Geskiedenis Podcasts

Gerald Ford word vise -president

Gerald Ford word vise -president

Nadat vise -president Spiro Agnew op 10 Oktober 1973 uit sy amp bedank het, moet die geskiedenis van Gerald R. geïnstalleer word onder die opvolging wat in die 25ste wysiging uiteengesit word. Op 6 Desember 1973 neem Ford die eed af en lewer 'n toespraak by die belangrike geleentheid.


Gerald Ford verkies om die eerste onverkose vise -president te word, 12 Oktober 1973

Op hierdie dag in 1973, ontbied president Richard Nixon rep. Gerald Ford, (R-Mich.), Die minderheidsleier, na sy wegkruippantoor by die Uitvoerende Kantoorgebou. Hy het vir hom gesê dat vise -president Spiro Agnew blykbaar onwettige betalings in sy kantoor in die Withuis ontvang het.

Teen die tyd dat Ford na die huiskamer teruggekeer het, was die woord: "Agnew het bedank."

Die volgende dag het Nixon in die Withuis met Ford en senator Hugh Scott van Pennsylvania, die Republikeinse leier, vergader om die vakature te vul ingevolge die onlangs bekragtigde 25ste wysiging. Hy het hulle gevra dat elkeen van hul GOP -kollegas vir hom die drie belangrikste keuses vir die kantoor stuur.

Nixon wou John Connally, die tesourie -sekretaris, aanstel. Maar na 'n ontmoeting met die leiers van die Demokratiese kongres het hy tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat Connally dit moeilik sou vind om bevestig te word. Op Camp David het Nixon 'n aankondigingstoespraak voorberei met vier eindes - een elk vir Nelson Rockefeller, Ronald Reagan, Connally en Ford.

By die hersiening van die voorstelle van verskillende partyleiers, het Nixon bevind dat Rockefeller en Reagan gelyk was, Connally derde en Ford laaste. Onder die lede van die kongres, waaronder Demokrate soos senator Mike Mansfield van Montana, die meerderheidsleier en huisspreker Carl Albert van Oklahoma, het Ford egter eerste gekom.

'Dit was hulle wat die man wat ek genomineer het, moes goedkeur,' het Nixon opgemerk. Soos Albert later beweer: 'Ons het Nixon geen ander keuse gegee as Ford nie.'

Met 'n ooreenkoms in die werk, Ford herkou oor die draai van politieke fortuin. 'Die lewe speel 'n paar snaakse truuks op mense,' het hy gesê. 'Hier het ek probeer. . . vir 25 jaar om speaker van die Huis te word. Skielik is ek 'n kandidaat vir president van die Senaat, waar ek amper nooit kon stem nie, en waar ek nooit 'n kans kry om te praat nie. "


Vandag in die geskiedenis: Gerald Ford word vise -president

Gedagte vir vandag: "Die eensaamheid van die mens is maar sy vrees vir die lewe." — Eugene O'Neill, Amerikaanse dramaturg (gebore 1888, oorlede op datum in 1953).

Vandag is Vrydag, 27 November, die 331ste dag van 2015. Daar is nog 34 dae oor die jaar.

Vandag se hoogtepunt in die geskiedenis:

Op 27 November 1945 word generaal George C. Marshall deur president Harry S. Truman aangewys as spesiale Amerikaanse gesant in China om vyandelikhede tussen die nasionaliste en die kommuniste te beëindig.

In 1815 is die grondwet vir die kongresryk van Pole onderteken deur die Russiese tsaar Alexander I, wat ook koning van Pole was.

In 1901 is die US Army War College in Washington, DC gestig

In 1910 word die Pennsylvania Station in New York amptelik geopen.

In 1924 het Macy se eerste Thanksgiving Day -parade en mdash as 'n "Christmas Parade" en mdash in New York plaasgevind.

In 1939 word die toneelstuk "Key Largo" deur Maxwell Anderson in die Ethel Barrymore -teater in New York geopen.

In 1942, tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, het die Franse Vichy-vloot sy skepe en duikbote in Toulon (te-LOHN ') geskud om dit uit die hande van Duitse troepe te hou.

In 1955 sterf die Switserse komponis Arthur Honegger (63) in Parys.

In 1962 is die eerste Boeing 727 by die maatskappy se Renton -aanleg bekendgestel.

In 1973 stem die Senaat met 92-3 om Gerald R. Ford as vise-president te bevestig, en volg Spiro T. Agnew op, wat bedank het.

In 1978 is die burgemeester van San Francisco, George Moscone (mahs-KOH'-nee) en die stadsopsigter Harvey Milk, 'n aktivis vir gay-regte, in die stadsaal deur die voormalige toesighouer Dan White doodgeskiet.

In 1983 is 181 mense dood toe 'n Colombiaanse Avianca Airlines Boeing 747 naby Madrid se Barajas -lughawe neergestort het.

In 1989 het 'n bom wat dwelmhandelaars beskuldig, 'n Colombiaanse Avianca Boeing 727 vernietig en al 107 mense aan boord en drie mense op die grond doodgemaak.

Tien jaar gelede: Dokters in Frankryk het die wêreld se eerste gedeeltelike gesigoorplanting uitgevoer op 'n vrou wat ontsier is deur 'n hondebyt. Isabelle Dinoire het tydens 'n operasie van 15 uur die lippe, neus en ken van 'n breindood vrou ontvang. Die aktrise Jocelyn Brando, die ouer suster van Marlon Brando, is op 86 -jarige ouderdom in Santa Monica, Kalifornië, oorlede. Joe Jones, wat die treffer "You Talk Too Much" uit 1961 gesing het, is op 79 -jarige ouderdom in Los Angeles oorlede.

Vyf jaar gelede: Die staatsdepartement het 'n brief van sy topadvokaat aan Julian Assange, stigter van WikiLeaks, gepubliseer waarin hy waarsku dat 'n verwagte onmiddellike vrylating van geklassifiseerde kabels 'tallose' lewens in gevaar sal stel, wêreldwye terrorismebedrywighede bedreig en die Amerikaanse betrekkinge met sy bondgenote in gevaar stel. Die filmregisseur Irvin Kershner ("The Empire Strikes Back") is op 87 -jarige ouderdom in Los Angeles oorlede.

'N Jaar gelede: OPEC het 'n weerspieëling van die vermindering van die oliekrag bepaal en besluit om sy produksiedoelwit op sy beurt te hou en die dalende oliepryse te vermy. Geheimskrywer P.D. James (94) sterf in Oxford, Engeland. Frank Yablans (79), 'n voormalige president van Paramount Pictures, wat voorsiening gemaak het vir die vrystelling van verskeie baanbrekende foto's soos 'The Godfather', is in Los Angeles dood.

Vandag se verjaarsdae: Skrywer Gail Sheehy is 78. Skoenontwerper Manolo Blahnik is 73. Oscar-bekroonde regisseur Kathryn Bigelow (rolprent: "The Hurt Locker") is 64. TV-gasheer Bill Nye ("Bill Nye, the Science Guy") is 60. Die akteur William Fichtner (FIHK'-nuhr) is 59. Caroline Kennedy is 58. Oscar-bekroonde draaiboekskrywer Callie Khouri (rolprent: "Thelma en Louise") is 58. Rockmusikant Charlie Burchill (Simple Minds) is 56. Oud Gouverneur van Minnesota, Tim Pawlenty, is 55. Rockmusikant Charlie Benante (Anthrax) is 53. Rockmusikant Mike Bordin (Faith No More) is 53. Akteur Fisher Stevens is 52. Aktrise Robin Givens is 51. Akteur Michael Vartan is 47. Rapper Skoob (DAS EFX) is 45. Akteur Kirk Acevedo is 44. Rapper Twista is 43. Akteur Jaleel White is 39. Akteur Arjay Smith (TV: "Perception") is 32. Aktrise Alison Pill is 30. Aktrise/sanger Aubrey Peeples (TV : "Nashville" "Sharknado") is 22.

Gedagte vir vandag: "Die eensaamheid van die mens is maar sy vrees vir die lewe." & mdash Eugene O'Neill, Amerikaanse dramaturg (gebore 1888, oorlede op hierdie datum in 1953).


Die vervanging van die vise -president

As die president sterf en die VP beëdig word as die nuwe pres, word die speaker van die Huis dan beëdig as die nuwe VP? Of is daar geen amptelike seremonie nodig nie? Wie het die VP geword toe LBJ vir JFK beëdig is?

VOLLEDIGE ANTWOORD

Amerikaanse Grondwet, Artikel II, Afdeling 1: Voordat hy die uitvoering van sy amp aangaan, moet hy die volgende eed of bevestiging aflê: Ek sweer plegtig (of bevestig) dat ek die amp van president van die Verenigde State getrou sal uitvoer, en na die beste van my vermoë, bewaar, beskerm en verdedig die Grondwet van die Verenigde State. & quot

As die vise -president nie in staat was of nie in aanmerking kom om na die presidensie te styg nie (of as die amp vakant was), sou die speaker van die Huis volgende in die ry wees ingevolge die Wet op Presidentsopvolging, wat die eerste keer in 1947 aangeneem is. vise -president word president, verhuis die speaker nie na die kantoor van vise -president nie. Die wetgewing spesifiseer slegs wie president word.

As die pos van vise -president vakant word, lui die 25ste wysiging:

25ste wysiging: Elke keer as daar 'n vakature in die kantoor van die vise -president is, benoem die president 'n ondervoorsitter wat na die bevestiging met 'n meerderheid van die stemme van albei huise van die kongres die amp aanvaar.

Die vise -president neem dieselfde ampseed af as lede van die kongres. Die 25ste wysiging het die presiese saak van die leser aangevoer: As Lyndon B. Johnson president word na die moord op John F. Kennedy, bly die pos van vise -president vir die res van sy termyn vakant. As Johnson gedurende die tyd die amp verlaat het, sou John W. McCormack, hoofspreker van Massachusetts, volgende in die ry wees om sy plek as president in te neem. Nadat Johnson die verkiesing van 1964 gewen het, het sy loopbaanmaat, Hubert H. Humphrey, vise -president geword. 'N Paar jaar later, in Februarie 1967, is die 25ste wysiging bekragtig.

Hierdie wysiging is twee keer aangevoer. In 1973 het vise -president Spiro Agnew bedank en is skuldig bevind aan korrupsieklagte nadat hy 'n pleitwedstryd pleit. & Quot President Richard Nixon het toe die Huis Republikeinse leier Gerald Ford as vise -president aangestel. Toe Nixon bedank en Ford president word, het Ford die voormalige goewerneur van New York, Nelson Rockefeller, as sy vise -president aangewys.


Amerikaanse geskiedenis: Ford lei die nasie nadat Nixon bedank het

STEVE EMBER: Welkom by THE MAKING OF A NATION - Amerikaanse geskiedenis in VOA Special English. Ek is Steve Ember.

Hierdie week in ons reeks vertel ons die verhaal van die agt-en-dertigste president van die Verenigde State.

GERALD FORD: “Mnr. Hoofregter, my liewe vriende, my mede -Amerikaners, die eed wat ek afgelê het, is dieselfde eed wat George Washington en elke president ingevolge die Grondwet afgelê het. Maar ek aanvaar die presidentskap onder buitengewone omstandighede, wat nog nooit deur Amerikaners beleef is nie. ”

Gerald Ford is op negende Augustus, negentien vier en sewentig, in die pos gesweer. Ford was vise -president van Richard Nixon, wat die vorige dag aangekondig het dat hy sou bedank.

As Nixon nie bedank het nie, is hy moontlik uit sy amp verwyder. Die kongres wou hom van korrupsie in die Watergate -saak beskuldig.

Tydens sy insweringplegtigheid het die nuwe president gepraat oor die toekoms van die land.

GERALD FORD: & quotMy mede -Amerikaners, ons lang nasionale nagmerrie is verby. Ons Grondwet werk. Ons groot republiek is 'n regering van wette en nie van mense nie. Hier regeer die mense. & Quot

GERALD FORD: & quotAs ons die interne wonde van Watergate verbind - pynliker en giftiger as dié van buitelandse oorloë - laat ons die 'goue reël' in ons politieke proses herstel en broederliefde ons harte laat suiwer van agterdog en haat . & quot

Gerald Ford het die enigste leier in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis geword wat as vise -president en president gedien het sonder om verkies te word.

Richard Nixon het hom in Oktober negentien-drie-en-sewentig as vise-president gekies. Dit was toe Nixon se voormalige vise -president, Spiro Agnew, bedank het weens kriminele aanklagte dat hy nie sy belasting betaal het nie.

Toe Nixon self bedank, word Ford president.

Ford was 'n jarelange kongreslid van die staat Michigan. Hy was baie geliefd onder sy kongreskollegas. Sy opleiding was in ekonomie en politieke wetenskap aan die Universiteit van Michigan. Daarna het hy die Yale Law School bygewoon. Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het hy as 'n vlootbeampte in die Stille Oseaan gedien.

Na die oorlog het Ford die politiek betree. Hy was 'n lid van die Republikeinse Party. Hy is die eerste keer verkies in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers in negentien-agt-en-veertig. Hy het twaalf keer herverkiesing gewen. Republikeine in die Huis het hom verkies tot die minderheidsleier tydens die administrasie van die Demokratiese president Lyndon Johnson.

Ford was nog steeds 'n minderheidsleier toe Richard Nixon, 'n mede-Republikein, in negentien-agt-en-sestig tot president verkies is. In sy leiersposisie het Ford gehelp om die goedkeuring van 'n aantal voorstelle van Nixon te wen. Hy het bekend geword vir sy sterk lojaliteit aan die president. Dit was dus geen verrassing toe Nixon Ford as vise -president noem nie.

Gerald Ford was 'n "toevallige president." Hy kom op kantoor in 'n skielike wending. Byna net so skielik moes hy besluit wat hy aan die voormalige president moet doen.

Nadat Nixon die amp verlaat het, kon hy van misdade aangekla gewees het vir sy aandeel in die bedekking van die gebeure in Watergate. 'N Maand nadat Nixon bedank het, het president Ford die vraag besleg. Hy het Nixon vergewe vir enige misdade wat hy moontlik gepleeg het.

Die vergifnis van Nixon het baie Amerikaners kwaad gemaak. Sommige het geglo dat hy verhoor moes word. Hulle het gedink dat hy moontlik meer vrae oor Watergate sou beantwoord het as hy nie begenadig is nie.

Ford het gesê hy vergewe Nixon in 'n poging om die land te verenig. Maar 'n rukkie het die vergifnis net die verdeeldheid verskerp.

VERTEENWOORDIGENDE ELIZABETH HOLTZMAN: & quot En ek het gewonder of iemand die feit onder die aandag gebring het dat die Grondwet spesifiek bepaal dat, hoewel iemand aangekla word, die persoon steeds strafbaar is volgens die wet. ”

In Oktober negentien vier en sewentig het president Ford verskyn voor 'n kongresverhoor oor die kwytskelding. Hy het sterk reageer op ondervraging deur die Demokratiese verteenwoordiger Elizabeth Holtzman.

GERALD FORD: & quotMev. Holtzman, ek was ten volle bewus daarvan dat die president by bedanking verantwoordelik was vir enige strafregtelike aanklagte. Maar ek wil sê dat die rede waarom ek die vergifnis gegee het, nie die geval was met meneer Nixon self nie. Ek herhaal - en ek herhaal met klem: Die doel van die kwytskelding was om die Verenigde State, die Kongres, die president en die Amerikaanse bevolking te probeer konsentreer op die ernstige probleme wat ons tuis en in die buiteland het.

'En ek was toe absoluut oortuig, soos nou, dat as ons hierdie reeks gehad het - 'n aanklag, 'n verhoor, 'n skuldigbevinding en enigiets anders wat daarna gebeur het - dat die aandag van die president, die kongres en die Amerikaanse mense sou afgewyk word van die probleme wat ons moet oplos. En dit was die vernaamste rede vir my toestemming. ”

Woede oor die kwytskelding was nog steeds sterk toe president Ford nog 'n omstrede besluit geneem het. Hy het mans vergewe wat onwettig militêre diens in die Viëtnam -oorlog vermy het.

Die meeste van hulle is nie tronk toe gestuur nie. In plaas daarvan is hulle die kans gebied om werk vir hul gemeenskappe te doen. Baie van die mans het egter nie die president se aanbod aanvaar nie. Sommige het in Kanada of ander lande gebly waarheen hulle gevlug het om die ontwerp te vermy.

President Ford het groter openbare steun gekry toe hy die kongres gevra het om die aktiwiteite van die land se intelligensie -agentskappe te beperk. Hy het gehoop dat beter beheer sou verhoed dat toekomstige administrasies die grondwetlike regte van Amerikaners misbruik, soos Nixon gedoen het.

In 'n ander kwessie het Ford, terwyl hy as vise -president gedien het, inflasie as die Amerikaanse vyand nommer een beskryf. & Quot Hy het verskeie maatreëls ondersteun om dit te beveg. As president het 'n ekonomiese resessie hom egter genoop om sommige van die maatreëls te kanselleer. Inflasie het tydens die resessie afgeneem, maar werkloosheid het toegeneem.

Wat buitelandse beleid betref, het Ford Henry Kissinger as staatsekretaris gehou. Kissinger het baie lof gewen vir sy diens aan Richard Nixon, onder meer in die opening van diplomatieke bande met die kommunistiese China.

Maar Kissinger het ook baie kritiek gekry. Kritici het hom daarvan beskuldig dat hy inmeng met burgerlike vryhede in die naam van nasionale veiligheid. Hulle het hom ook daarvan beskuldig dat hy die omverwerping van die Marxistiese regering van Salvador Allende in Chili ondersteun het.

Teen die tyd dat Ford president geword het, het die Verenigde State en die Sowjetunie stappe gedoen om die verspreiding van kernwapens te beperk. Nixon en die Sowjet -leier, Leonid Brezjnev, het twee sulke ooreenkomste onderteken as deel van die détente -beleid om die spanning in die Koue Oorlog te verlig. Verhoudings met China was ook minder gespanne as voorheen.

Die Amerikaanse beleid in Suidoos -Asië het egter misluk. Die betrokkenheid by die Viëtnam -oorlog het amptelik geëindig die jaar voordat Gerald Ford president geword het. Maar die geveg het voortgegaan tussen Suid -Viëtnam en kommunistiese magte uit die noorde.

Die vredesooreenkoms wat die Verenigde State en Noord-Viëtnam in negentien drie en sewentig onderteken het, het Suid-Viëtnam verlaat om homself te verdedig. Teen negentien-vyf-en-sewentig was die Suid-Viëtnamese magte duidelik in gevaar om te verslaan.

President Ford het probeer om 'n kommunistiese oorname te voorkom. Hy het die kongres gevra om sewehonderd miljoen dollar aan militêre hulp vir Suid -Viëtnam goed te keur. Die kongres het nee gesê. Die Amerikaanse volk was moeg daarvoor om vir die oorlog te betaal.

Saigon, die hoofstad van Suid-Viëtnam, het op die dertigste April, negentien-vyf-en-sewentig, aan kommunistiese magte geval.

President Ford het beveel dat Amerikaanse burgers en Suid -Viëtnamese wat die Amerikaanse pogings ondersteun het, gered moet word. Min mense wat gesien het wie sukkel om uit Saigon te ontsnap, sal daardie dag ooit vergeet.

MARINE BY AMERIKAANSE AMBASSADE: "Hou op om te druk - een vir een."

Verskrikte Viëtnamese skree om hulp by die Amerikaanse ambassade. Almal druk, probeer om uit die stad te ontsnap. Sommige het vasgehou aan oorlaaide militêre helikopters terwyl die vliegtuig probeer opstyg.

As 'n teken vir Amerikaanse burgers om voor te berei om te vertrek, het Armed Forces Radio die liedjie "White Christmas."

(MUSIEK: “White Christmas”/Bing Crosby)

Sommige sou na 'n woonstelgebou gaan waar 'n helikopter hulle van die dak af sou haal. Maar ander mense het ook probeer om op die helikopter te klim - 'n toneel vasgevang in 'n beroemde nuusfoto van die val van Saigon.

Die voormalige Suid -Viëtnamese hoofstad is herdoop tot Ho Chi Minh -stad.

In die Midde-Ooste het Henry Kissinger onderhandelinge gelei na die negentien-drie-en-sewentig Arabies-Israeliese oorlog. Israel het ingestem om 'n deel van die verowerde gebied prys te gee. In ruil daarvoor het die Verenigde State belowe om nie die Palestynse Bevrydingsorganisasie te erken of daaroor te praat nie, tensy die PLO aan sekere voorwaardes voldoen.

In September negentien-vyf-en-sewentig het Israel en Egipte 'n ooreenkoms onderteken wat toestemming insluit dat Amerikaanse burgers as waarnemers kan optree volgens die skietstilstand. Henry Kissinger is geprys vir sy vredesmakende pogings, hoewel vrede in die Midde -Ooste 'n uitdaging sou bly vir toekomstige administrasies.

By die huis lyk dit beter toe die presidensiële verkiesingsveldtog van negentien-ses-en-sewentig begin het. Daardie jaar was die land se twee honderdste verjaardag. Die Verenigde State het geen oorloë gevoer nie. Werkloosheid bly hoog, maar inflasie het verswak. Die belangrikste is dat Gerald Ford die land deur die moeilike tydperk na Watergate gelei het.

Die negentien-ses-en-sewentig verkiesing is volgende week ons ​​verhaal.

U kan ons reeks aanlyn vind met transkripsies, MP3's, podcasts en foto's op voaspecialenglish.com. U kan ons ook op Facebook en Twitter volg by VOA Learning English. Ek is Steve Ember, en nooi jou uit om volgende week weer by ons aan te sluit vir THE MAKING OF A NATION - Amerikaanse geskiedenis in VOA Special English.

Dra by: Jerilyn Watson

Dit was program #220. Vir vorige programme, tik "quotMaking of a Nation" tussen aanhalingstekens in die soekkassie bo -aan die bladsy.


Gerald R. Ford, 40ste vise-president (1973-1974)

Die lewe speel 'n paar snaakse truuks op mense. Hier probeer ek en hellip vir 25 jaar om Speaker van die Huis te word. Skielik is ek 'n kandidaat vir president van die senaat, waar ek amper nooit kon stem nie, en waar ek nooit 'n kans kry om te praat nie.
& mdashGerald R. Ford

Die moord op president John F. Kennedy in November 1963 plaas Lyndon Johnson in die Withuis en vir die 16de keer in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis en laat die vise -president onbeset. Slegs maande later verskyn die voormalige vise -president Richard M. Nixon, sy politieke loopbaan wat skynbaar beëindig is deur sy verlies aan Kennedy tydens die presidentsverkiesing van 1960 en sy daaropvolgende nederlaag vir die goewerneur van Kalifornië in 1962, voor die subkomitee van die Senaat oor grondwetlike wysigings manier om vakatures te vul. Die bestaande opvolgingsorde wat die speaker van die huis en die president van die senaat volgende in die ry van die presidensie geplaas het, het Nixon ontstel. Hy het daarop gewys dat daar geen waarborge is dat een van hierdie wetgewende amptenare ideologies verenigbaar sou wees met die president of selfs van dieselfde party nie. Hy hou ook nie van voorstelle dat die president 'n vise -president moet aanstel onderhewig aan bevestiging deur die kongres nie, aangesien 'n kongres wat deur die opposisieparty beheer word, die president se keuse onbehoorlik kan beïnvloed. Nixon het voorgestel dat die kieskollege die nuwe vise -president verkies. Hierdie metode sou nie net verseker dat dieselfde kiesers wat die president gekies het, die ondervoorsitter sou kies nie, maar nadat hulle deur die volk verkies was, sou die kiesers die nuwe vise -president bykomende legitimiteit gee.

Voorsitter Birch Bayh, 'n Indiana -demokraat, en ander lede van die subkomitee luister met respek na Nixon se argumente, maar was nie oortuig nie. Hulle het die kieskollege as 'te veel van 'n historiese nuuskierigheid' beskou, te omslagtig en te ver verwyderd van die openbare bewustheid om so 'n belangrike besluit te neem. In plaas daarvan het die subkomitee 'n wysiging gerapporteer wat lui:

Elke keer as daar 'n vakature in die amp van vise -president is, benoem die president 'n vise -president wat die amp beklee na goedkeuring deur 'n meerderheid van stemme van beide kongreshuise.

Die twintig-vyfde wysiging, wat ook bepalings bevat vir die ondervoorsitter van die president tydens die gestremdheid van 'n president, is deur die kongres goedgekeur en deur die vereiste driekwart van die state in 1967 bekragtig.

Ses jaar later is die wysiging deur niemand anders as president Richard Nixon geïmplementeer nie. Na die bedanking van Spiro Agnew, het Nixon Gerald R. Ford as sy nuwe vise -president aangewys. In die lig van die scenario wat hy in sy vroeëre getuienis beskryf het, kon Nixon nie die kandidaat kies wat hy verkies nie, John Connally. Omdat die Demokratiese meerderhede in beide kongreshuise Connally teëgestaan ​​het, was die president genoodsaak om tevrede te wees met iemand wat meer geneig is om bevestiging te wen. Vir die Demokrate was daar ook ironie betrokke. Minder as 'n jaar later, toe Nixon self bedank, was dit die voormalige Republikeinse leier van die Huis wat hom opgevolg het. As die vyf-en-twintigste wysiging nie aanvaar is nie, sou die bedankings en die beskuldigings van Nixon en Agnew die presidentskap aan die Speaker van die Huis, 'n Demokraat, oorhandig het.

Die eerste begunstigde van die wysiging, Gerald Rudolph Ford, was 'n ongekompliseerde man wat 'n komplekse pad afgelê het om vise -president te word. Hy is gebore as Leslie Lynch King, Jr., in Omaha, Nebraska, op 14 Julie 1913. Sy ma, nadat sy liggaamlik deur sy vader mishandel is, het 'n egskeiding verkry en na haar ouerhuis in Grand Rapids, Michigan, verhuis. Daar ontmoet sy en trou met Gerald R. Ford, 'n verfverkoper, wat haar seun formeel aangeneem en hom hernoem het. Die romanskrywer John Updike het opgemerk dat Ford daarom "die enigste president geword het met 'n heeltemal ander naam as die naam wat hy by geboorte gegee het", wat net so goed was, aangesien 'president King' 'n ongemaklike oksimoron sou wees.

Na hierdie onseker begin, het Jerry Ford 'n normale Midde-Amerikaanse kinderjare geleef in wat hy beskryf het as 'n "baie konserwatiewe stad". Hy het openbare skole bygewoon, uitblink in atletiek en het middagete gewerk om hamburgers te braai. Sy ma was 'n aktiewe lid van haar kerk, tuinklubs en verskillende burgerlike organisasies, en sy stiefpa was 'n Mason, Shriner en Elk. Jerry het 'n Eagle Scout geword. Die familie se lotgevalle het afgewissel tussen vooruitstrewend en vasbeslote, meer gereeld het laasgenoemde 'n paar voetbalversterkers gereël dat Ford beurse en deeltydse werk ontvang om hom aan die Universiteit van Michigan by te woon, waar hy 'n ster-voetbalspeler geword het. Die Green Bay Packers en Detroit Lions het aangebied om hom as 'n professionele speler te onderteken, maar Ford het verkies om die Yale Law School by te woon. Om homself te onderhou, het hy die eerstejaarse voetbalspan van Yale afgerig, waarvan twee lede, mdash William Proxmire en Robert Taft, Jr.

Ford was 'n 'B' -student onder Phi Beta Kappas, en Ford vind die akademiese kompetisie so erg soos enigiets wat hy op 'n voetbalveld beleef het. Sy klasmaats by Yale was Cyrus Vance, Potter Stewart en Sargent Shriver. Tog het Ford daarin geslaag om in die boonste derde van sy klas te staan. 'Hoe dit gebeur het,' het hy later gesê, 'ek kan nie verduidelik nie.' Hy voltooi die kursuswerk in 1941 en gaan terug na Michigan om die balie -eksamen af ​​te lê en 'n regspraktyk te begin. Na Pearl Harbor het hy by die vloot aangesluit en die oorlog in die Stille Oseaan deurgebring. In 1946 ontslaan, keer hy terug na Grand Rapids, verhuis na 'n groter prokureursfirma en sluit by die American Legion en Veterans of Foreign Wars aan. In 1947 begin Ford met Elizabeth (Betty) Bloomer Warren, die modekoördineerder van 'n plaaslike winkel, wat besig was om te skei.

Die politiek het hom ook aangetrek. By Yale het hy die Republikeinse presidentskandidaat Wendell Willkie in 1940 ondersteun en betrokke geraak by die isolasiegroep America First. Ford sou 'n Republikein bly, maar Pearl Harbor en die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het hom aangespoor om 'n internasionalistiese buitelandse beleid te ondersteun. Hy het homself gemodelleer na die senior senator van sy staat, die Republikein Arthur Vandenberg, wat sy standpunt oor Amerika se rol in wêreldsake op dieselfde manier omgekeer het. In 1948 besluit die 34-jarige Ford om die herbenoeming van die Republikeinse verteenwoordiger Barney Jonkman, 'n uitgesproke isolationis en kritikus van senator Vandenberg, uit te daag. Konvensionele wysheid het Jonkman as onverbeterlik beskou, maar toe president Harry Truman die somer die 80ste kongres weer in 'n spesiale sitting belê, het Ford die distrik vir homself vir veldtog gehou, terwyl die posbekleër besig was in Washington. Hy het steun van internasionaliste in beide partye gekry en sedert die Demokrate geweet het dat hulle geen kans het om 'n demokraat in die distrik te kies nie. In die primêre wedstryd het Ford Jonkman met 'n 2: 1 -verhouding geklop. Op 15 Oktober 1948, kort voor die algemene verkiesing, trou Ford met Betty Warren. Hy het net 'n paar minute voor die seremonie veldtog gevoer, en die volgende dag het die pasgetroude egpaar 'n politieke byeenkoms bygewoon. 'Ek was baie onvoorbereid om 'n politieke vrou te wees', het Betty Ford later opgemerk, 'maar ek het my nie bekommer nie, want ek het regtig nie gedink hy gaan wen nie.' Sy was verkeerd. Alhoewel Truman en die Demokrate die verkiesing van 1948 uitgevoer het, het Gerald Ford met 61 persent van die stemme die verkiesing tot die kongres gewen.

Stygende in die huis leierskap

Toe Ford in die 81ste kongres die Huis van Verteenwoordigers binnegaan, het 'n oud-tydgenoot van die afvaardiging van Michigan hom meegedeel dat hy óf sy tyd in die komitee kan deurbring, een wetgewing kan bemeester, óf op die vloer kan leer, die reëls, parlementêre prosedure, en debatteer oor taktiek. Ford het laasgenoemde gekies. Op die vloer van die huis ontmoet hy die eerste keer vir Richard Nixon, wat reeds bekendheid verwerf het tydens die ondersoek van die House Un-American Activities Committee se ondersoek na die Alger Hiss-Whittaker Chambers-kontroversie. Onder die indruk van Nixon se prestasie, probeer Ford teenwoordig wees wanneer die Kaliforniër in die huis praat. Die twee mans het soortgelyke agtergronde en sienings oor buitelandse en binnelandse politiek gehad en gesels graag oor sokker en bofbal. In 1951 nooi Ford die nuutverkose senator Nixon uit om te spreek tydens 'n Lincoln Day -banket in Grand Rapids. Die volgende jaar, toe Nixon sy beroemde "Checkers" televisietoespraak gelewer het om sy vise-presidentskandidaat te red, het Ford hom bedrieg:

Oor radio en koerante is ek 100 persent in u hoek. Bestry dit tot die einde toe, net soos u die uitstryk van kommuniste gedoen het toe u aanklagte teen Alger Hiss bewys het. & Hellip Ek sal u persoonlik verwelkom in Grand Rapids of enige ander deel van Michigan.

Namate Nixon se horisonne uitgebrei het, behou Ford sy sitplek in die huis, en het stadig senioriteit en respek opgedoen. Ford het saam met Nixon en ander nuwe lede van die Huis saamgewerk om die Chowder and Marching Society, 'n informele koukus van Republikeinse veterane uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, te organiseer, wat sy eerste stap na leierskap geword het. In 1960 verskyn Ford se naam as 'n moontlike vise-presidentskandidaat om saam met Nixon aan te bied. In 1963 het Lyndon Johnson hom aangestel as lid van die Warren -kommissie om die moord op John F. Kennedy te ondersoek. Maar Ford fokus sy ambisie hoofsaaklik op die Huis, waar hy eendag hoop om Speaker te word. Ford, wat in 1963 as voorsitter van die Republikeinse Konferensie verkies is, het ook 'n hoë posisie in die magtige toewysingskomitee gekry. In 1965, nadat sy party 'n verlies van 36 setels gely het en sy geledere tot die laagste vlak sedert die Groot Depressie verminder het, het 'n groep ontevrede Republikeine, bekend as Young Turks, Ford bevorder as hul kandidaat om die huidige Charles Halleck as minderheidsleier te vervang. Ford skryf sy noue oorwinning oor Halleck toe aan die hulp van verteenwoordiger Bob Dole, wat die steun van die Kansas -afvaardiging as 'n blok aan hom verleen het.

President Johnson, wat nou saamgewerk het met Halleck, betreur Ford se aansporing tot die Republikeinse leierskap. Met die verwagting dat Ford meer partydig as Halleck en minder samewerkend sou wees, het Johnson 'n klug gemaak dat die probleem met Ford was dat "hy vroeër sonder helm voetbal gespeel het" en dat hy "te dom was om terselfdertyd kougom te kou." Johnson het ook aan verslaggewers gesê dat Ford die nasionale veiligheid geskend het deur stories wat in vertroue aan hom vertel is, uit te lek. Hierdie aanklagte was onwaar, en verslaggewers ondersteun Ford se ontkenning, maar die voorval het die diepte van Johnson se vyandigheid teenoor die nuwe Republikeinse leier onthul. Ford se vriend en ondersteuner, die verteenwoordiger van New York, Charles Goodell, het geglo dat "Johnson gedink het Ford is dom omdat hy voorspelbaar was." Goodell beskou Ford as 'n soliede man wat geen aanvoeling het vir die soort politieke manipulasie waarop mans soos Johnson en Nixon gedy het nie.

In September 1965, op 'n tydstip toe Ford se ster aan die toeneem was en Richard Nixon s'n in 'n politieke verduistering gegaan het, ontmoet die twee mans vir ontbyt in die Mayflower Hotel om die heropbou van hul beskadigde partytjie te bespreek. Nixon, wat steeds presidensiële ambisies koester, het belowe om vir die Republikeinse kandidate van die Huis te kampeer en toegegee dat hy gemotiveer is deur 'meer pragmatisme as altruïsme'. Daarna het Nixon noue bande met Ford behou en hom soms tydens die politieke reise deur die land van die telefoon af gebel. 'Baie mense in die politiek respekteer die vermoëns van Richard Nixon', het die joernalis Richard Reeves opgemerk, 'maar Ford was een van die min wat gepraat het oor die hou van Nixon.'

Ford het ook 'n groot deel van die tyd tussen 1965 en 1968 deurgebring om van staat tot staat te reis om vir Republikeinse kandidate te praat en sy politieke basis in die Huis te versterk. Gedurende sy eerste ses maande as leier het Ford 32 state besoek. Toe verslaggewers vra of hy vir iets hardloop, het hy geantwoord: 'Ek wil vir die speaker wees.' Aangesien die Republikeine slegs 140 uit 435 huissitplekke beklee het, was dit 'n buitensporige ambisie, maar in 1966 het sy pogings die Huis -Republikeine gehelp om 'n merkwaardige herstel te behaal met 'n wins van 47 setels. Ford se lang ure op Capitol Hill en gereelde afwesigheid van die huis vir politieke gesprekke, het egter sy familie geëis, veral sy vrou Betty, wat haar tot alkohol en pynstillers gewend het om haar eensaamheid te vergoed. 'Ek het gevoel dat ek alles vir almal doen, en ek kry geen aandag nie,' het sy gekla.

Die uiteindelike Nixon -lojalis

In 1968 a "new Nixon" won the Republican presidential nomination, and Ford was again mentioned as a vice-presidential candidate. Ford, the permanent chairman of the convention, had been an unequivocal Nixon supporter from the beginning of the campaign. At a strategy session, Nixon turned to him and said, "I know that in the past, Jerry, you have thought about being Vice President. Would you take it this year?" Ford replied that if the Republicans did as well in 1968 as they had two years earlier, they might take the majority in the House, and he would prefer to become Speaker. He endorsed New York mayor John Lindsay for vice president. But in fact, Nixon had already decided on Maryland governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate&mdasheven before asking Ford. Ford shook his head in disbelief at that choice.

During Nixon's first term, House Republican Leader Gerald Ford was the ultimate Nixon loyalist in Congress. In May 1971, when the House voted to restore funds for the Supersonic Transport (SST) project, but not enough votes could be found in the Senate, President Nixon ruminated to his aide, H. R. Haldeman, on the "lack of leadership" in Congress, "making the point that Gerry Ford really is the only leader we've got on either side in either house." Ford annoyed conservative Republicans by his support for Nixon's Family Assistance Plan and angered liberals by his efforts to impeach Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas&mdashan action widely interpreted as a response to the defeat of two of Nixon's Supreme Court nominations.

For all these efforts, Ford and his Republican counterparts in the Senate "had trouble finding anyone on the White House staff dealing with policy who was interested in consulting with us on domestic legislative priorities." Whenever the Republican congressional leadership met with Nixon at the White House, the members received promises that his aides would work with them, "but they never did." Ford attributed this unresponsiveness to the "us versus them" mentality of Nixon's staff. He also regretted Vice President Agnew's intemperate attacks on the news media, which Ford believed would only reopen old wounds. Nevertheless, Ford felt confident that Nixon's coattails in 1972 would carry a Republican majority into the House and finally make him Speaker. On election night, he was deeply disappointed with the results. "If we can't get a majority [in the House] against McGovern, with a Republican President winning virtually every state, when can we?" Ford complained to his wife. "Maybe it's time for us to get out of politics and have another life." He began to think seriously of retiring as House leader when Nixon's second term was over in 1976.

The First Appointed Vice President

Unforeseen events during the next year completely changed Gerald Ford's life. When stories broke that Vice President Agnew had taken kickbacks from Maryland contractors, the vice president visited Ford to swear to his innocence. Although Ford professed not to doubt Agnew's word, after that meeting he made certain that someone else was always present whenever he saw the vice president. On October 10, 1973, Nixon called Ford to his hideaway office at the Executive Office Building and told him that there was evidence that Agnew had received illegal payments in his office in the West Wing of the White House and that the matter was going to court. Ford returned to the House Chamber, where just minutes later the word was passed: "Agnew has resigned." The next day, Nixon met with Ford and Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott at the White House to discuss filling the vacancy under the Twenty-Fifth Amendment and asked them to have their Republican colleagues each send him their top three choices for the office.

Nixon knew that Democrats felt apprehensive about confirming someone who might be a strong contender for the presidency in 1976 and that they preferred "a caretaker Vice President who would simply fill out Agnew's unexpired term." Nixon wanted to appoint his treasury secretary, John Connally, but after meeting with the Democratic congressional leadership he concluded that Connally would have a difficult time being confirmed. At Camp David, Nixon prepared an announcement speech with four endings, one each for Nelson Rockefeller, Ronald Reagan, Connally, and Ford. Looking through the names that Republican Party leaders had suggested, he found that Rockefeller and Reagan had tied, Connally was third, and Ford last. However, among members of Congress, including such Democrats as Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and House Speaker Carl Albert, Ford's name came in first and, as Nixon noted, "they were the ones who would have to approve the man I nominated." As Speaker Albert later asserted, "We gave Nixon no choice but Ford."

The Watergate scandal had so preoccupied and weakened Nixon that he could not win a fight over Connally. Choosing either Rockefeller or Reagan would likely split the Republican Party. That left Ford. Nixon reasoned that, not only were Ford's views on foreign and domestic policy practically identical with his, but that the House leader would be the easiest to confirm. He had also received assurances that Ford "had no ambitions to hold office after January 1977," which would clear the path for Connally to seek the Republican presidential nomination. On the morning of October 12, 1973, Nixon called Ford to a private meeting. While he intended to nominate Ford for vice president, Nixon explained, he planned to campaign for Connally for president in 1976. Ford raised no objections to that arrangement, and that evening, Nixon announced the news publicly from the East Room.

Ford's nomination was subject to confirmation in both the Senate and House, where Democrats held commanding majorities. Because of the Watergate scandal, congressional Democrats were concerned that the individual they confirmed as vice president might well become president before Nixon's term was completed. Liberals expressed displeasure with Ford's conservative voting record on social welfare and other domestic issues and his undeviating loyalty to President Nixon's foreign policies but did not believe they could withhold confirmation merely because of policy disagreements. A few liberals, led by New York representative Bella Abzug, tried to block action on Ford's nomination, anticipating that Nixon's eventual removal would make House Speaker Albert president. Albert, however, pushed for Ford's speedy confirmation. Then, on October 20, Nixon fired Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox in defiance of his attempts to subpoena the White House tape recordings, an event the press dubbed the "Saturday Night Massacre." Both Democrats and Republicans now felt it legitimate to ask what position Ford would take as president on such questions as executive privilege and the independent jurisdictions of the legislative and judicial branches. Congress appeared to hold Ford's nomination hostage until Nixon complied with the subpoenas of his tapes.

White House chief of staff Alexander Haig worried that if Nixon were impeached before Ford became vice president, Democrats might delay his confirmation in order to make Speaker Albert president. Haig therefore helped break the logjam by pressing Nixon to move on the appointment of a new special prosecutor and a new attorney general (since Elliot Richardson had resigned rather than fire Cox), as well as to guarantee some compliance on the matter of the tapes. On November 27 the Senate voted 92 to 3 to confirm Ford, and on December 6, the House agreed, 387 to 35 (with Ford voting "present"). President Nixon wanted Ford to take the oath of office in the East Room of the White House, but Ford thought it more appropriate to hold the ceremony in the Capitol, where he had served for a quarter of a century. Nixon had little desire to appear in a House Chamber where impeachment motions were being filed against him, and where he might be booed, but at last he relented. Addressing his enthusiastic former colleagues, the new vice president modestly identified himself as "a Ford, not a Lincoln." General Haig complained about the atmosphere in the House Chamber: "Ford was treated throughout the ceremony and afterwards as a President-in-waiting, especially by Republicans, and there can be little question that Richard Nixon's presidency was over, in their minds, from the moment his successor took the oath."

A Catalyst to Bind the National Wounds

Although warmly cheered in Congress, the new vice president received only a lukewarm reception in the press. Many journalists did not believe Ford measured up to the job. Die New York Times dismissed him as a "routine partisan of narrow views," and the Washington Post regarded him as "the very model of a second-level party man." The columnist David Broder thought that Nixon did not want "a partner in policy-making or an apprentice President." The harshest criticism came from the conservative Wall Street Journal, which pronounced, "The nomination of Mr. Ford caters to all the worst instincts on Capitol Hill&mdashthe clubbiness that made him the choice of Congress, the partisanship that threatened a bruising fight if a prominent Republican presidential contender were named, the small-mindedness that thinks in terms of those who should be rewarded rather than who could best fill the job."

During the confirmation process, Republican senator Mark Hatfield of Oregon asked Ford whether his role might be that of "a catalyst to bind up some of these deep-seated wounds, political and otherwise?" Ford replied that he expected to make speeches around the country. "I would maximize my efforts not to do it in an abrasive way," he promised, "but rather to calm the waters." Ford carried out that promise so well that President Nixon discovered he had a new political weapon: an honest, believable, and congenial vice president. Although some skeptics regarded Ford, in the words of the columnist Nicholas von Hoffman, as just "Agnew without alliteration," the public generally accepted the new vice president as trustworthy, forthright and unpretentious if not particularly brilliant. Ford spent most of his eight months as vice president on the road rather than in the Senate Chamber, delivering an almost continuous stream of speeches, holding 52 press conferences, and giving 85 formal interviews, in an effort to demonstrate a new openness in government.

Vice President Ford balanced precariously between supporting the president and maintaining some distance from the Watergate scandal. "I am my own man," he proclaimed. The Nixon White House thought differently. Ford's top aide, Robert Hartmann, a crusty former newspaper correspondent, was summoned by General Haig's staff secretary to receive a lengthy list of priorities for the new vice president. Included were congressional relations, speaking engagements outside of Washington, serving as the administration's point man during the 1974 campaign, and being available for foreign travel. If Ford needed assistance in speech writing, scheduling, and advance personnel, the White House would provide it. Hartmann concluded that Nixon's staff "intended to integrate [Ford's] supporting staff so completely with the White House that it would be impossible for him to assert even the little independence Agnew had managed." At the meeting's end, the staff secretary shook Hartmann's hand and declared, "What we want to do is to make the Vice President as much as possible a part of the White House staff."

The Smoking Gun and the President's Resignation

Although Ford steadfastly defended Nixon throughout the Watergate crisis, he could never understand why the president did not simply release the tapes to clear his name and end the controversy, if he was as innocent as he professed. The longer Nixon stonewalled, the more pressure mounted from members of his own party on Capitol Hill for the president to resign before the midterm elections of 1974. Where Nixon and Ford had once hoped to achieve Republican majorities in Congress, they now faced the prospect of massive losses of seats. In the first few months of 1974, Republicans lost four of five special elections&mdashincluding Ford's old Grand Rapids district. In May 1974, when Nixon released the first highly edited transcripts of his secret tapes, public opinion turned even further against him. Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott called the language and contents of the transcripts "deplorable, shabby, disgusting, and immoral." Ford also admitted that the tapes "don't exactly confer sainthood on anyone." The vice president attended a Senate Republican Policy Committee luncheon where Arizona senator Barry Goldwater rose and said: "I'm not yelling at you, Mr. Vice President, but I'm just getting something off my chest. The president ought to resign. It's not in the best interest of everybody to have to face an impeachment trial." Ford immediately excused himself and left.

The release of the additional tapes finally produced the "smoking gun" that demonstrated beyond question that Nixon&mdashdespite his protestations to the contrary&mdashhad personally directed the cover-up of the Watergate scandal. By the beginning of August, Nixon realized that he would have to resign to avoid impeachment, and he instructed General Haig to tell Ford to be prepared to take over the presidency within a matter of days. Nixon noted that, while Ford was not experienced in foreign affairs, "he's a good and decent man, and the country needs that now." General Haig went to Ford's office, but finding Ford's aide Robert Hartmann there, Haig hesitated to give Ford a list of options prepared by the president's legal counsels that included the power of the incoming president to pardon his predecessor (the legal counsels had gone so far as to draft a pardon in Ford's name, dated August 6, 1974). After the first meeting concluded, Haig called Ford at his Capitol office to set up another meeting&mdashalone&mdashwhere he could be more candid. Ford seemed receptive, but the next time they talked, Haig observed that Ford's voice had grown more formal and that he called him "General" rather than "Al." "I want you to understand," Ford said, "that I have no intention of recommending what the President should do about resigning or not resigning, and nothing we talked about yesterday afternoon should be given any consideration in whatever decision the President may wish to make." Haig concluded that Ford was trying to protect himself from potential charges that he had made a deal to get the presidency. Haig insisted that Nixon had never known of the list of options, and that his own actions had not been Machiavellian.

On August 8, Nixon called Ford to the Oval Office and told him that he was resigning. "Jerry," he added, "I know you'll do a good job." He recommended that Ford keep Henry Kissinger as secretary of state, because if Kissinger were to leave along with Nixon "our foreign policy would soon be in disarray." He also urged him to retain Haig as chief of staff during the transition, to handle the inevitable "scramble for power" within the staff and cabinet. Ford accepted both recommendations. Nixon noted that he would be gone by noon the next day so that Ford could take the oath of office at the White House as Truman had done. A tearful Nixon closed the conversation by thanking Ford for his long and loyal support.

The First Nonelected President

The next morning, Nixon departed from the White House lawn by helicopter while Gerald Ford waved goodbye. The first nonelected vice president was then sworn in as president of the United States. In his inaugural address, Ford proclaimed that "our long national nightmare is over." The nation agreed, and Ford entered office on the crest of favorable public opinion. Within a month, however, the good will dissipated when Ford pardoned Richard Nixon. Although deeply dismayed when the tapes showed that Nixon had lied to him, Ford felt personally concerned about Nixon's mental and physical health and politically concerned about the national impact of a trial of a former president. He decided that Nixon's resignation and the sentence of having to live with the humiliation was as severe a punishment as a jail term. "You can't pull a bandage off slowly," he concluded, "and I was convinced that the sooner I issued the pardon the better it would be for the country."

Although Ford pardoned Nixon, he declined to pardon Nixon's co-conspirators, many of whom served jail terms for obstruction of justice he also declined advice to issue a general amnesty for Vietnam-era draft evaders. The Nixon pardon proved more unpopular than Ford expected and forced him to spend the rest of his presidency explaining and justifying the action to a suspicious public. Adverse reaction to the pardon precipitated a Democratic landslide in the congressional elections of 1974, with House Democrats gaining 48 seats.

A man of Congress, who had wanted to restore a sense of cooperation and conciliation between the executive and legislative branches, President Ford confronted a hostile legislature that turned his presidency into a clash of vetoes and veto overrides. During his term, Congress further trimmed the powers of the "imperial presidency" and challenged executive authority in foreign and domestic affairs. Ford fought back, becoming an outspoken critic of Congress. The veteran Washington correspondent Sarah McClendon interpreted Ford's aggressiveness as his response to all those frustrating years of serving in the House without becoming Speaker. She imagined him thinking: "Now that I am president, I can finally be Speaker of the House, too. I am going to make up for all those years by driving those Democrats out of their seats, and out of their minds, if I can." She concluded that he almost did.

Ford sought reelection to the presidency in 1976 but was challenged in the primaries by former California governor Ronald Reagan. Once having secured the nomination, Ford chose as his running mate Senator Robert J. Dole of Kansas. In the first presidential race under the new Federal Election Campaign Act that provided partial public funding to presidential candidates, Ford and Dole faced former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter and Minnesota senator Walter F. Mondale. The candidates engaged in the first televised presidential campaign debates since 1960. Although Ford stressed his many years of government experience, Carter, the outsider, won a narrow victory, denying Ford election to a full term in the office he had held for two years.


Rockefeller sworn in as vice president, Dec. 19, 1974

Nelson Rockefeller, a former 14-year governor of New York and a dynastic scion of one of the nation’s wealthiest families, was sworn in on this day in 1974 as the 41st vice president of the United States.

After the ceremony, for the first and last time the nation’s annals, both an unelected president and an unelected vice president headed the federal government’s executive branch.

President Gerald Ford had nominated Rockefeller for the post four months earlier. Ford, also a recently appointed vice president, acted on the Rockefeller appointment 11 days after President Richard Nixon had resigned in disgrace on Aug. 9 in the wake of the Watergate scandal.

Before choosing Rockefeller, Ford weighed selecting either Donald Rumsfeld, a former member of Congress and then U.S. ambassador to NATO, or George H.W. Bush, another former House member who was then chairing the Republican National Committee. Ford went on choose Rumsfeld as his chief of staff Bush would be elected vice president in his own right in 1988, serving two terms in that office under President Ronald Reagan, and one in the presidency.

Although Rockefeller said he was “just not built for standby equipment,” he nevertheless accepted the nomination. “It was entirely a question of there being a constitutional crisis and a crisis of confidence on the part of the American people,” Rockefeller said. “I felt there was a duty incumbent on any American who could do anything that would contribute to a restoration of confidence in the democratic process and in the integrity of government.”

Rockefeller had to submit to extensive questioning on Capitol Hill before the lawmakers approved the nomination. Among other matters, the hearings revealed that he had taken debatable deductions on his federal income taxes he paid $1 million to settle the issue.

The secret backstory of how Obama let Hezbollah off the hook

A minority bloc of GOP conservatives campaigned against Rockefeller’s nomination, which the Senate eventually approved 90 to 7. They included Sens. Barry Goldwater of Arizona, Jesse Helms of North Carolina and Trent Lott of Mississippi. On the left, the Americans for Democratic Action opposed Rockefeller's confirmation because it said his wealth posed too much of a conflict of interest.

In November 1975, Rockefeller told Ford he did not want to be his running mate in 1976 since “I didn’t come down [to Washington] to get caught up in party squabbles, which only make it more difficult for the president in a very difficult time.”

Ford, a former House minority leader and a moderate Republican from Michigan, acceded to pressure from GOP conservatives by elevating Sen. Bob Dole of Kansas to the ticket. Ford remains the last president to not have his vice president as his running mate.

Ford later said not retaining Rockefeller was one of the biggest political mistakes he ever made. With Dole on the ticket, Ford narrowly lost to Jimmy Carter, a former Georgia Democratic governor.

SOURCE: “THE IMPERIAL ROCKEFELLER: A BIOGRAPHY OF NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER,” BY JOSEPH PERSICO (1982)

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Twenty-Fifth Amendment Enacted a Second Time

Soon after that, Nixon resigned, which made Gerald R. Ford the first American President to succeed another due to a resignation. Ford took this duty very seriously and on August 9, 1974, declared, "I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts."

For a second time, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment was enacted when Ford nominated the New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller as Vice-President. Congress accepted him. He gradually selected cabinet members of his own throughout his term, replacing those spots that were empty due to the Watergate Scandal.

After Nixon resigned, many were very hopeful for Ford&aposs Presidency, although he quickly drew criticism from many when he decided to give Nixon a "full, complete, and absolute pardon" from the crimes he had committed.

Problems continued as the country became short on fuel, inflation occurred, and unemployment grew, which continued to hurt his popularity. Ford tried to curb Government spending as well as the Government intervention in societal and economic problems. He believed this would help economic conditions in the long run therefore, he opted to reduce taxes on businesses for them to operate more freely. He also wanted to ease controls by regulatory agencies on businesses.

When it came to his conservative economic views, he stated, "We. declared our independence 200 years ago, and we are not about to lose it now to paper shufflers and computers." Unfortunately, people were looking for short answers, especially the Democratic Congress, who heavily opposed his plans, and the results did not quickly come.

He also felt that inflation needed to be tackled. When the recession became worse, he focused more on stimulating the economy while also attacking inflation by vetoing many non-military bills that would have furthered the budgetary deficit. He ended up vetoing 39 measures in 14 months. Most of these were sustained.

Since the Vietnam War had ended, he wanted to make sure that a new war was not going to break out. He had provided aid to both Israel and Egypt while insisting that they both accept an interim truce agreement, which they agreed to. Ford also met with Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev and set a new limitation upon nuclear weapons- work that Nixon had started previously.

Then in 1976, when reelection time occurred, he won the Republican nomination. He ran against Jimmy Carter, the Georgian Democratic candidate. In a close election, he eventually lost. The new President did not overlook all that Ford had taken on as President. During Carter&aposs inaugural speech, he declared, "For myself and for our Nation, I want to thank my predecessor for all he has done to heal our land."


Today in history: Gerald Ford becomes vice president

Thought for Today: "Man's loneliness is but his fear of life." — Eugene O'Neill, American playwright (born 1888, died this date in 1953).

Today is Friday, Nov. 27, the 331st day of 2015. There are 34 days left in the year.

Today's Highlight in History:

On Nov. 27, 1945, General George C. Marshall was named special U.S. envoy to China by President Harry S. Truman to try to end hostilities between the Nationalists and the Communists.

In 1815, the constitution for the Congress Kingdom of Poland was signed by Russian Czar Alexander I, who was also king of Poland.

In 1901, the U.S. Army War College was established in Washington, D.C.

In 1910, New York's Pennsylvania Station officially opened.

In 1924, Macy's first Thanksgiving Day parade &mdash billed as a "Christmas Parade" &mdash took place in New York.

In 1939, the play "Key Largo," by Maxwell Anderson, opened at the Ethel Barrymore Theater in New York.

In 1942, during World War II, the Vichy French navy scuttled its ships and submarines in Toulon (too-LOHN') to keep them out of the hands of German troops.

In 1955, Swiss composer Arthur Honegger, 63, died in Paris.

In 1962, the first Boeing 727 was rolled out at the company's Renton Plant.

In 1973, the Senate voted 92-3 to confirm Gerald R. Ford as vice president, succeeding Spiro T. Agnew, who'd resigned.

In 1978, San Francisco Mayor George Moscone (mahs-KOH'-nee) and City Supervisor Harvey Milk, a gay-rights activist, were shot to death inside City Hall by former supervisor Dan White.

In 1983, 181 people were killed when a Colombian Avianca Airlines Boeing 747 crashed near Madrid's Barajas airport.

In 1989, a bomb blamed on drug traffickers destroyed a Colombian Avianca Boeing 727, killing all 107 people on board and three people on the ground.

Ten years ago: Doctors in France performed the world's first partial face transplant on a woman disfigured by a dog bite Isabelle Dinoire received the lips, nose and chin of a brain-dead woman in a 15-hour operation. Actress Jocelyn Brando, older sister of Marlon Brando, died in Santa Monica, California, at age 86. Joe Jones, who sang the 1961 hit "You Talk Too Much," died in Los Angeles at age 79.

Five years ago: The State Department released a letter from its top lawyer to WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, warning that an expected imminent release of classified cables would put "countless" lives at risk, threaten global counterterrorism operations and jeopardize U.S. relations with its allies. Movie director Irvin Kershner ("The Empire Strikes Back") died in Los Angeles at age 87.

One year ago: Reflecting its lessening oil clout, OPEC decided to keep its output target on hold and sit out falling crude prices. Mystery writer P.D. James, 94, died in Oxford, England. Frank Yablans, 79, a former president of Paramount Pictures who presided over the release of several groundbreaking pictures such as "The Godfather," died in Los Angeles.

Today's Birthdays: Author Gail Sheehy is 78. Footwear designer Manolo Blahnik is 73. Academy Award-winning director Kathryn Bigelow (Film: "The Hurt Locker") is 64. TV host Bill Nye ("Bill Nye, the Science Guy") is 60. Actor William Fichtner (FIHK'-nuhr) is 59. Caroline Kennedy is 58. Academy Award-winning screenwriter Callie Khouri (Film: "Thelma and Louise") is 58. Rock musician Charlie Burchill (Simple Minds) is 56. Former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty is 55. Rock musician Charlie Benante (Anthrax) is 53. Rock musician Mike Bordin (Faith No More) is 53. Actor Fisher Stevens is 52. Actress Robin Givens is 51. Actor Michael Vartan is 47. Rapper Skoob (DAS EFX) is 45. Actor Kirk Acevedo is 44. Rapper Twista is 43. Actor Jaleel White is 39. Actor Arjay Smith (TV: "Perception") is 32. Actress Alison Pill is 30. Actress/singer Aubrey Peeples (TV: "Nashville" "Sharknado") is 22.

Thought for Today: "Man's loneliness is but his fear of life." &mdash Eugene O'Neill, American playwright (born 1888, died this date in 1953).


Gerald Ford

Any list of the men who became President without being elected to the office must surely start with Gerald Ford. After all, this is the only man in American history to have not only assumed the role of Commander-in-Chief without winning an election but to have assumed the role of Vice President without having been given the nod by the Electoral College either. Despite this, he rarely seemed out of his depth in the roles entrusted to him and his time in both of the big two offices is, by and large, remembered favorably.

Gerald Rudolph Ford Jr. was born in Omaha, Nebraska, in July of 1913. As a young man, he committed himself to serving his country. So, when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor, Ford, who was only fresh out of Yale Law School, signed up. He served in the Naval Reserve, eventually reaching the rank of lieutenant commander, and, almost soon as the war was over, he went into politics.

For 25 years, Ford served as the Representative for Michigan&rsquos 5 th Congressional District. By all accounts, his time in the role was remarkable in that it was largely unremarkable. Ford was humble, modest and hardworking, turning down overtures to run for Senate or for the office of Governor of Michigan. He did, however, serve on the Warren Commission as it investigated the assassination of JFK, a role in which he came to the attention of the dead president&rsquos successor, Lyndon B. Johnson. Impressed by Ford&rsquos abilities, Johnson invited him to become the Minority Leader in the House of Representatives. Ford accepted the post.

By 1973, Ford was traveling across the States so much that he vowed to his wife that he would soon resign and retire. But his life plans were scuppered by Spiro Agnew. The-then Vice President shockingly resigned amid claims of tax evasion and money laundering. Senior figures in Congress strong-armed President Nixon to appoint Ford as his number two. He accepted and so, on December 6, 1973, Gerald Ford became Vice President of the United States without being elected to the office. But more was to come.

On August 1, 1974, Ford was informed that agents investigating the Watergate scandal had found the ‘smoking gun&rsquo implicating Nixon in the affair. Just eight days later, Nixon resigned and Ford was sworn into the highest office in the land. Pointedly he stated to the American public: &ldquoI am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your president by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your president with your prayers.&rdquo

It was an office he would not hold for long. In the 1976 Presidential election, Ford (apparently reluctantly) agreed to run. Though he beat Republican challenger Ronald Reagan, he lost to the Democrat Jimmy Carter. He has gone down in the history books as a hardworking, largely honest and humble leader. However, in some eyes, his pardoning of Nixon will forever tarnish his record in office.


Kyk die video: General Milley on Why He Hasnt Resigned (November 2021).