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Waarom het voormalige slawe nie na die emansipasie lae-loonwerkers geword nie?

Waarom het voormalige slawe nie na die emansipasie lae-loonwerkers geword nie?

Daar word dikwels gesê dat die suidelike ekonomie in skerwe was nadat slawe geëmansipeer is, aangesien slawerny grootliks 'n ekonomiese onderneming was. Ek het ook gelees dat voormalige slawe probleme ondervind het as gevolg van hul ras.

Waarom het voormalige slawe nie oorgegaan na lae-loonwerkers na emansipasie nie? Dit lyk asof hierdie 'n ooreenkoms sou wees wat beide blankes en swartes in die tydperk na die burgeroorlog bevoordeel het.


Die meeste van die voormalige slawe het deelnemers geword. Dit wil sê, hulle is 'n persentasie van die oeste betaal, eerder as 'reguit' lone. Landbou was alles wat die meeste slawe geweet het. Slegs 'n klein minderheid is opgelei en vaardig genoeg om 'industriële' werk te neem wat selfs lae lone betaal het.

Blankes het dit so verkies. 'Sharecropping' was naby slawerny onder 'n ander naam. Die verskuiwing van voormalige slawe na 'n loonekonomie, veral om saam met wit werkers te werk, sou 'n 'vooruitgang' gewees het wat die meeste blankes nie wou aanmoedig nie. Dit het nie net suidelike wit plaaseienaars nie, maar ook noordelike wit arbeiders ingesluit.


Waarom herverdeling van grond aan voormalige slawe wat na die burgeroorlog ontrafel is?

'N Eksperiment uit die burgeroorlog om die grond van eienaars van wit plantasies aan voorheen slawe te verkoop, het meestal ontrafel as gevolg van die werk van prokureurs, verduidelik professor Cynthia Nicoletti aan die University of Virginia School of Law in die jongste episode van "Common Law."

Die tweede seisoen van die UVA Law -podcast, aangebied deur Dean Risa Goluboff en visedekaan Leslie Kendrick '06, fokus op verhale oor "When Law Changed the World."

"In hierdie episode praat ons oor die mag van die reg en prokureurs om vordering terug te hou en hiërargie en onderdrukking te vestig," sê Goluboff.

Baie Amerikaners het gehoor van "40 hektaar en 'n muil" - die algemene frase wat gebruik word om genl William T. Sherman se spesiale veldbestellings nr. 15 te beskryf, wat in Januarie 1865 herverdeling van die konfederale grond in Suid -Carolina, Georgia en Florida uiteengesit het onder sekere voorwaardes aan voormalige slawe. Die grond is in die herfs van 1865 vinnig deur president Andrew Johnson aan die blanke Suidlanders teruggegee.

Minder bekend is die beslaglegging en herverdeling van die Unie op grond op die Suid-Carolina se Eilande ingevolge die Amerikaanse Inkomstewet van 1862. Onder die wet het die VSA grond beset van suidelike grondeienaars wat nie belasting aan die Unie betaal het nie. Toe die Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 in werking tree, kon vrygelate slawe grond koop wat op 'n veiling daar verkoop is. Alhoewel baie swart boere die grond wat hulle op die belastingveiling gekoop het, behou het, is die oorspronklike eienaars later vergoed vir die grond, deels weens die optrede van prokureurs soos William Henry Trescot, self 'n plantasie -eienaar.

'Sy taak is om na Washington te gaan om te probeer roer op watter manier hy ook al kan saamstel om grond vir die planters terug te kry,' sê Nicoletti.

Nicoletti, Goluboff en Kendrick bespreek ook waarom grondverdeling nie in die breër plaasgevind het nie.

'Niemand neem regtig die groot sprong nie, reg?' Sê Nicoletti. "Oor die algemeen is ons geneig om inkrementeel te dink, en ons is geneig om nie te dink 'O, kom ons dink daaraan om die ... hele samelewing te hervorm'."

Nicoletti is die skrywer van 'Secession on Trial: The Treason Prosecution of Jefferson Davis', wat die Cromwell -boekprys gewen het. Sy werk nou aan 'n nuwe boek oor emansipasie en die mislukking van wydverspreide grondverdeling.

'Common Law' is beskikbaar op Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, YouTube, Spotify en ander gewilde plekke waar u na podcasts kan luister, insluitend Amazon Alexa -toestelle. Hierdie episode is opgeneem in die Virginia Quarterly Review en vervaardig deur Robert Armengol en Sydney Halleman.


Hoe die einde van slawerny gelei het tot honger en dood vir miljoene swart Amerikaners

Volgens 'n nuwe boek sterf honderdduisende slawe wat tydens die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog bevry is aan siektes en honger nadat hulle bevry is.

Die analise deur die historikus Jim Downs van Connecticut College werp 'n skaduwee oor een van die mees gevierde vertellings uit die Amerikaanse geskiedenis, wat die vrystelling van die slawe beskou as 'n triomfantelike regstelling van die onregte van 'n suidelike plantasiestelsel wat miljoene swart Amerikaners aangehou het in kettings.

Maar, soos Downs in sy boek toon, Siek van vryheid, die realiteit van emansipasie tydens die chaos van oorlog en die bloedige gevolge daarvan het dikwels brutaal te kort gekom aan die positiewe beeld. In plaas daarvan is vrygelate slawe dikwels deur vakbond soldate verwaarloos of het hulle 'n hewige siekte ondervind, waaronder verskriklike uitbrake van pokke en cholera. Baie van hulle het bloot honger gesterf.

Na die deurblaai van onduidelike rekords, koerante en tydskrifte, meen Downs dat ongeveer 'n kwart van die vier miljoen vrygemaakte slawe tussen 1862 en 1870 gesterf het of aan siekte gely het. Hy skryf in die boek dat dit beskou kan word as "die grootste biologiese krisis van die 19de eeu "en tog is dit een wat min deur hedendaagse historici ondersoek is.

Downs glo baie daarvan omdat ten tyde van die burgeroorlog, wat tussen 1861 en 1865 gewoed het en die vakbondlid noord teen die konfederale suide gestamp het, baie mense nie wou ondersoek instel na die tragedie wat die vrygemaakte slawe teëgekom het nie. Baie noordelike mense was weinig meer simpatiek as hul suidelike teenstanders wat die gesondheid van die vrygelate slawe betref en die afskaffing van anti-slawerny was bang dat die ramp hul kritici reg sou bewys.

'In die 19de eeu wou mense nie daaroor praat nie. , 'Het Downs aan die Waarnemer.

Downs se boek is vol vreeslike vignette oor die individuele ervarings van slawegesinne wat hul vryheid omhels het van die wrede plantasies waarop hulle gebore of verkoop is. Baie beland in kampe wat 'smokkelkampe' genoem word, wat dikwels naby die weermagbasisse van die unie was. Die toestande was egter onhigiënies en voedselvoorrade was beperk. Skokkend genoeg was sommige smokkelkampe eintlik voormalige slawehokke, wat beteken dat nuut bevryde mense uiteindelik virtuele gevangenes in dieselfde selle gehou is wat hulle voorheen aangehou het. In baie sulke kampe het siektes en honger tot ontelbare sterftes gelei. Dikwels was die enigste manier om die kamp te verlaat om terug te gaan werk op dieselfde plantasies waaruit die slawe onlangs ontsnap het.

Die behandeling deur vakbond soldate kan ook wreed wees. Downs herkonstrueer die ervarings van een vrygelate slaaf, Joseph Miller, wat saam met sy vrou en vier kinders na 'n tydelik vrygestelde slawe -vlugtelingkamp in die unie -vesting van Camp Nelson in Kentucky gekom het. In ruil vir kos en skuiling vir sy gesin, het Miller by die weermag aangesluit. Tog het vakbond soldate in 1864 nog steeds die oud-slawe uit Camp Nelson verwyder en hulle effektief laat vaar om in 'n oorlogsgeteisterde en deur siektes geteisterde landskap op te vang. Een van Miller se jong seuns het vinnig siek geword en gesterf. Drie weke later sterf sy vrou en nog 'n seun. Tien dae daarna het sy dogter ook omgekom. Uiteindelik het sy laaste oorlewende kind ook terminaal siek geword. Vroeg in 1865 was Miller self dood. Vir Downs is sulke verhale hartverskeurend. 'Baie van hierdie mense sterf van honger en dit is so 'n stadige dood,' het hy gesê.

Downs het talle skokkende verslae oor die lewens van vrygelate slawe versamel. Hy het rekords gekry van betreurenswaardige toestande in hospitale en vlugtelingkampe, waar dokters dikwels rassistiese teorieë gehad het oor hoe swart Amerikaners op siektes reageer. Dit was so erg dat een militêre amptenaar in Tennessee in 1865 geskryf het dat voormalige slawe: "sterf deur tellings - dat soms 30 per dag sterf en deur waens sonder kiste uitgevoer word, en promisku, soos brute, in 'n sloot gegooi word".

Die gesondheidsprobleme van vrygelate slawe en die hoë sterftesyfers was so erg dat sommige waarnemers van die tyd selfs gewonder het of hulle almal sou sterf. Een blanke godsdiensleier het in 1863 verwag dat swart Amerikaners sou verdwyn. 'Net soos sy broer, die Indiër van die woud, moet hy wegsmelt en vir ewig uit ons midde verdwyn,' het die man geskryf.

Sulke rasse -houdings onder noordelike mense lyk skokkend, maar Downs sê dit was algemeen. Tog meen Downs dat sy boek niks wegneem van die morele waarde van die emansipasie nie.

In plaas daarvan glo hy dat die erkenning van die verskriklike sosiale koste wat die pas geëmansipeerde gebore het, hul heldhaftigheid beklemtoon.

"Dit daag die romantiese verhaal van emansipasie uit. Dit was meer kompleks en meer genuanseerd as dit. Vryheid kos 'n prys," het Downs gesê.


Aspekte word groot

"Die feit dat 'n viering ter herdenking van emansipasie so sterk resoneer in die stryd om burgerregte en teen polisiegeweld, wys ons hoe die erfenis van slawerny groot is oor swart politieke organisasie, selfs anderhalf eeu na die formele afskaffing daarvan," het Leroy gesê.

Tog dring hy tot versigtigheid oor die aanneming van die verhaal van Juneteenth.

'Dit is op baie maniere 'n wanvoorstelling van hoe slawe mense die stryd om vryheid tydens die burgeroorlog beleef het. Die verhaal van Juneteenth bied 'n welwillende unie -offisier wat nuus van emansipasie aan onbewuste slawe bring wat gedurende die lang jare van die oorlog aan plantasies geswoeg het. In werklikheid was slawe mense aktief by die transformasie van die burgeroorlog van 'n herenigingsoorlog in 'n oorlog teen slawerny. .

Gregory Downs

Professor in Geskiedenis

Gregory Downs bestudeer die politieke en kulturele geskiedenis van die Verenigde State in die 19de en vroeë 20ste eeu. Hy ondersoek veral die transformerende impak van die burgeroorlog, die einde van slawerny en die rol van militêre mag om nuwe betekenisse van vryheid te bepaal. Hy is die skrywer van twee monografieë oor heropbou en kartering, 'n interaktiewe digitale geskiedenis van die Amerikaanse weermag se besetting van die Suide. Hy is 'n mederedakteur van 'n akademiese bundel oor die wêreld ná die burgeroorlog. As openbare historikus was Downs medeskrywer van die National Park Service se temastudie oor rekonstruksie en het hy gehelp om die Park Service se handboek oor rekonstruksie te redigeer.

"Met ander woorde, slawe het die Unie gedwing om slawerny as die sentrale kwessie van die oorlog te konfronteer en was deelnemers aan die skep van die voorwaardes vir hul eie emansipasie - 'n belangrike dinamika van die burgeroorlog wat die verhaal van Juneteenth uitlaat."

Downs het ingestem. 'Trouens,' het hy bygevoeg, 'slawerny het eers in Desember 1865 in Kentucky en Delaware geëindig toe genoeg state die 13de wysiging bekragtig het. Die dag van 19 Junie 1865 was dus 'n belangrike dag aan die einde van slawerny, maar in 'n spektrum van ander belangrike dae, waarvan sommige maande later gekom het. "

Ander herdenkings van emansipasie sluit in:

  • Kyk aand in die kus Carolinas
  • Agtste Augustus in Tennessee
  • gedenkdag in Charleston, Suid -Carolina
  • Vierde Julie in Vicksburg, Mississippi

'N Belangrike aspek van Juneteenth, het Downs bygevoeg,' is die manier waarop dit 'n belangrike plek geword het vir Afro -Amerikaners om nie net die einde van slawerny te vier nie, maar ook die bou en heropbou van gesinne, kerke, besighede, vrywillige verenigings en ander dinge waarmee hulle verband hou. vryheid, en dan om die winste en die mense wat daarvoor geveg het, te verdedig. ”


Emansipasieproklamasie: effekte, impakte en uitkomste

Daar is een dokument uit die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog wat beskou word as een van die belangrikste, waardevolste en mees effektiewe dokumente. Die dokument staan ​​bekend as die Emancipation Proclamation.

Hierdie uitvoerende bevel is opgestel op 1 Januarie 1863 tydens die Burgeroorlog deur Abraham Lincoln. Baie mense glo dat die emansipasieverkondiging slawerny effektief beëindig het, maar die waarheid is veel ingewikkelder as dit.

Aanbevole leesstof

Tydlyn van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis: die datums van Amerika se reis
Hoe oud is die Verenigde State van Amerika?
Die Amerikaanse rewolusie: die datums, oorsake en tydlyn in die stryd om onafhanklikheid

Die Emancipation Proclamation was 'n belangrike geleentheid in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State. Dit is deur Abraham Lincoln geskep as 'n manier om voordeel te trek uit die opstand wat tans in die suide aan die gang was. Hierdie opstand staan ​​bekend as die Burgeroorlog, met die noorde en die suide as gevolg van ideologiese verskille.

Die politieke situasie van die burgeroorlog was relatief erg. Met die suide van 'n volkome opstand, was dit op Abraham Lincoln se skouers om die Unie ten alle koste te probeer bewaar. Die oorlog self is nog steeds nie deur die Noorde as 'n oorlog erken nie, omdat Abraham Lincoln geweier het om die Suide as sy eie nasie te erken. Terwyl die Suide verkies om homself die Konfederale State van Amerika te noem, was hulle in die noorde steeds state van die Verenigde State van Amerika.

Burgeroorlog biografieë

Ann Rutledge: Abraham Lincoln se eerste ware liefde?
Die paradoksale president: verbeel Abraham Lincoln
Die regterarm van Custer: kolonel James H. Kidd
Die mite van Jekyll en Hyde van Nathan Bedford Forrest
William McKinley: Hedendaagse relevansie van 'n botsende verlede

Die Emancipation Proclamation se hele doel was om die slawe in die Suide te bevry. Trouens, die Emancipation Proclamation het niks te doen met slawerny in die Noorde nie. Die Unie sou tydens die oorlog steeds 'n slawennasie wees, ondanks die feit dat Abraham Lincoln die grond sou lê vir 'n groter afskaffingsbeweging. Toe die proklamasie aanvaar is, was dit gemik op die state wat tans in opstand was, die hele doel was om die Suide te ontwapen.

Tydens die burgeroorlog was die suidelike ekonomie hoofsaaklik gebaseer op slawerny. Met die meerderheid mans wat in die burgeroorlog geveg het, is slawe hoofsaaklik gebruik om soldate te versterk, goedere te vervoer en tuis te werk in landbouarbeid. Die Suide het nie dieselfde vlak van industrialisme gehad as slawerny as die Noorde nie. Toe Lincoln na die Emancipation Proclamation oorgegaan het, was dit eintlik 'n poging om die Konfederale state te verswak deur een van hul sterkste produksiemetodes te verwyder.

Hierdie besluit was hoofsaaklik pragmaties Lincoln was heeltemal daarop gefokus om die suide te ontwapen. Ongeag die bedoelings, dui die Emancipation Proclamation egter op 'n verskuiwing in die doel van die burgeroorlog. Die oorlog het nie meer net gegaan oor die behoud van die toestand van die unie nie, die oorlog het min of meer gegaan oor die beëindiging van slawerny. Die Emancipation Proclamation was nie 'n aksie wat goed ontvang is nie. Dit was 'n vreemde politieke maneuver en selfs die meeste van Lincoln se kabinet was huiwerig om te glo dat dit effektief sou wees. Die rede waarom die Emancipation Proclamation so 'n eienaardige dokument is, is omdat dit aangeneem is onder die president se oorlogsbevoegdhede.

Normaalweg het die Amerikaanse presidentskap baie min bevoegdheid. Wetgewing en wetgewende beheer behoort aan die kongres. Die president het wel die vermoë om 'n uitvoerende bevel uit te reik. Uitvoerende bevele het die volle steun en krag van 'n wet, maar dit is meestal onderhewig aan beheer van die kongres. Die president self het baie min mag buite wat die kongres toelaat, behalwe in oorlogstyd. As die opperbevelhebber het die president die mag om oorlogstyd te gebruik om spesiale wette af te dwing. Die Emancipation Proclamation was een van die wette wat Lincoln sy militêre magte gebruik het om toe te pas.

Oorspronklik het Lincoln geglo in die progressiewe uitskakeling van slawerny in alle state. Hy was van mening dat dit hoofsaaklik aan die state was om toesig te hou oor die progressiewe afskaffing van slawerny in hul eie individuele mag. Ongeag sy politieke standpunt hieroor, het Lincoln egter altyd geglo dat slawerny verkeerd was. Die Emancipation Proclamation het meer gedien as 'n militêre maneuver as 'n politieke maneuver. Terselfdertyd bevestig hierdie optrede Lincoln as 'n sterk aggressiewe afskaffer en sou dit verseker dat slawerny uiteindelik uit die hele Verenigde State verwyder sou word.

'N Belangrike politieke uitwerking wat die Emancipation Proclamation gehad het, was die feit dat dit slawe genooi het om in die Unie -leër te dien. So 'n aksie was 'n briljante strategiese keuse. Die besluit om 'n wet aan te neem wat aan alle slawe uit die Suide gesê het dat hulle vry is en hulle aanmoedig om die wapens op te neem om aan die stryd teen hul voormalige meesters deel te neem, was die briljante taktiese maneuver. Uiteindelik met hierdie toestemmings het baie vrygemaakte slawe by die Noordelike Weermag aangesluit, wat hul mannekrag drasties verhoog het. Aan die einde van die oorlog het meer as 200 000 Afro-Amerikaners in die noorde vir hulle geveg.

Die Suide was min of meer in 'n toestand van onrus ná so 'n aankondiging. Die afkondiging is eintlik drie keer bekendgemaak, die eerste keer as 'n bedreiging, die tweede keer as 'n meer formele aankondiging en dan die derde keer as die ondertekening van die proklamasie. Toe die Konfederate die nuus hoor, was hulle in 'n ernstige toestand. Een van die belangrikste kwessies was dat, namate die noorde in gebiede gevorder het en beheer oor die suidelike land oorgeneem het, hulle dikwels slawe sou vang. Hierdie slawe is eenvoudig as smokkel gebruik, nie aan hul eienaars teruggegee nie - die Suide.

Toe die Emancipation Proclamation aangekondig is, is alle huidige smokkels, dws die slawe, om middernag bevry. Daar was geen aanbod van vergoeding, betaling of selfs 'n billike handel aan die slawe-eienaars nie. Hierdie slawehouers is skielik ontneem van wat hulle glo eiendom is. Gekombineer met die skielike verlies van 'n groot aantal slawe en toestroming van troepe wat die Noorde ekstra vuurkrag sou bied, het die Suide hom in 'n baie moeilike posisie bevind. Slawe kon nou uit die suide ontsnap, en sodra hulle die noorde binnekom, sou hulle vry wees.

Maar net so belangrik soos die Emancipation Proclamation vir die geskiedenis van Amerika, was die werklike impak daarvan op slawerny ten minste minimaal. As niks meer nie, was dit 'n manier om die president se posisie as 'n afskaffer te versterk en te verseker dat slawerny beëindig word. Slawerny is eers amptelik in die Verenigde State van Amerika beëindig totdat die 13de wysiging in 1865 aanvaar is.

Een van die probleme met die Emancipation Proclamation was dat dit as 'n oorlogstydmaatreël aanvaar is. Soos voorheen gesê, word wette in die Verenigde State nie deur die president aangeneem nie, maar deur die kongres. Dit het die werklike vryheidstatus van die slawe in die lug gelaat. As die Noorde die oorlog sou wen, sou die Emancipation Proclamation nie 'n konstitusionele regsdokument bly nie. Dit moet deur die regering bekragtig word om in werking te bly.

Die doel van die Emancipation Proclamation is deur die loop van die geskiedenis deurmekaar. Die basiese reël is egter dat dit die slawe bevry het. Dit is slegs gedeeltelik korrek, dit het bloot die slawe in die Suide bevry, iets wat nie veral afdwingbaar was nie, omdat Suid -Afrika in opstand was. Wat dit wel gedoen het, was om te verseker dat as die Noorde wen, die Suide gedwing sou word om al hul slawe te bevry. Uiteindelik sou dit lei tot die vryheid van 3,1 miljoen slawe. Die meeste van die slawe was egter eers vry nadat die oorlog afgehandel was.


Versorging

Na die Burgeroorlog het voormalige slawe werk gesoek, en planters het arbeiders gesoek. Die afwesigheid van kontant of 'n onafhanklike kredietstelsel het daartoe gelei dat daar 'n aandeelhouer was.

Sharecropping is 'n stelsel waar die verhuurder/planter 'n huurder toelaat om die grond te gebruik in ruil vir 'n deel van die oes. Dit het huurders aangemoedig om te werk om die grootste oes te kry, en het verseker dat hulle vasgebind bly en waarskynlik nie na ander geleenthede sal vertrek nie. In die Suide, na die Burgeroorlog, het baie swart gesinne grond van blanke eienaars gehuur en kontantgewasse soos katoen, tabak en rys ingesamel. In baie gevalle sou die verhuurders of nabygeleë handelaars toerusting aan die huurders verhuur en saad, kunsmis, voedsel en ander items op krediet aanbied tot die oestyd. Op daardie tydstip sou die huurder en verhuurder of handelaar gaan regmaak en uitvind wie skuld wie en hoeveel

Hoë rentekoerse, onvoorspelbare oeste en gewetenlose verhuurders en handelaars hou dikwels huurders se plaasgesinne baie skuldig, wat vereis dat die skuld oorgedra word tot die volgende jaar of die volgende jaar. Wette wat grondeienaars bevoordeel, het dit moeilik gemaak of selfs onwettig vir aandeelhouers om hul gewasse behalwe hul verhuurder aan ander te verkoop, of het verhinder dat aandeelhouers verhuis as hulle aan hul verhuurder skuld.

Ongeveer twee derdes van alle aandeelhouers was wit en een derde swart. Alhoewel albei groepe onderaan die sosiale leer was, het aandeelhouers begin organiseer vir beter werkregte, en die geïntegreerde Suider -huurderboere -unie het in die dertigerjare aan die bewind gekom. Die Groot Depressie, meganisasie en ander faktore veroorsaak dat die oes in die veertigerjare verdwyn.


Junetiende merk toe slawe vrygelaat is

Hierdie artikel word hier gepubliseer met toestemming van The Associated Press. Hierdie inhoud word hier gedeel omdat die onderwerp Snopes-lesers kan interesseer, maar dit verteenwoordig egter nie die werk van Snopes-feitekontroleurs of -redakteurs nie.

Juneteenth herdenk toe sommige verslaafde Afro -Amerikaners verneem het dat hulle 155 jaar gelede vry was. Met toenemende steun vir die beweging van rasse -geregtigheid, kan 2020 onthou word as die jaar waarin die vakansie 'n nuwe erkenningsvlak bereik het.

Terwyl die Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 slawe in die Suide bevry het, is dit op baie plekke eers na die einde van die Burgeroorlog twee jaar later toegepas. Konfederale soldate het in April 1865 oorgegee, maar die woord het nie tot alle slawe van swart mense gekom nie tot op 19 Junie, toe soldate van die Unie die nuus van vryheid na Galveston, Texas, gebring het.

Feeste het tipies parades, braai, konserte en voorlesings van die Emancipation Proclamation ingesluit. Maar na massiewe betogings oor die dood van George Floyd deur die polisie in Minneapolis, was daar 'n seismiese verskuiwing om swart stemme verder te verhef. Die begeerte word gevoel terwyl state en stede besluit om Juneteenth 'n amptelike betaalde vakansie te maak.

Hier is 'n blik op die vakansie en sy geskiedenis:

Toe die Unie -troepe op 19 Junie 1865 in Galveston aankom, het generaal -majoor Gordon Granger algemene bevel nr. 3 gelewer, wat lui: 'Die mense van Texas word ingelig dat, volgens 'n afkondiging van die uitvoerende gesag van die Verenigde State, alle slawe is gratis. Dit behels absolute gelykheid van persoonlike regte en eiendomsreg tussen voormalige meesters en slawe. ”

Die volgende jaar het voormalige slawe Juneteenth in Galveston begin vier, en dit het uiteindelik ander state bereik.

Vroeë Junie -vieringe was meestal kook -of -braai, het Robert Widell Jr., 'n professor in Afro -Amerikaanse geskiedenis aan die Universiteit van Rhode Island, en skrywer van "Birmingham and the Long Black Freedom Struggle" gesê. Dit was tipies groot, vreugdevolle byeenkomste, aangesien voormalige slawe die voorkeur gegee het aan die hereniging met die gesin.

"Dit lyk gepas dat hierdie viering ter herdenking van emansipasie en herdenking van vryheid daardie element van 'n gesinshereniging sou hê," het Widell gesê.

Om net 'n byeenkoms te hou, was baie belangrik na die Burgeroorlog. Voormalige Konfederale state het beperkende maatreëls, bekend as die 'swart kodes', gebruik om die dinamika van slawerny in plek te hou, het Widell gesê.

"Om net te beweer dat die openbare ruimte 'n aanduiding is van pogings om vryheid vir jouself te eis en om die terme te definieer van wat die vryheid gaan wees, en dat iemand nie moet laat definieer hoe jou vryheid gaan lyk nie," het hy gesê.

WAT BETEKEN JUNETEENTH?

Die term Juneteenth is 'n mengsel van die woorde June en negentiende. Die vakansie word ook Juneteenth Independence Day of Freedom Day genoem.

Cliff Robinson, wat die Juneteenth.com -webwerf bestuur wat jaarlikse vieringe volg, het gesê dat daar 'n soort geleentheid in byna elke groot Amerikaanse stad sal wees, maar as gevolg van die koronaviruspandemie sal baie virtueel wees.

Die 19de viering strek uiteindelik verder as Texas, wat die eerste staat was wat dit in 1980 'n vakansie gemaak het, aangesien swart mense die tradisie voortgesit het nadat hulle uit die staat of na die buiteland verhuis het.

Die meeste state en die District of Columbia erken Juneteenth as 'n staatsvakansie of erkenningsdag, soos Flag Day. Lande soos Suid -Korea, Ghana, Israel, Taiwan, Frankryk en die Amerikaanse gebied van Guam het ook Juneteenth -vieringe gehou.

Sommige state, stede en maatskappye wil nou verder gaan as om net die dag te erken. In Virginia, eens die tuiste van die hoofstad van die Konfederasie, het goewerneur Ralph Northam verhuis om Juneteenth 'n amptelike vakansiedag te maak, en het werknemers van die uitvoerende tak Vrydag 'n betaalde vakansiedag gegee en wetgewing voorgestel om dit 'n permanente staatsvakansie te maak.

Andrew Cuomo, goewerneur van New York, het Juneteenth op dieselfde manier as 'n betaalde vakansie vir staatsamptenare aangewys en belowe om volgende jaar wetgewing te bewerkstellig, wat dit 'n permanente vakansie maak.

Philadelphia het Juneteenth ook 'n vakansie gemaak, terwyl Portland, Oregon en Chicago soortgelyke optrede oorweeg.

Ondernemings soos Nike en Target het ook die stap geneem. Robinson het gesê dit is moeilik vir mense om Juneteenth te ignoreer wanneer reuse -kleinhandelaars dit in die hoofstroom bring.

'Behalwe dat dit 'n wonderlike ding was, was dit net iets heeltemal uit die boks,' het Robinson gesê. 'Ons was daarop gefokus om 'n regerings seën as 'n vakansie te kry. ... Ek het nooit gedink dat die korporatiewe wêreld die een sou wees nie. ”

Robinson, wat Juneteenth.com in 1996 geskep het, het gedink dat dit nuttig sou wees om 'n aanlyn -spilpunt te hê waar mense besonderhede oor Juneteenth -gebeure kan deel of advies kan vra oor hul eie opvoering. Hy het ook begin met die bou van 'n netwerk van plaaslike leiers en akademici wat tydens die vakansie praatjies kon hou.

Robinson het 'n merkbare toename in oproepe en e -pos ontvang oor die geskiedenis van Juneteenth en maniere om dit te eerbiedig. Baie navrae kom van klein ondernemings wat nie in swart besit is nie en 'n spreker wil hê vir 'n virtuele viering.

"Die versoeke wat ons gekry het, is vir mense wat meer wil weet oor die geskiedenis, wat wil hê dat iemand 'n videosessie kan gebruik en 'n agtergrond kan gee oor wat dit hierdie jaar beteken, in teenstelling met die vorige jare," het Robinson gesê.

Juneteenth is 'n tyd van besinning en vir swart mense om trots te wees op wat hulle en hul voorouers oorkom het, het Robinson gesê. Hierdie jaar se vieringe sal "sonder twyfel" anders wees.

'Ek dink daar is meer dringendheid en 'n gevoel van verantwoordelikheid om u gevoelens te vier en uiting te gee,' het hy gesê.

Gewoonlik sou daar 'n rits parades en konserte regoor die land wees. Maar te midde van die COVID-19-pandemie, is die meeste gebeure wat Donderdag tot Saterdag plaasvind, óf afgeskaal, sosiaal gedistansieerde weergawes of heeltemal digitaal.

Ander groepe beplan om vreedsame protesoptredes, kieserregistrasie-stappe of sakekruipers in swart besit te hou.


Emansipasie Proklamasie

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Emansipasie Proklamasie, edik uitgereik deur die Amerikaanse pres. Abraham Lincoln op 1 Januarie 1863 wat die slawe van die Konfederale state bevry het in opstand teen die Unie.

Voor die aanvang van die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog was baie mense en leiers in die noorde veral besig om slegs die uitbreiding van slawerny na westelike gebiede te stop wat uiteindelik staatskaping in die Unie sou bereik. Met die afstigting van die suidelike state en die daaropvolgende begin van die burgeroorlog, blyk die voortdurende verdraagsaamheid van die suidelike slawerny deur Noordelikes nie meer 'n konstruktiewe politieke doel te dien nie. Emansipasie het dus vinnig verander van 'n verre moontlikheid na 'n dreigende en haalbare gebeurtenis. Lincoln het verklaar dat hy van plan was om die Unie so goed as moontlik te red - deur slawerny te behou, deur dit te vernietig of deur 'n deel te vernietig en 'n deel te behou. Net na die Slag van Antietam (17 September 1862) het hy sy proklamasie uitgevaardig waarin 'n beroep op die opstandige state gedoen is om voor die volgende jaar weer tot hul trou terug te keer, anders word hulle slawe as vrymanne verklaar. Geen staat het teruggekeer nie, en die bedreigde verklaring is op 1 Januarie 1863 uitgereik.

As president kon Lincoln nie so 'n verklaring uitreik as opperbevelhebber van die leërs en vloote van die Verenigde State nie; hy kon slegs instruksies uitreik oor die gebied binne sy lyne, maar die emansipasieverklaring was slegs van toepassing op gebied buite sy linies. Daar word dus gedebatteer of die proklamasie in werklikheid van krag was. Dit kan redelik beskou word as 'n aankondiging van die beleid wat die weermag sou rig en as 'n verklaring van vryheid wat van krag word namate die rye vorder. Dit was in elk geval die presiese uitwerking daarvan.

Die internasionale belang daarvan was baie groter. Die sluiting van die wêreld se bron van katoenvoorraad was 'n algemene ramp, en die Konfederale regering en mense het geleidelik verwag dat die Engelse en Franse regerings in die oorlog sou ingryp. Die omskakeling van die stryd in 'n kruistog teen slawerny het Europese ingryping onmoontlik gemaak.

Die Emancipation Proclamation het meer gedoen as om die oorlog tot die vlak van 'n kruistog vir menslike vryheid te lig. Dit het aansienlike praktiese resultate gebring, omdat dit die Unie in staat gestel het om swart soldate te werf. Op hierdie uitnodiging om by die weermag aan te sluit, reageer die Swartes in aansienlike getalle, byna 180 000 van hulle het tydens die res van die oorlog ingeskryf. Teen 26 Augustus 1863 kon Lincoln in 'n brief aan James C. Conkling berig dat "die emansipasiebeleid en die gebruik van bruin troepe die swaarste slag is wat die rebellie nog toegedien het."

Twee maande voor die einde van die oorlog - in Februarie 1865 - het Lincoln aan die portretskilder Francis B. Carpenter gesê dat die Emancipation Proclamation “die sentrale handeling van my administrasie en die grootste gebeurtenis van die negentiende eeu” was. Vir Lincoln en sy landgenote het dit duidelik geword dat die proklamasie slawerny in die Verenigde State 'n doodslag toegedien het, 'n lot wat amptelik deur die bekragtiging van die dertiende wysiging in Desember 1865 verseël is.

Die redakteurs van Encyclopaedia Britannica Hierdie artikel is onlangs hersien en bygewerk deur Adam Augustyn, besturende redakteur, verwysingsinhoud.


Inhoud

Die vraag oor waar vrye swartes van Amerikaanse geboorte moet woon, is in die 18de eeu nie veel bespreek deur blanke skrywers nie: "Ten tye van die Amerikaanse rewolusie was daar oral in die land min gratis swartes." [6]: 19 In 1776 was slawerny oral wettig in die dertien kolonies wat deur die Amerikaanse Revolusionêre Oorlog die Verenigde State geword het. Daar was 'n klein aantal gratis swartes. Die druk om slawerny te beëindig het klein begin, maar het geleidelik toegeneem. Verskeie filosofiese en godsdienstige veroordelings van slawerny, veral deur Quakers, is gepubliseer. Slavery became illegal in England in 1772 by court decision (see Somerset v Stewart), and in the British Empire by statute in 1833. In France, slavery was illegal at least since the 16th century. As part of the French Revolution, it was abolished in French colonies in 1794, although it was restored from 1802 to 1848. Starting in 1791, the enslaved of Saint-Domingue revolted, gaining their freedom, and establishing the free black country of Haiti. Starting with Pennsylvania and Massachusetts in 1780, slavery was gradually abolished in all the Northern states, although this did not mean that existing slaves were always freed. Vermont, which at the time was not part of the United States, abolished slavery in 1777. In the 1840 census, there were still hundreds of slaves in the North and millions more in the South. By the 1850 census, there weren’t any slaves in the free states. In the South, sometimes influenced by appeals from preachers—abolitionism in the United States had a strong religious component—some individuals freed their slaves or left instructions in their will, to free them upon the owner's death.

The number of free blacks in the new United States skyrocketed and the question of "what to do with them" steadily grew in importance. Even when free, most were not citizens with legal rights, as the Dred Scott decision made clear. Usually seen as racially inferior, few whites believed them a desirable or even possible part of American society. They were prohibited from living in some areas and there was much completely legal discrimination. Black passengers on river boats were not allowed in the cabin but had to stay on deck, whatever the weather. In Florida, each free black man had to have a white man who could be sued for the Negro's misdeeds, if any, since blacks could neither sue nor be sued. The Quaker Zephaniah Kingsley, who believed that the amalgamation of the "races" was desirable, was forced to leave Florida for Haiti. In the South, until it was forbidden, free blacks learned to read and write, and often came into contact with the widely-circulated abolitionist writings. The slave owners who controlled the Southern states saw these free blacks as a threat to the stability of the economy and society, and made no secret of their desire to be rid of them.

Much of the African-American population was freed people seeking opportunity. Many Southern freed blacks migrated to the industrial North to seek employment, while others moved to surrounding Southern states. [7] No one anywhere wanted them they were seen as foreigners who, by working for less, took jobs from citizens. Whites were not used to sharing space with blacks in a context outside of chattel slavery. Many did not believe that free blacks had a place in America. [8]

In the North, many whites believed that blacks could not achieve equality in the United States and therefore pushed for their emigration to Africa, [9] even though most had been born in the U.S. and had never seen Africa.

Such sentiment was not exclusive to Northerners. One proponent of the colonization movement, Solomon Parker of Hampshire County, Virginia, was quoted as having said: "I am not willing that the Man or any of my Blacks shall ever be freed to remain in the United States. Am opposed to slavery and also opposed to freeing blacks to stay in our Country and do sincerely hope that the time is approaching when our Land shall be rid of them." [10]

Riots swept the free states in waves, usually in urban areas where there had been recent immigration of blacks from the South. The height of these riots was in 1819, with 25 riots recorded, resulting in many injuries and fatalities, [11] although riots continued up through the 1830s (see anti-abolitionism in the North). The back-to-Africa movement was seen as the solution to these problems by both groups, with more support from the white population than the black population. Blacks often viewed the project with skepticism, particularly among the middle-class, who feared that the Colonization movement was a ploy to deport freed African Americans to restrict their efforts against slavery. Shortly after the foundation of the American Colonization Society, 3,000 free blacks gathered in a church in Philadelphia and issued forth a declaration stating that they "will never separate ourselves voluntarily from the slave population of the country." [12] : 261 Similarly, black leaders, such as James Forten, who had previously supported the Colonization Movement, changed their minds as a result of widespread black resistance to the idea. [13]

Religious motivations for colonization Edit

Following the Great Awakening, in which America was swept by a wave of religious fervor, many enslaved African Americans converted to Christianity. At the same time, many religious people in America struggled to reconcile slavery with their beliefs.

In the 19th century, many religious Americans found it difficult to continue supporting the enslavement of their brothers in Christ, especially amongst the Quakers. [13] Two examples of such Christians are Reverend Moses Tichnell and Reverend Samuel R. Houston, who freed slaves and sent them to Liberia in 1855 and 1856 respectively. [10] These two men, believing that they were morally obligated to finance such voyages, played an important role in the colonization movement.

American Colonization Society Edit

The American Colonization Society (ACS) was an early advocate of the idea of resettling American-born blacks in Africa. Founded in 1816 by Charles Fenton Mercer, it was composed of two core groups: abolitionists and slave owners. Abolitionist members believed in freeing African slaves, along with their descendants, and providing them with the opportunity to return to Africa. Slave owning members believed free blacks endangered the system of slavery and sought to expel them from America by means of migration. [14]

Since its inception, the American Colonization Society struggled to garner support from within free black communities. During the late 1840s and early 1850s, the creation of an independent Liberian state splintered the nearly uniform voice against colonization. The Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 provided the United States government ample power to recapture fugitive slaves. Following its passage, many black leaders promoted emigration and colonization to a nation that would provide and protect their rights. [15]

In spite of this, several black critics were outspoken against the Back-to-Africa movement and the activities of the American Colonization Society. A report from a free black political conference in New York warned: "all kinds of chicanery and stratagem will be employed to allure the people [to the colony]. the independence of its inhabitants the enjoyment and privileges of its citizens, will be pictured forth in glowing colors, to deceive you." [15]

Volgens die Encyclopedia of Georgia History and Culture, "as early as 1820, black Americans had begun to return to their ancestral homeland through the auspices of the American Colonization Society." By 1847, the American Colonization Society founded Liberia, a land to be settled by black people returning from the United States of America. [16] Between 1822 and the American Civil War, the American Colonization Society had migrated approximately 15,000 free blacks back to Africa. [17]

Notable members of the American Colonization Society included Thomas Buchanan, Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, Abraham Lincoln, James Madison, Daniel Webster, John Marshall, and Francis Scott Key. [18] All were white and most were Southern. In addition, most were slaveowners.

Other pre-Civil War attempts Edit

In 1811, Paul Cuffe, "a black man who was a wealthy man of property, a petitioner for equal rights for blacks", [19] began to explore the idea of Black people returning to their native land convinced that "opportunities for the advancement of black people were limited in America, and he became interested in African colonization." [20] With the help of Quakers in Philadelphia, he was able to transport 38 blacks to Freetown, Sierra Leone in 1815. [21]

Martin Delany, an African American, in 1854 led the National Emigration Convention in Cleveland, Ohio. [22] He visited Liberia and made plans, largely unrealized, to assist Blacks in relocating there.

Post-Emancipation Edit

The Back-to-Africa movement eventually began to decline, but would see a revival again in 1877 at the end of the Reconstruction era, as many blacks in the South faced violence from groups such as the Ku Klux Klan. [23] Interest among the South's black population in African emigration peaked during the 1890s, a time when racism reached its peak and the greatest number of lynchings in American history took place. [24] The continued experience of segregation, discrimination, and the belief that they would never achieve true equality attracted many blacks to a Pan-African emancipation in their motherland.

The movement declined again following many hoaxes and fraudulent activities associated with the movement. According to Crumrin, however, the most important reason for the decline in the back-to-Africa movement was that the "vast majority of those who were meant to colonize did not wish to leave. Most free blacks simply did not want to go "home" to a place from which they were generations removed. America, not Africa, was their home, and they had little desire to migrate to a strange and forbidding land not their own." [25] They often said that they were no more African than Americans were British.

Florida Governor Napoleon Bonaparte Broward (1905–1909) called for blacks to be permanently moved to land the federal government would purchase, either foreign or domestic. After buying their respective properties, a territory would be established where blacks could not leave, and whites could not enter.

Early 20th century attempts at resettlement were made, such as those by Chief Alfred Sam between 1913 and 1915. [26] The eventual disillusionment of those who migrated to the North, and the frustrations of struggling to cope with urban life set the scene for the back-to-Africa movement of the 1920s, established by Marcus Garvey. [27] Many of those who migrated to the Northern States from the South found that, although they were financially better off, they remained at the bottom both economically and socially. [28]

The movement picked up once again in the decade or so preceding the Second World War. Activists in the Peace Movement of Ethiopia organisation were committed to black emigration to West Africa in order to escape the torrid social conditions they were experiencing in the United States due to the Depression. [29] They harboured an almost utopian vision of Liberia, created from a simultaneous vision of Pan-Africanism and a belief that the Americanisation they would provide would heal Liberia's social and economic troubles. As part of a mass letter-writing campaign she undertook in 1934, prominent PME member Mittie Maude Lena Gordon wrote to Earnest Sevier Cox, a white nationalist from Richmond, Virginia. She managed to convince him to support their cause, playing on their mutual goal of racial separatism. Cox provided influential connections that the movement had previously lacked, and he gave the issue of black emigration political exposure when he managed to convince members of the Virginia General Assembly to recommend the US Congress provide financial aid for this in 1936. [30]

His support soon began to diminish and so Gordon looked elsewhere, once again finding an unlikely ally on the opposite side of the moral compass in Senator Theodore G. Bilbo. An ardent white nationalist, Bilbo had been campaigning within government for racial separatism for a while. He proposed an amendment to the House Joint Resolution 679—a work relief bill—in 1938, that would have "repatriated" African-American volunteers to Liberia, providing them with financial assistance. This amendment was endorsed by Marcus Garvey and the UNIA at the Eight International UNIA convention. [29] This provided the precedent for the movement to progress Bilbo had the political capital to get the issue of black repatriation into wide-scale political debate. This continued, and in early 1939 Bilbo began drafting what came to be known as the Greater Liberia Bill. The bill suggested that the United States purchase 400,000 square miles of African land from England and France, crediting them as war debts, and provide financial assistance for black Americans to relocate to Africa. [30]

Outside of the black nationalist movement, the bill did not garner much support, with leading civil rights groups such as the NAACP refusing to endorse it and the national press lambasting it. The bill was also not met with any real support in the Senate, and thus the idea of black repatriation lost much of its traction. US participation in the Second World War led to a decline in public racism, which made any passing of the bill unlikely after that. [30] [31]

The Back-to-Africa movement returned to national prominence in the 1960s, due to the racial unrest caused by the Civil Rights Movement. George Lincoln Rockwell, the founder of the American Nazi Party, viewed black people as a "primitive, lethargic race who desired only simple pleasures and a life of irresponsibility." Like Bilbo, Rockwell was a white nationalist who supported the resettlement of all African Americans in a new African state to be funded by the U.S. government. Rockwell attempted to draw attention to his cause by starting a small record label named Hatenanny Records. The name was based on the word hootenanny, a term given to folk music performances. The label released a 45 RPM single by a band called Odis Cochran and the Three Bigots with the songs "Ship Those Niggers Back" and "We Is Non-Violent Niggers", and a second single by a group called the Coon Hunters: "We Don't Want No Niggers For Neighbors" backed with "Who Needs A Nigger?". They were sold mostly through mail order and at party rallies. [32]

Rockwell got along well with many leaders of the black nationalist movement, such as Elijah Muhammad (Nation of Islam leader) and Malcolm X, who later changed his views and opposed the N.O.I's black separatism, since they shared his racial separatist views. [33] In January 1962, Rockwell wrote to his followers that Elijah Muhammad "has gathered millions of the dirty, immoral, drunken, filthy-mouthed, lazy and repulsive people sneeringly called 'niggers' and inspired them to the point where they are clean, sober, honest, hard working, dignified, dedicated and admirable human beings in spite of their color. Muhammad knows that mixing is a Jewish fraud and leads only to aggravation of the problems that it is supposed to solve. I have talked to the Muslim leaders and am certain that a workable plan for separation of the races could be effected to the satisfaction of all concerned—except the communist-Jew agitators." [34] He also said of the N.O.I, "I am fully in concert with their program, and I have the highest respect for Elijah Muhammad." He referred to Elijah Muhammad as "The Black People's Hitler" and donated $20 to the Nation of Islam at their "Freedom Rally" event on June 25, 1961 at Uline Arena in Washington, where he and 10–20 of his "stormtroopers" attended a speech given by Malcolm X. [35] Rockwell was a guest speaker at a N.O.I event in the International Amphitheater in Chicago hosted by Elijah Mohammed and Malcolm X on February 25, 1962. [36] [37]

The history of Liberia (after European arrival) is, with Sierra Leone, unique in Africa starting neither as a native state, nor as a European colony. With the departure of the first ship to Africa in 1820, the American Colonization Society established settlements for free American blacks on the coast of West Africa. [38] The first American ships were uncertain of where they were heading. Their plan was to follow the paths that the British had taken, or simply take a chance on where they would land. At first, they followed the previous routes of the British and reached the coast of Sierra Leone. After leaving Sierra Leone, the Americans slowly reached a more southern part of the African coastline.

The Americans were eventually successful at finding a suitable spot to establish their colonies, arriving at what the British had named the Grain Coast. (The name of this region referred to the type of ginger spice used for medicine flavoring, aframomum meleguete.) Along the Grain Coast, local African chiefs willingly gave the Americans tracts of land. [ twyfelagtig - bespreek ] Over the course of twenty years, a series of fragmented settlements sprung across Liberia's lightly settled shore. Along with the difficulty of gaining enough land, life proved hard for these early settlers. Disease was widespread, along with the lack of food. Hostile tribes presented the settlers with great struggle, destroying some of their new land settlements. Almost 50% of the new settlers died in the first twenty years after their arrival in Liberia. [39]

Liberia declared independence on 26 July 1847. [40] : 5 With an elected black government and the offer of free land to African-American settlers, Liberia became the most common destination of emigrating African Americans during the 19th century. [40] : 2 [41] Newly arriving African Americans to Liberia experienced many challenges, including broken family ties, very high mortality rates from disease, and a difficult adjustment period. A group of 43 African Americans from Christiansburg, Virginia left for Liberia in 1830, but suffered high mortality. "Eighty percent of the emigrants were dead within ten years of landing there, most of them victims of malaria another ten percent quit the colony, with the majority fleeing to Sierra Leone." [42] Many African Americans who survived this period of adjustment in Liberia became fond of the country. [43]

Black interest in Liberian emigration emerged when the Civil War promised the end of slavery and meaningful change to the status of Black Americans. Some 7,000 enslaved people were freed by their masters, so at that point those free African Americans left the U.S. to escape racism and have more opportunities (mainly because they had lost all hope of achievement). In the 1830s, the movement became increasingly dominated by Southern slave owners, who did not want free blacks and saw sending them to Liberia as a solution. Slaves freed from slave ships were sent here instead of their countries of origin. The emigration of free blacks to Liberia particularly increased after the Nat Turner rebellion of 1831. Middle-class blacks were more resolved to live as black Americans, many rural poor folks gave up on the United States and looked to Liberia to construct a better life. Liberia promised freedom and equality it also represented a chance for a better life for the South's black farmers. The Liberian government offered 25 acres of free land for each immigrant family, and 10 acres for a single adult, who came to the Black republic. In the early 19th century, Liberia evoked mixed images in the minds of black Americans. They viewed Liberia as a destination for black families who left the United States in search of a better way of life, returning to their ancestral homeland of Africa. [40] : 2–9

As noted by researcher Washington Hyde, "Black Americans—who in the time of slavery lost their original languages and much of their original culture, gained a distinctly American, English-speaking Christian identity, and had no clear idea of precisely where in the wide continent of Africa their ancestors had come from—were perceived by the natives of Liberia as foreign settlers. Having an African ancestry and a black skin color were definitely not enough. Indeed, their settlement in Liberia had much in common with the contemporary white settlement of the American Frontier and these settlers' struggle with Native American tribes. The Liberian experience can also be considered as anticipating that of Zionism and Israel—with Jews similarly seeking redemption through a return to an ancestral land and similarly being regarded as foreign interlopers by the local Arab tribes. It would take Americo-Liberians a century and more to become truly accepted as one of Liberia's ethnic groups. All of which certainly contributed to most Black Americans rejecting the Back-to-Africa option and opting instead for seeking equal rights in America." [44]

Ex-slave repatriation or the emigration of African-American, Caribbean, and Black British former slaves to Africa occurred mainly during the late 18th century to mid-19th century. In the cases of Liberia and Sierra Leone, both were established by former slaves who were repatriated to Africa within a 28-year period.

Sierra Leone Edit

Many freed slaves were discontent with where they were resettled in Canada after the Revolutionary War and were eager to return to their homeland. Beginning in 1787, the British government made their first attempt to settle people in Sierra Leone. About 300 Black Britons from London were settled on the Sierra Leonean peninsula in West Africa. Within two years, most members of the settlement would die from disease or conflict with the local Temne people. In 1792, a second attempt at settlement was made when 1,100 freed slaves established Freetown with support from British abolitionist Thomas Clarkson. Their numbers were further bolstered when over 500 Jamaican Maroons were transported first to Nova Scotia, and then to Sierra Leone in 1800. [45]

In 1815, Paul Cuffe brought the first group of thirty-eight emigrant freed slaves from the United States to Sierra Leone. In 1820, minister Daniel Coker led a group of ninety free blacks in hopes of founding a new colony in Sierra Leone. He intended to proselytize Christianity among the Africans. Leaving New York on the ship Elizabeth, his voyage ended on an island off the coast of Sierra Leone. Arriving just before the rains of spring, the group of immigrants were soon stricken with fever. The survivors ultimately fled to Freetown, and the settlement disintegrated. [ aanhaling nodig ]

The American Colonization Society came under attack from American abolitionists, who insisted that the removal of freed slaves from the United States reinforced the institution of slavery. [ aanhaling nodig ]

The repatriation of slaves to Africa from the United Kingdom and its dependencies was initiated by the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor. This organization was later succeeded by the Sierra Leone Company. In time, African American Black Loyalists and West Indians would immigrate to the colony of Freetown, Sierra Leone, in smaller numbers in efforts led by black merchants or beneficiaries such as Paul Cuffe. [ aanhaling nodig ]

In 2006, African-American actor Isaiah Washington was adopted into a Mende family and bestowed with the title chief GondoBay Manga. In 2010, he received Sierra Leonean citizenship after a genealogical DNA test revealed his ancestral descent from the Mendes. This was the first instance in which DNA testing was used to gain citizenship to an African nation. [46]


Why Did Free Blacks Stay in the Old South?

For those who are wondering about the retro title of this black-history series, please take a moment to learn about historian Joel A. Rogers , author of the 1934 book 100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof , to whom these “amazing facts” are an homage.

Amazing Fact About the Negro No. 39: Why did free black people living in the South before the end of the Civil War stay there?

Like most of you, I suspect, I was raised to believe three things about slavery in America: first, that slaves who gained their freedom did so by escaping on the Underground Railroad to the North second, that all of the black people living in the South before and during the Civil War were slaves and third, that all of the free black people in pre-Civil War America lived in the North. If any of us knew anything at all with certainty about the history of slavery in our country, it was these three things, right?

But in a previous column we learned that, quite surprisingly, this is not the way it was. In fact, the Free Negro population (to use the contemporary term for them) in the South before the Civil War actually outnumbered that in the North by a substantial margin. Of the 488,070 free African-American people in the United States in 1860 — 11 percent of the total black population — according to the federal census, some 35,766 meer lived in the slave-holding Suid than in the North, as analyzed in Ira Berlin's magisterial study, Slaves Without Masters , and more recently in Eva Sheppard Wolf's graceful book Race and Liberty in the New Nation : Emancipation in Virginia From the Revolution to Nat Turner's Rebellion. Just as remarkably, the vast majority of these free Southern black people stayed put in the Confederate states even during the Civil War. How was this possible?

As you can imagine, the comments that column received were wide-ranging. "White people back then made the Freeman's life a living hell. It was almost better for them to be slaves than to be free," one reader responded. Another took a rather different view: "All the talk about slavery all these years and now we are finding out it wasn't nearly as bad … a lot of the blacks were actually free." But remember, while almost half a million free black people before the Civil War is no insignificant number, 89 percent of all African Americans in 1860 remained enslaved.

Moreover, the plight of the Free Negroes, as I pointed out in the previous column, could be quite perilous, leading some people in places such as New Orleans and Pensacola to flee just before and during the Civil War to Mexico, Haiti and Cuba. Some who were living in border cities such as Baltimore chose to move to Northern cities such as Philadelphia and New York, only to return after the War was won.

Still another reader points out, with a great deal of common sense, that given the fact that Free Negroes were sometimes given land by their masters upon being granted their freedom, we shouldn't be surprised to learn these facts: "I'm not really sure why it's so confusing," this reader added, "moving is hard." And moving away from loved ones, whether slave or free, is even harder. I think this was true in the case of my own freed ancestors, on two of my own family lines, living for about a century in the slave state of Virginia (and from 1823 on another line) rather than resettling in the North. Ira Berlin helps us to understand why the vast majority of these former slaves stayed in the slave states.

So, Why Did They Stay?

One of the most important reasons Free Negroes stayed in the South, Berlin suggests, was uncertainty: They couldn't be so sure things would be better for them in the North. In many cases they were right, especially in states that restricted the admission of free blacks, among them Ohio, Iowa, Indiana and Illinois (the last two in their state constitutions).

Interestingly, an antebellum case from Massachusetts, Roberts v. Boston (1849) , upholding segregation in Boston's public schools, was cited by the U.S. Supreme Court in its dreaded 1896 opinion reinforcing Jim Crow segregation, Plessy v. Ferguson. Even though the Massachusetts decision was later overruled by legislative action, the point was made. "In the North," Berlin writes, "blacks were despised and degraded as in the South." (For more, see James and Lois Horton's invaluable book, In Hope of Liberty : Culture, Community and Protest among Northern Free Blacks, 1700-1860).

But comparative dread was not the only reason that most free blacks remained in the South. At the top of the list was family unity. After all, when a slave family was split up, often the free members remained close, attempting to raise the funds needed to buy the remaining members of the family. They built churches in their communities, so they worshipped, and worked, in proximity with family members and friends who were still slaves, sometimes even in the same fields and workshops. And while they "were not a revolutionary caste," according to Berlin, many did what they could to "help individual slaves to ease the burden of bondage or escape it altogether."

Another reason they stayed: economic opportunity. While most free blacks in the South remained tied to the land, a number, especially in cities, acquired skills that allowed them to earn and own property as artisans and craftsmen. Over time, some trades became so associated with free blacks that they were known as "nigger trades," Berlin writes. On those trades free blacks had a virtual lock, in part because whites didn't want the work or because blacks were willing to accept cheaper wages for it (often to compete with slaves).

In Richmond, Va., in 1860, for example, Berlin shows that there were 174 skilled free blacks, and of those, 19 percent were barbers, 16 percent were plasterers and another 16 percent were carpenters (others included blacksmiths, shoemakers and bricklayers). In Charleston, S.C., in the same year, there were 404 skilled free black craftsmen, dominated by carpenters (33 percent). Working-class whites, especially immigrants, resented them, with some refusing to work by their side. Of course, of all places of work in the South, Berlin reminds us, "Brothels were perhaps the most integrated."

In some ways, it seemed, the more that white Southerners (especially those who found it impossible to reconcile the presence of free blacks with their defense of slavery as a "positive-good") pushed for solutions to their free black population "problem," the more free blacks clung to home out of defiance. "Terrified by the unknown," Berlin writes, "free blacks resigned themselves to the familiar oppressions of their homeland. Frequently they pleaded with local officials for permission to remain where they had long resided, and sometimes they simply ignored the law and settled on worthless, abandoned land near their former master's plantation. Some even refused to leave the old homestead and adamantly claimed it as their rightful home despite the stunned objections of their former owners."

This does not mean they always stayed put. In fact, early on, Berlin shows, blacks manumitted by their owners preferred changing their names and often tried to move away to start new lives. They also "voted with their feet" within the South by migrating back and forth over bordering state lines depending on which government offered a friendlier climate. In a few remarkable cases, blacks in the North even moved in the South, including New Orleans, for economic opportunity (you can imagine how this infuriated white government officials).

But don't be deceived, Berlin warns. The pull blacks felt toward greater degrees of freedom was real — to the North, including all the way to Canada, and to the South, including the swamps of Florida (see Amazing Fact No. 15, "Where Was the 1st Underground Railroad?" ). Over time, this created a "brain drain" that saw some of the South's most talented free blacks leave for leadership opportunities outside the region.

As Berlin writes, "During the nineteenth century, the proportion of American free Negroes living in the South shrank steadily, and the center of the free Negro population slowly moved northward. More important, this outward migration stripped the free Negro caste of some of its most talented, ambitious, and aggressive members. Among the blacks born free in the South who later rose to prominence in the North were Martin Delany , Daniel Payne , Robert Purvis , and David Walker ."

Those who stayed were reminded constantly that whites would never be comfortable with their presence — or, at the same time, be able to let go of such a comparatively cheap labor supply. This push-pull continued through the antebellum period, so that every time it seemed the anti-free black lobby was about to legislate a final solution of deportation to the North, colonization in Africa, the Caribbean or South America, or re-enslavement, the business community prevailed in retaining the status quo. (In many ways, this anticipated the various sides of the immigration debate today.) "The inability to subjugate free Negroes frustrated whites and incited harsher repression, but still the free Negroes remained," Berlin writes. "And they multiplied."

In the Family

As the sectional crisis intensified in the 1850s, so, too, did whites' fury at their increasingly confident and politically conscious free black populations, but if Berlin's detailed account proves anything, it is that there was and would always be a huge gap between the laws as written on the books and those that operated on the ground. Not only were many whites lax in enforcing their states' black codes, free blacks themselves were nimble, they were resistant, they continued to live where they wanted to live, and when secession finally spilled over in 1860, a majority of them still called the South home.

All of this was the case with my Bruce, Redman and Clifford ancestors (on both my mother's and my father's lines), Free Negroes who remained in Virginia despite the General Assembly's warning that any slaves emancipated after May 1, 1806, would face possible re-enslavement if they stayed in-state longer than a year. Those who wanted to remain in the state beyond this grace year saw petitioning the legislature as the only way to make this possible, and so petition they did. Actually, because my Clifford and Redman fourth-great grandparents had been freed long before this 1806 cutoff date, they and their descendants, living about 30 miles from where I was born, could continue to live as freed people in the state, free of this new necessity of petitioning.

Joe and Sarah Bruce (the third set of my free fourth-great grandparents) and their children weren't as fortunate, however. Following the Nat Turner Rebellion in 1830, the Virginia General Assembly passed a slew of stricter black codes. Joe and Sarah were freed in their master's will in 1823, and were granted permission to remain in the state until the master's wife died, which she did in 1840. But they had no desire to move to the North, especially since the master's wife deeded them a thousand acres of land in her will. But in the aftermath of Nat Turner's Rebellion, the laws changed.

As Eva Sheppard Wolf, a professor at San Francisco State University and an expert on this very subject, explains in Race and Liberty in the New Nation :

The legislature's final act regarding Virginia's African American population in 1832 — in fact the only legislation actually passed — was to amend the black code in order (whites hoped) to make future insurrections less likely. The new law barred black Virginians from preaching, placed tighter restrictions on the movements and assembly of slaves, and prescribed harsh punishments for anyone who promoted slave rebellion.

The law also further reduced free blacks toward the status of slaves by requiring that they be tried in the slave courts (courts of oyer and terminer) in cases of larceny or felony instead of before a regular judge and jury and by barring them from owning guns (earlier laws allowed free people of color to own guns if they had a license, which was not required for whites). Important for the future of manumission in Virginia, the law also made it illegal for free people of color to purchase slaves except immediate family members, thus reducing the ability of the free black community to help enslaved fellow African Americans attain liberty. Surely this provision underscores the legislature's interest in preventing rather than encouraging emancipation.

As if all this wasn't enough, the Virginia legislature did (at least) one more thing to tighten the screws on its free black population after Nat Turner. Amending the state's original 1806 "get out or risk re-enslavement" law, the legislature in 1831 gave local sheriffs the authority to sell free black people at auction. A "slight amendment," Joan W. Peters writes in her introduction to the 1995 edition of June Guild's Blacks Laws of Virginia (1936), but soon the legislature was so flooded with new petitions to remain from free blacks and their white employers that in 1837 it redirected the process to the county courts.

To my amazement, my third-great grandfather Charles Bruce's family appears twice in Guild's book (and I'm most grateful to the genealogist Jane Ailes and to Frances Pollard of the Virginia Historical Society for helping me track this all down references to my family's petitions can also be found in the Library of Virginia's online database of Free Negro petitioners). From what I can tell, they made their first petition to stay in 1833 after a fellow citizen of Hardy County accused them of remaining in the state past their time. The Virginia legislature granted their petition but only until one year after Abraham's widow Elizabeth died. Of course, "The permit may be revoked," the legislature added, "if any of the persons of color are convicted by a jury of an offense."

So they stayed, and when Elizabeth Van Meter died, my third-great grandfather Charles and nine members of his family petitioned again, to stay indefinitely. In December 1841, they were denied and instead given only another "four years to dispose of the estate" that Elizabeth had willed to them — I guess that's how long Virginia thought it would take for them to sell off a thousand acres of land! Remarkable to me is that whatever limited time Virginia gave my Bruce ancestors, they never left the Old Dominion, except of course when their farm in Hardy County, Va., became part of the new Northern state of West Virginia in June of 1863.

By then, the Civil War was in full swing. But to them, just as for most of the other Free Negroes at the time, home was home. What is also counterintuitive is the fact that, for all those years in between Elizabeth Van Meter's death and the war, countless white neighbors ignored the law as well, refusing to inform on my great-great-great grandfather's family or enforce the law all those miles away from Richmond. To read more about these particular African American Lives, as detailed in my PBS television series, follow the trail to PBS.org.

Even if, as was reported by Salon, the South today is more racist than the North (at least in making political decisions), this is not necessarily an outgrowth from some mythic (or monochromatic) past defined by absolute slave and free states, Southern and Northern. Rather, these lingering attitudes stem from sources far more complicated and blurred than that simple dichotomy on which my generation was raised. The complex truth of American history, as Joel A. Rogers was so determined to show us, was never simply black and white.

Postscript: In a very gratifying response to my column about the absence of black soldiers at Gettysburg , my friend, Allen Guelzo, the Henry R. Luce Professor of the Civil War and director of the Civil War Era Studies Program at Gettysburg College, informed me that while no black men fought officially, in uniform, for either the Union or the Confederate troops, he did discover that one unidentified black man spontaneously entered the fray, and fought quite nobly. Here is what Professor Guelzo wrote to me, information that is summarized from his fine new book, Gettysburg : The Last Invasion:

On the left of the 5th Ohio, a sergeant noticed something he had not expected: "an American citizen of African descent had taken position, and with a gun and cartridge box, which he took from one of our dead men, was more than piling hot lead into the Graybacks." There is no way of knowing whether this solitary black fighter was a civilian teamster who decided to join the Ohioans, or a refugee from the town who had come out of hiding to do his bit, or even a member of the Adams County company that had tried, unsuccessfully, to volunteer itself to the all-black 54th Massachusetts. He was certainly not a soldier, since none of the new black regiments recruited since the issue of the Emancipation Proclamation were attached to the Army of the Potomac. Whoever he was, he is the only African-American on record as a combatant, fighting at Gettysburg. "His coolness and bravery was noticed and commented upon by all who saw him," and the Ohio sergeant who described him thought that "if the negro regiments fight like he did, I don't wonder that the Rebs … hate them so."

We are all indebted to professor Guelzo for this important revelation, and I hope that others will find the time, as I now have, to read his book as part of last year's 150th-anniversary commemoration of the battle.

As always, you can find more “ Amazing Facts About the Negro ” onThe Root, and check back each week as we count to 100.

Henry Louis Gates Jr. is the Alphonse Fletcher University Professor and founding director of the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard University. He is also editor-in-chief of The Root. Follow him on Twitter en Facebook .


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