reis om familielede te besoek.

2. Lincoln het amper nie na die Ford & rsquos -teater gegaan nie

In daardie eerste verslag van die sluipmoord van die Tye, het die koerant gesê Lincoln was huiwerig om na die toneelstuk te gaan. Aangesien generaal Grant egter kanselleer, voel hy verplig om dit by te woon, al voel sy vrou nie goed nie. Lincoln het probeer om die speaker van die huis, Schuyler Colfax, saam te bring, maar Colfax het geweier.

Hy het met skynbare onwilligheid gegaan en mnr. Colfax aangespoor om saam met hom te gaan, maar die heer het ander verbintenisse aangegaan. Tye gerapporteer.

3. As Colfax saam met Lincoln in die hok was, sou twee persone in die ry om Lincoln op te volg, in gevaar gewees het.

Visepresident Andrew Johnson was ook 'n sluipmoorddoel, maar sy aanvaller het sy senuweeagtigheid verloor en nie aangeval nie. Colfax was derde in die ry om Lincoln op te volg, na Johnson, en Senaat Pro Tempore Lafayette Sabine Foster. Buitelandse minister William Seward was nie in die opvolgingslyn in 1865 nie.

4. Waarom is vise -president Johnson aangeval?

John Wilkes Booth het George Atzerodt, 'n kennis, oortuig om Johnson dood te maak deur 'n lokval te stel by die Kirkwood House -hotel waar die vise -president woon. Atzerodt het egter sy moed verloor en het nie probeer om Johnson dood te maak nie, alhoewel hy 'n gehuurde kamer bo Johnson & rsquos gehad het, en 'n gelaaide geweer in die kamer gevind is.

5. Hoe het Seward, minister van buitelandse sake, oorleef ten spyte daarvan dat sy keel twee of drie keer gesteek is?

Die moordenaar Lewis Powell het toegang tot die huis van Seward & rsquos verkry, waar die sekretaresse bedlêend was ná 'n vervoerongeluk. Frederick W. Seward, sy seun, is ernstig beseer toe hy sy pa verdedig het tydens die poging tot moord op Powell & rsquos. Die sekretaris is gewond, maar die metaal chirurgiese kraag wat hy gedra het, het hom beskerm.

6. Waar was Lincoln & rsquos lyfwag?

Die Smithsonian Magazine het 'n paar jaar gelede 'n storie hieroor gedoen. John Parker, die lyfwag, het aanvanklik sy posisie verlaat om na die toneelstuk te kyk, en daarna is hy na die salon langsaan vir onderbreking. Dit was dieselfde salon waar Booth gedrink het. Niemand weet waar Parker was tydens die sluipmoord nie, maar hy was nie op sy posisie by die deur van die hok nie.

7. Waar was die geheime diens?

Dit het nog nie bestaan ​​nie. Die geheime diens is oorspronklik in Julie 1865 geskep om valsers te bekamp, ​​en sy taak om die president te beskerm, het voltyds geword nadat president William McKinley in 1901 vermoor is.

8. Hoe het Booth so lank weggekruip?

Booth kon lewendig uit die Ford & rsquos -teater ontsnap, en hy was 12 dae op die vlug, vergesel van 'n ander samesweerder, David Herold. Die paartjie het na die Surratt Tavern in Maryland gegaan, voorraad bymekaargemaak, dr Mudd gaan sien om Booth & rsquos been gebreek te kry, en dan deur boslande en moerasse na Virginia gegaan. Hulle is ook bygestaan ​​deur 'n voormalige Konfederale spioenasie -agent en deur ander Konfederale simpatiseerders. Militêre magte was op hul spoor en hulle het 'n persoon gevind wat hulle na 'n plaas in Virginia gelei het. Op die Garrett -plaas is Booth noodlottig gewond en het Herold oorgegee.

9. Die oorspronklike plan was om Lincoln te ontvoer, nie om hom dood te maak nie

Booth het in Maart 1865 met sy samesweerders vergader en 'n plan beraam om Lincoln te ontvoer toe hy op 17 Maart uit 'n toneelstuk in die Campbell -hospitaal terugkeer, maar Lincoln verander op die laaste oomblik sy planne en gaan na 'n militêre seremonie. Booth het daarna gedink om Lincoln te ontvoer nadat hy 'n geleentheid in die Ford & rsquos -teater verlaat het. Maar die akteur het van plan verander nadat Lee oorgegee het.

10. Was Mary Surratt deel van die sameswering?

Dit is 'n onderwerp wat vandag nog bespreek word. Surratt was 'n suidelike simpatieerder wat saam met haar oorlede man in Maryland grond besit het. Sy het ook 'n huis in Washington besit wat ook as losieshuis gebruik is, en sy was bevriend met Booth. Sy het ook 'n taverne wat sy in Maryland besit het, verhuur aan 'n herbergier.

Surratt was saam met Booth op die dag van die sluipmoord, en sy het na bewering vir die herbergier gesê om daardie aand 'n paar gewere vir besoekers gereed te kry. Die getuienis van die herbergier en rsquos het Surratt tot die galg gedoem. Wat omstrede was, was die besluit om Surratt & ndash op te hang van 'n besluit wat persoonlik deur president Andrew Johnson goedgekeur is.


Blaai die blaaie oor die Amerikaanse geskiedenis en die politieke geskiedenis, en u sal beslis 'n man vind wat ander oortref en die aandag van almal trek en Abraham Lincoln! Bynaam Eerlike Abe of Vader AbrahamLincoln was verreweg een van die magtigste en grootste presidente wat Amerika nog ooit gesien het. Hy het uit 'n beskeie en nederige begin opgestaan, en dit was sy vasberadenheid en eerlike poging wat hom na die hoogste amp van die land gelei het. Hy was 'n kranige politikus en bekwame prokureur en het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die eenwording van die state. Van voor af het hy 'n prominente rol gespeel in die afskaffing van slawerny uit die land en uiteindelik mense gelyke regte gegee, ongeag kaste, kleur of geloof. Hy het nie net 'n werklik demokratiese regering voorgestel nie, maar eintlik op die voorgrond gebring wat gelei is deur die konsep van die mense, van die mense en van die mense. morele krisisse. Hy het nie net as oorwinnaars uit die stryd getree nie, maar was ook effektief in die versterking van die nasionale regering en die modernisering van die ekonomie. Hy was 'n redder van die Unie en 'n emansipator van die slawe. Net soos sy verstommende opkoms tot die hoogste posisie en sy uiteindelike regering, was sy dood ewe verstommend as wat hy die eerste Amerikaanse president geword het wat ooit vermoor is. Aangesien toekennings en eerbewyse destyds nie bestaan ​​het nie, is Abraham Lincoln nooit toegeken met toekennings en eerbewyse nie. Hy word egter beskou as een van die top drie presidente van die Verenigde State. Volgens die presidensiële peilings wat sedert 1948 gedoen is, is Lincoln in die meerderheid van die peilings bo -aan.

Waarom word Abraham Lincoln beskou as een van die grootste presidente van die Verenigde State van Amerika?

Abraham Lincoln het die land gelei toe hy die grootste grondwetlike, militêre en morele krisisse ondervind het. Amerika het te kampe gehad met die burgeroorlog en die afskeiding van die suidelike state van die unie. Abraham Lincoln successfully tackled these multiple challenges. He preserved the Union, abolished slavery, strengthened the federal government, and modernized the U.S. economy.

Leading from the front, Abraham Lincoln played a prominent role in abolishing slavery from the country, eventually giving people equal rights, irrespective of caste, color or creed. He not only envisioned but actually brought to the forefront a truly democratic government which was led by the concept - &lsquoby the people, of the people and for the people.&rsquo

Abraham Lincoln was member of which political party?

Abraham Lincoln started his political career as Whig Party member and later on became a Republican. He entered the Illinois House of Representatives for Sangamon County on Whig Party ticket in 1834 and was the member of the state legislature till 1842. From 1847 to 1849, he represented Whig Party from Illinois in the U.S. House of Representatives. In 1849, he left politics and returned to his law practice.

Abraham Lincoln re-entered politics in 1854, becoming a leader in the new Republican Party. He ran for the office of the President in 1860 and was elected on Republican Party's ticket. He was re-elected for a second term in 1864.

Why was Abraham Lincoln assassinated?

Abraham Lincoln&rsquos assassin, John Wilkes Booth, was a Confederate sympathiser. Just five days before Lincoln&rsquos assassination Confederate General Robert E. Lee had surrendered his massive army at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, thus leading to the end of the American Civil War. With Lincoln&rsquos assassination John Wilkes Booth wanted to revive the Confederate cause. Booth was a supporter of slavery and believed that Lincoln was determined to overthrow the Constitution.


Lincoln’s Contested Legacy

From the time of his death in 1865 to the 200th anniversary of his birth, February 12, 2009, there has never been a decade in which Abraham Lincoln's influence has not been felt. Yet it has not been a smooth, unfolding history, but a jagged narrative filled with contention and revisionism. Lincoln's legacy has shifted again and again as different groups have interpreted him. Northerners and Southerners, blacks and whites, East Coast elites and prairie Westerners, liberals and conservatives, the religious and secular, scholars and popularizers—all have recalled a sometimes startlingly different Lincoln. He has been lifted up by both sides of the Temperance Movement invoked for and against federal intervention in the economy heralded by anti-communists, such as Senator Joseph McCarthy, and by American communists, such as those who joined the Abraham Lincoln Brigade in the fight against the fascist Spanish government in the 1930s. Lincoln has been used to justify support for and against incursions on civil liberties, and has been proclaimed both a true and a false friend to African-Americans. Was he at heart a "progressive man" whose death was an "unspeakable calamity" for African-Americans, as Frederick Douglass insisted in 1865? Or was he "the embodiment. of the American Tradition of racism," as African-American writer Lerone Bennett Jr. sought to document in a 2000 book?

It is often argued that Lincoln's abiding reputation is the result of his martyrdom. And certainly the assassination, occurring as it did on Good Friday, propelled him into reverential heights. Speaking at a commemoration at the Athenaeum Club in New York City on April 18, 1865, three days after Lincoln died, Parke Godwin, editor of the Evening Post, summed up the prevailing mood. "No loss has been comparable to his," Godwin said. "Never in human history has there been so universal, so spontaneous, so profound an expression of a nation's bereavement." He was the first American president to be assassinated, and waves of grief touched every type of neighborhood and every class—at least in the North. But the shock at the murder explains only part of the tidal wave of mourning. It is hard to imagine that the assassination of James Buchanan or Franklin Pierce would have had the same impact on the national psyche. The level of grief reflected who Lincoln was and what he had come to represent. "Through all his public function," Godwin said, "there shone the fact that he was a wise and good man. [He was] our supremest leader—our safest counsellor—our wisest friend—our dear father."

Not everyone agreed. Northern Democrats had been deeply opposed to Lincoln's wartime suspension of habeas corpus, which led to the imprisonment without trial of thousands of suspected traitors and war protesters. Though Lincoln had taken care to proceed constitutionally and with restraint, his opponents decried his "tyrannical" rule. But in the wake of the assassination even his critics were silent.

Across much of the South, of course, Lincoln was hated, even in death. Though Robert E. Lee and many Southerners expressed regret over the murder, others saw it as an act of Providence, and cast John Wilkes Booth as the bold slayer of an American tyrant. "All honor to J. Wilkes Booth," wrote Southern diarist Kate Stone (referring as well to the simultaneous, though not fatal, attack on Secretary of State William Seward): "What torrents of blood Lincoln has caused to flow, and how Seward has aided him in his bloody work. I cannot be sorry for their fate. They deserve it. They have reaped their just reward."

Four years after Lincoln's death, Massachusetts journalist Russell Conwell found widespread, lingering bitterness toward Lincoln in the ten former Confederate states that Conwell visited. "Portraits of Jeff Davis and Lee hang in all their parlors, decorated with Confederate flags," he wrote. "Photographs of Wilkes Booth, with the last words of great martyrs printed upon its borders effigies of Abraham Lincoln hanging by the neck. adorn their drawing rooms." The Rebellion here "seems not to be dead yet," Conwell concluded.

For their part, African-Americans' pangs of loss were tinged with fear for their future. Few promoted Lincoln's legacy more passionately than critic-turned-admirer Frederick Douglass, whose frustration at the presidency of Andrew Johnson kept growing. Lincoln was "a progressive man, a human man, an honorable man, and at heart an antislavery man," Douglass wrote in December 1865. "I assume. had Abraham Lincoln been spared to see this day, the negro of the South would have had more hope of enfranchisement." Ten years later, at the dedication of the Freedmen's Memorial in Washington, D.C., Douglass seemed to recant these words, calling Lincoln "preeminently the white man's President" and American blacks "at best only his step-children." But Douglass' purpose that day was to puncture the sentimentality of the occasion and to criticize the government's abandonment of Reconstruction. And in the final decades of his long life Douglass repeatedly invoked Lincoln as having embodied the spirit of racial progress.

Douglass' worries about America proved prophetic. By the 1890s, with the failure of Reconstruction and the advent of Jim Crow, Lincoln's legacy of emancipation lay in ruins. Regional reconciliation—the healing of the rift between North and South—had supplanted the nation's commitment to civil rights. In 1895, at a gathering of Union and Confederate soldiers in Chicago, the topics of slavery and race were set aside in favor of a focus on North-South reconciliation. As the 1909 centennial of Lincoln's birth approached, race relations in the country were reaching a nadir.

In August 1908, riots broke out in Lincoln's hometown of Springfield, Illinois, after a white woman, Mabel Hallam, claimed she had been raped by a local black man, George Richardson. (She later admitted to making up the story.) On Friday, August 14, two thousand white men and boys began to attack African-Americans and set fire to black businesses. "Lincoln freed you," rioters were heard to yell. "We'll show you where you belong." The next night, the mob approached the shop of William Donnegan, a 79-year-old African-American shoemaker who had made boots for Lincoln and at whose brother's barbershop Lincoln used to mingle with African-Americans. Setting fire to Donnegan's shop, the mob dragged the old man outside and pelted him with bricks, then slashed his throat. Still alive, he was dragged across the street into a school courtyard. There, not far from a statue of Abraham Lincoln, he was hoisted up a tree and left to die.

Horrified by the reports of such ugly violence, a group of New York City activists formed the National Negro Committee, soon to be renamed the NAACP, with a young scholar named W.E.B. Du Bois to serve as director of publicity and research. From its beginning, the organization's mission was intertwined with Lincoln's, as one of its early statements made clear: "Abraham Lincoln began the emancipation of the Negro American. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People proposes to complete it."

The centennial of Lincoln's birth marked the largest commemoration of any person in American history. The Lincoln penny was minted, the first coin bearing the image of an American president, and talks took place in Washington about a grand Lincoln monument to be erected in the nation's capital. All across the country, and in many nations around the world, America's 16th president was extolled. An editorial in the London Times declared, "Together with Washington, Lincoln occupies a pinnacle to which no third person is likely to attain." The commander of the Brazilian Navy ordered a 21-gun salute "in homage to the memory of that noble martyr of moral and of neighborly love." The former states of the Confederacy, which less than 50 years earlier had rejoiced at Lincoln's death, now paid tribute to the leader who had reunified the nation. W. C. Calland, a state official in Missouri—which, during the Civil War, had been a border state that contributed 40,000 troops to the Confederate cause—barely contained his astonishment in a memorandum reporting on the festivities: "Perhaps no event could have gathered around it so much of patriotic sentiment in the South as the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. Confederate veterans held public services and gave public expression to the sentiment, that had ‘Lincoln lived' the days of reconstruction might have been softened and the era of good feeling ushered in earlier."

In most of America the celebrations were thoroughly segregated, including in Springfield, where blacks (with the exception of a declined invitation to Booker T. Washington) were excluded from a dazzling gala dinner. Soos die Chicago Tribune reported, it "is to be a lily white affair from start to finish." Across town, inside one of Springfield's most prominent black churches, African-Americans met for their own celebration. "We colored people love and revere the memory of Lincoln," said the Rev. L. H. Magee. "His name is a synonym for the freedom of wife, husband and children, and a chance to live in a free country, fearless of the slave-catcher and his bloodhounds." Referring to the "sacred dust of the great emancipator" lying in Springfield's Oak Ridge Cemetery, Magee called upon black people across America to make pilgrimages to Lincoln's tomb. And he cast his gaze forward a hundred years—to the bicentennial of 2009—and envisioned a Lincoln celebration "by the great-grandchildren of those who celebrate this centenary." In that far-off year, Magee predicted, "prejudice shall have been banished as a myth and relegated to the dark days of ‘Salem witchcraft.' "

A notable exception to the rule of segregated commemorations took place in Kentucky, where President Theodore Roosevelt, a longtime Lincoln admirer, presided over a dramatic ceremony at the old Lincoln homestead. Lincoln's birth cabin, of dubious provenance, had been purchased from promoters who had been displaying it around the country. Now the state, with Congressional support, planned to rebuild it on its original site, on a knoll above the Sinking Spring that had originally attracted Thomas Lincoln, the president's father, to the property. The 110-acre farmstead would become the "nation's commons," it was declared—a crossroads linking the entire country.

Seven thousand people showed up for the dedication, including a number of African-Americans, who mixed in among the others with no thought of separation. When Roosevelt began his speech he hopped onto a chair and was greeted by cheers. "As the years [roll] by," he said in his crisp, excitable voice, ". this whole Nation will grow to feel a peculiar sense of pride in the mightiest of the mighty men who mastered the mighty days the lover of his country and of all mankind the man whose blood was shed for the union of his people and for the freedom of a race: Abraham Lincoln." The ceremony in Kentucky heralded the possibility of national reconciliation and racial justice proceeding hand in hand. But that was not to be, as the dedication of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. 13 years later would make all too clear.

Members of the Lincoln Memorial commission—created by Congress in 1911—saw the monument not only as a tribute to the 16th president but also as a symbol of a reunified nation. With Northerners and Southerners having fought side by side in the Spanish-American War of 1898 and again in World War I, it was time, they felt, to put aside sectional differences once and for all. This meant that the Lincoln honored on the National Mall must not be the man who had broken the South militarily or had crushed the institution of slavery but the preserver of the Union. "By emphasizing his saving the Union you appeal to both sections," wrote Royal Cortissoz, author of the inscription that would be etched inside the finished building behind Daniel Chester French's nearly 20-foot-tall sculpture of the seated Lincoln. "By saying nothing about slavery you avoid the rubbing of old sores."

Two American presidents—Warren G. Harding and William Howard Taft—took part in the dedication ceremonies held on May 30, 1922, and loudspeakers on the memorial's rooftop carried the festivities across the Mall. Black guests were seated in a "colored section" off to the side. The commissioners had included a black speaker in the program not wanting an activist who might challenge the mostly white audience, they had chosen Robert Russa Moton, the mild-mannered president of Tuskegee Institute, and required him to submit his text in advance for revision. But in what turned out to be the most powerful speech of the day, Moton highlighted Lincoln's emancipationist legacy and challenged Americans to live up to their calling to be a people of "equal justice and equal opportunity."

In the days that followed, Moton's speech went almost entirely unreported. Even his name was dropped from the record—in most accounts Moton was referred to simply as "a representative of the race." African-Americans across the country were outraged. Die Chicago verdediger, an African-American weekly, urged a boycott of the Lincoln Memorial until it was properly dedicated to the real Lincoln. Not long afterward, at a large gathering in front of the monument, Bishop E.D.W. Jones, an African-American religious leader, insisted that "the immortality of the great emancipator lay not in his preservation of the Union, but in his giving freedom to the negroes of America."

In the decades since, the Lincoln Memorial has been the scene of many dramatic moments in history. A photograph of President Franklin D. Roosevelt taken at the memorial on February 12, 1938, shows him leaning against a military attaché, his hand on his heart. "I do not know which party Lincoln would belong to if he were alive," Roosevelt said two years later. "His sympathies and his motives of championship of humanity itself have made him for all centuries to come the legitimate property of all parties—of every man and woman and child in every part of our land." On April 9, 1939, after being denied the use of Constitution Hall in Washington because of her race, the great contralto Marian Anderson was invited to sing at the Lincoln Memorial. Seventy-five thousand people, black and white, gathered at the monument for an emotional concert that further linked Lincoln's memory to racial progress. Three years later, during the bleak days of World War II, when it seemed that the Allies might lose the war, Lincoln's memory served as a potent force of national encouragement. In July 1942, on an outdoor stage within view of the Lincoln Memorial, a powerful performance of Aaron Copland's "Lincoln Portrait" took place, with Carl Sandburg reading Lincoln's words, including "we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain."

In 1957, a 28-year-old Martin Luther King Jr. came to the Lincoln Memorial to help lead a protest for black voting rights. "The spirit of Lincoln still lives," he had proclaimed before the protest. Six years later, in 1963, he returned for the March on Washington. The August day was bright and sunny, and more than 200,000 people, black and white, converged on the Mall in front of the Lincoln Memorial. King's speech called Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation "a beacon of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been scarred in the flame of withering injustice." But it was not enough, he went on, simply to glorify the past. "One hundred years later we must face the tragic fact the Negro is still not free. is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chain of discrimination." And then he told the enraptured crowd, "I have a dream." Author and New York Times book critic Richard Bernstein later called King's words "the single most important piece of American oratory since Lincoln's Gettysburg Address."

Just three months after the speech, President John F. Kennedy would be assassinated, ushering in a period of national grief not unlike that after Lincoln's murder. Also echoing the previous century, Kennedy's efforts to advance civil rights had prompted some to mourn him as the "second emancipator." A. Philip Randolph, who had organized the March on Washington, declared that the time had come to complete "this unfinished business of American democracy for which two presidents have died."

To address a profound need for national healing and unity, JFK's widow, Jacqueline Kennedy—in consultation with other family members and official planners—decided to model her slain husband's funeral upon Lincoln's. The president's casket was laid in state inside the White House East Room, and was later taken to the Great Rotunda of the Capitol and rested upon the catafalque used at Lincoln's funeral. On their final procession to Arlington National Cemetery, the funeral cars passed reverently by the Lincoln Memorial. One of the most poignant images from that era was a political cartoon drawn by Bill Mauldin, depicting the statue of Lincoln bent over in grief.

In the nearly half century since, Lincoln's reputation has been under assault from various quarters. Malcolm X broke with the long tradition of African-American admiration for Lincoln, saying in 1964 that he had done "more to trick Negroes than any other man in history." In 1968, pointing to clear examples of Lincoln's racial prejudice, Lerone Bennett Jr. asked in Ebbehout magazine, "Was Abe Lincoln a White Supremacist?" (His answer: yes.) The 1960s and '70s were a period in which icons of all kinds—especially great leaders of the past—were being smashed, and Lincoln was no exception. Old arguments surfaced that he had never really cared about emancipation, that he was at heart a political opportunist. States' rights libertarians criticized his aggressive handling of the Civil War, his assaults on civil liberties and his aggrandizing of federal government.

In particular, the Nixon administration's perceived abuse of executive power during the Vietnam War prompted unflattering comparisons with Lincoln's wartime measures. Some scholars, however, rejected such comparisons, noting that Lincoln reluctantly did what he thought necessary to preserve the Constitution and the nation. Historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., for one, wrote in 1973 that since the Vietnam War didn't rise to the same level of national crisis, Nixon "has sought to establish as a normal Presidential power what previous Presidents had regarded as power justified only by extreme emergencies. . . . He does not, like Lincoln, confess to doubt about the legality of his course."

Decades later, another war would again bring Lincoln's legacy to the fore. Shortly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush addressed Congress with words evocative of Lincoln's comments at the outset of the Civil War: "The course of this conflict is not known," Bush said, "yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them." As in the Vietnam era, subsequent controversies over the White House's conduct of the war on terror—such as the use of secret wiretapping and the detention of "enemy combatants" without trial—provoked another round of debates over presidential powers and the precedents created by Lincoln.

Despite such lingering controversies, Lincoln has consistently polled as one of the three greatest U.S. presidents, along with George Washington and Franklin D. Roosevelt. And though many African-Americans lost their veneration for him over the decades, recent statements by President Barack Obama and others suggest renewed appreciation. It was black Americans, after all, who refused to give up on Lincoln's emancipationist legacy even when American whites wanted to forget it. And if Lincoln shared in the racial prejudice of his day, it is also true that his outlook grew significantly over the years of his presidency. He was "the first great man that I talked with in the United States freely," Frederick Douglass wrote, "who in no single instance reminded me of the difference between himself and myself, of the difference of color."

And yet, as Bennett and others have rightly insisted, the Lincoln of earlier generations of blacks was also in part a mythic figure—his own racial prejudices passed over too lightly, even as African-Americans' roles in emancipation were underemphasized. In a series of 1922 editorials for the NAACP journal the Krisis, W.E.B. Du Bois stressed the importance of taking Lincoln off his pedestal in order to place attention on the need for ongoing progress. But Du Bois refused to reject Lincoln in the process. "The scars and foibles and contradictions of the Great do not diminish but enhance the worth and meaning of their upward struggle," he wrote. Of all the great figures of the 19th century, "Lincoln is to me the most human and lovable. And I love him not because he was perfect but because he was not and yet triumphed." In a 2005 essay in Tyd magazine, Obama said much the same thing: "I am fully aware of his limited views on race. But. [in] the midst of slavery's dark storm and the complexities of governing a house divided, he somehow kept his moral compass pointed firm and true."

Lincoln will always remain the president who helped destroy slavery and preserved the Union. With stubbornness, caution and an exquisite sense of timing, he engaged almost physically with unfolding history. Derided by some as an opportunist, he was in fact an artist, responding to events as he himself changed over time, allowing himself to grow into a true reformer. Misjudged as a mere jokester, incompetent, unserious, he was in fact the most serious actor on the political stage. He was politically shrewd, and he took a long view of history. And he knew when to strike to obtain his ends. Just for his work on behalf of the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery in the United States, he has earned a permanent place in the history of human freedom.

In addition, he was a man of patience who refused to demonize others a person of the middle who could build bridges across chasms. Herein may lie one of his most important legacies—his unwavering desire to reunite the American people. In Chicago's Grant Park, the night he was declared the winner of the 2008 election, Obama sought to capture that sentiment, quoting from Lincoln's first inaugural address: "We are not enemies, but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection."

And with the inauguration of the nation's first African-American president, we remember that, in 1864, with the Union war effort going badly, the national government might have been tempted to suspend the upcoming elections. Not only did Lincoln insist they take place, he staked his campaign on a controversial platform calling for the 13th Amendment, willing to risk everything on its behalf. When he went on to an overwhelming victory in November, he obtained a mandate to carry through his program. "[I]f the rebellion could force us to forego, or postpone a national election," he spoke to a gathered crowd from a White House window, "it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. [The election] has demonstrated that a people's government can sustain a national election, in the midst of a great civil war."

Around the world, governments routinely suspend elections, citing the justification of a "national emergency." Yet Lincoln set a precedent that would guarantee the voting rights of the American people through subsequent wars and economic depressions. Though our understanding of him is more nuanced than it once was, and we are more able to recognize his limitations as well as his strengths, Abraham Lincoln remains the great example of democratic leadership—by most criteria, truly our greatest president.

Philip B. Kunhardt III is co-author of the 2008 book Looking for Lincoln and a Bard Center Fellow.


Kyk die video: Abraham Lincoln - The Great Emancipator Documentary (Desember 2021).