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Verlore Amazone -stamme: waarom die Weste nie sy obsessie met El Dorado kan oorkom nie

Verlore Amazone -stamme: waarom die Weste nie sy obsessie met El Dorado kan oorkom nie

'N Aantal ou nedersettings is onlangs in die boonste Tapajós -bekken van die Amasone ontdek. Dit is geen El Dorado nie - alhoewel u vergewe sal word as u so dink. Die persdekking toon 'n bevestiging van die idee dat die tropiese Nuwe Wêreld ooit die tuiste van monumentale samelewings was, soos dié in Egipte of Mesopotamië. Die onlangse ontdekkings is deur Newsweek aangekondig as 'herskryf' van die geskiedenis van Amerika voor Columbus: nie 'n beskeie bewering nie. The Guardian verklaar: "Verlore Amazone -dorpe wat deur argeoloë ontbloot is."

Intussen het die National Geographic (gedeeltelik verantwoordelik vir die befondsing van die projek) aangekondig dat die "Amazon -oerwoud eens miljoene meer huis toe was as wat voorheen gedink is". Dit is verre van die idee van 'n ongerepte landskap waarna natuurbewaarders al jare verwys. Soos een van die Exeter -navorsers aan die Washington Post opgemerk het: "Dit lyk asof dit 'n mosaïek van kulture was."

Bewyse van 'n prehistoriese nedersetting. (Universiteit van Exeter)

Nuus uit die Amasone handel al lank oor "verlore stamme" of "mense wat nie gekontak is nie". Een dokumentêr uit 1970 beeld die belangrikste element van die genre uit: inheemse mense wat assimilasie weerstaan. In hierdie eeu het die klem ietwat verskuif. Inheemse Amazoniese mense word toenemend nie net as 'verlore' uitgebeeld nie, maar beslaan ook 'n natuurlike gebied wat gevaar loop om self verlore te gaan deur olie -eksplorasie, mynbou en houtwinning.

'Verlore' Indiane

Dit is opvallend geïllustreer in 2008, toe José Carlos dos Reis Meirelles Junior, 'n amptenaar van FUNAI (die nasionale Indiese agentskap van Brasilië), dramatiese en nog steeds wyd weergegee beelde van eksoties gekleurde Indiërs publiseer wat vliegtuie met pyl en boog wou neerwerp. Meirelles beskryf die bedreigings vir sulke stamme en hul land as "'n monumentale misdaad teen die natuurlike wêreld".

Meirelles erken dat pogings om vernietigende houtontginning te voorkom doeltreffender was as dit op die skouers van 'onaangetaste' Indiërs gedra word, deels omdat die 'eksotiese Indiër' 'n kragtige simbool vir 'n metropolitaanse publiek is.

  • Was die verlore tien stamme van Israel ooit verlore?
  • Dieet van menslike brein het die Papoea -Nieu -Guinee -stam gehelp om siektes te weerstaan
  • Verweef menslike lewe en die omgewing: die begrip van antieke geometriese grondwerke in die suidwestelike Amazonia

Maar soos opgemerk in 'n resensie van 'n dokumentêr uit 2016 wat 'n paar van Meirelles se pogings beskryf om die aandag op die situasie van die Indiane te vestig, is daar 'n nuttige onduidelikheid in die term 'sonder kontak'. Vir die naïewe waarnemer impliseer die term outonomie en isolasie. Maar eintlik is dit 'n term wat deur FUNAI -amptenare gebruik word om groepe te identifiseer wat eenvoudig geen amptelike verhouding het met die agente van die staat wat gemagtig is om namens hulle op te tree nie. Soos Meirelles self gesê het by navraag deur The Guardian oor die term:

'Al die mense wat as' geïsoleerd 'beskryf word, het 'n soort kontak met ons gehad. Gewoonlik gewelddadig. Wat hulle nie het nie, is gereelde kontak. Maar hulle gebruik al minstens 100 jaar byle, machetes en ysterpotte. ”

Die 'verlore' Indiër van die hede, uitgebeeld as 'n lewende weergawe van die Indiër van die verlede (in teenstelling met wat baie beskou as die saamgestelde, ersatz, mestiço afgeleide - dit wil sê die meeste Amazoniërs) is steeds 'n formidabele ikoon van Amazonia, en word nou versterk deur die idee van die ontdekking van 'n historiese tropiese beskawing. Joernalistieke verslae word immers steeds gedryf deur 'n fassinasie met verlore stede, verlore stamme en die eksotika van neo-tropisme.

En dit lyk asof hierdie bevindinge 'n omwenteling in ons begrip van die Amasone veroorsaak. Maar buite die getalle in hierdie spesifieke streek (die skrywers van die onlangse studie skat dat daar tussen 500,000 en 'n miljoen mense in die Upper Tapajós -bekken gewoon het), is daar baie min nuut. 'N Baie omvangryke literatuur het dekades (of langer) die heersende menings oor die ongerepte karakter van pre-verowering van Amazonia uitgedaag.

'N Valse paradys

Ironies genoeg, in dieselfde maand wat hierdie ontdekkings bekend gemaak is, sterf twee groot bydraers tot die hersiene siening van die geskiedenis van Amazonië, Alfred Crosby en Denise Schann.

Hulle is een van 'n baie groot stel geleerdes wie se werk die ortodokse opvattings uitgedaag het, gebaseer op die bewering dat Amazonia 'n 'nagemaakte paradys' is wat in wese ongeskik is vir enige behalwe die mees marginale sosiale bestaan. Bewyse van sosiale kompleksiteit in hoofde en protostate, soos die onlangse ontdekking verder bewys, verweer hierdie bewerings.

Navorsers ondersoek 'n ontdekte nedersetting. (Universiteit van Exeter)

Maar die uitdaging vir die beeld van die Amazoniese 'groen hel' het 'n aansienlike historiese diepte. Die kroniekskrywer van die eerste Europese afkoms van die Amasonerivier, Gaspar de Carvajal, het in 1542 'n digtheid van die oewerbevolkings gerapporteer wat in opvallende kontras staan ​​met die daaropvolgende karakteristieke van Amazonia as 'n land van geïsoleerde, kleinskaalse, boswonende jagter -versamelaars. Sedertdien het baie ander op verskillende maniere bygedra tot 'n herkonfigurasie van pre-moderne Amazonia wat weier om voor die heersende stereotipes te swig.

  • Honderde Amazoniese geogliewe wat lyk soos Stonehenge -uitdaging Persepsies van menslike ingryping in die reënwoud
  • The Lost City of Z en die geheimsinnige verdwyning van Percy Fawcett
  • Antieke mediese kennis van Amazon -stamme wat vir die eerste keer in die geskiedenis op skrif gestel moet word

Trouens, min historiese Indiese groepe het lewens so gehandhaaf dat hulle so afgesonderd of vreedsaam was as wat die voorgestelde prentjiekaartvoorstellings aandui. Dieselfde geld vandag. Indiane word beleër deur die staat en hulpbronhonger interlopers. Hulle handhaaf dus in die algemeen 'n bestaan ​​wat gekenmerk word deur hoë vlakke van sosiale konflik (soos hulle byvoorbeeld probeer om territoriale grense te verdedig), wanhoop (berugte hoë vlakke van selfmoord) en kulturele verbrokkeling.

Cliché regeer

Die herhaalde aanroep van die Amazonia van die mite - van verlore stamme of verlore stede - is op 'n feitelike basis maklik om uit te daag, alhoewel sulke besware taamlik swak lyk in die lig van die krag van cliché. Die clichés is baie meer eetbaar as die banaliteit van winsgewende ontginning van die "goedkoop natuur" van die Amazone, minerale, hidro -elektriese krag, hout en landbougrond wat teen minimale koste beskikbaar is vir ondernemings wat op groot skaal kan onttrek. Maar die tipiese voorstelling van 'verlore mense' wat deur die kapitalistiese bedryf beleër word, vang amper die langtermyn, ingeplante en globalistiese karakter van hulpbronontginning in die streek vas.

Dat die clichés seëvier, is nie verbasend nie. Maar dit is ontstellend dat die verhouding tussen die verlede en die hede so gereeld ondeursigtig is. Ons praat herhaaldelik oor verlore wêrelde, verlore mense, verlore beskawings, asof dit deur 'n soort natuurlike proses plaasgevind het, eerder as as gevolg van die aanhoudende en stelselmatige vernietiging van die samelewings (sowel as hul natuurlike omgewings).

Om 'verlore' te wees, misplaas of 'herontdekking' te vereis, is nie 'n intrinsieke toestand nie. 'N Realistiese beoordeling van wat in die Amazone -ontwikkeling gebeur, is skaars vervat in poskaartbeelde en El Dorado -fantasieë.

--


Nuus gemerk met ou nedersetting

'N Ontleding van vier ou skedels wat in Mexiko gevind is, dui daarop dat die eerste mense wat hulle in Noord -Amerika gevestig het, meer biologies uiteenlopend was as wat wetenskaplikes voorheen geglo het.

Drones onthul geheime van die ou Florida -dorp

Met behulp van drone-tegnologie het 'n span UF-navorsers ontdek hoe 'n ou dorpie in Florida 'n deurslaggewende rol gespeel het in die pre-Columbiaanse geopolitiek.

Tripolye 'megastrukture' was antieke gemeenskapsentrums

Sogenaamde "megastrukture" in antieke Europa was openbare geboue wat waarskynlik 'n verskeidenheid ekonomiese en politieke doeleindes gedien het, volgens 'n studie wat op 25 September 2019 in die oop-tydskrif PLOS ONE by gepubliseer is.

'Verlore' Amazone -stamme - waarom die Weste nie sy obsessie met El Dorado kan oorkom nie

'N Aantal ou nedersettings is onlangs in die boonste Tapajós -bekken van die Amasone ontdek. Dit is geen El Dorado nie - alhoewel u vergewe sal word as u so dink. Die persdekking toon 'n bevestiging van die idee.

Antieke terreinontdekking in Albanië stop werk aan gaspypleiding

Die werk aan die bou van 'n massiewe gaspypleiding deur Suidoos -Europa is opgeskort na die ontdekking van 'n ou nedersetting in die ooste van Albanië, het die Trans Adriatic Pipeline -onderneming Woensdag gesê.

Lig gewys op die lewenstyl en dieet van die eerste Nieu -Seelanders

(Phys.org)-'n Multidissiplinêre span wetenskaplikes onder leiding van die Universiteit van Otago het nuwe lig gewerp op die dieet, lewenstyl en bewegings van die eerste Nieu-Seelanders deur isotope van hul bene en tande te ontleed.

Antieke DNA werp lig op die raaisels van die Arktiese walvis

Wetenskaplikes van die Wildlife Conservation Society, die American Museum of Natural History, City University of New York en ander organisasies het die eerste genetiese analise van die boogwalvis met die hele reeks gepubliseer.

Die klein ystydperk het gelei tot die migrasie van arktiese jakkalse met eilande

Volgens nuwe navorsing het die Klein Ystydperk 'n nuwe golf arktiese jakkalse toegelaat om Ysland te koloniseer.

Plantreste verbind boerdery met landskapskade in Peru

'N Studie van voedselreste van ou nedersettings langs die laer Ica -vallei in Peru bevestig vroeëre voorstelle dat boerdery die natuurlike plantegroei so erg ondermyn het dat uiteindelik 'n groot deel van die gebied laat vaar is.

Ruimtetegnologie maak 'n revolusie in argeologie, begrip van Maya

'N Oorgang van die dik oerwoude van Belize het 'n omwenteling in argeologie wêreldwyd gemaak en die komplekse stedelike sentrums wat ontwikkel is deur een van die mees bestudeerde antieke beskawings-die Maya's, duidelik getoon.


Beset u Amazonia? Inheemse aktiviste neem direkte aksie - en dit werk

Die inheemse mense van Loreto, in die Amazon -wasbak van Peru, het pas 'n maand lange besetting van 14 oliebronne wat aan die Argentynse maatskappy Pluspetrol behoort, beëindig. Onderhandelinge is steeds aan die gang tussen die oliemaatskappy en verskeie ander gemeenskappe, verteenwoordig deur die inheemse vereniging Feconaco.

Dit is nie die eerste keer dat Feconaco Pluspetrol se bedrywighede beklee nie. Sulke optrede van inheemse groepe is relatief algemeen.

Ondanks die soortgelyke taktiek blyk dit dat mense uit Amazonië nie direk van die besettingsbeweging of van Euro-Amerikaanse protestradisies direkte aksie geleer het nie. By gebrek aan funksionele staatsbeskerming, moes inheemse mense altyd vir hulself opstaan.

In September verlede jaar het Ka'apor -mense in die noordooste van Maranhão in Brasilië byvoorbeeld foto's gepubliseer van onwettige houtkappers wat hulle gevang en vasgemaak het. Hulle het sake in eie hande geneem omdat die staat nie hul gebied beskerm nie.

Die pioniers van inheemse regstreekse optrede was die Kayapó in die suide van Pará in Brasilië, wat begin met die monitering van goudmynbou en later aanmelding op hul grondgebied, wat senior leiers geduld het en inderdaad baat gevind het by. In die vroeë negentigerjare het omgewingsvernietiging en kwikvergiftiging daartoe gelei dat baie Kayapó -mense 'n jonger generasie leiers ondersteun het wat die mynwerkers en houtkappers uit hul gebied verdryf het. Beelde van die Kayapó het sedertdien sinoniem geword met inheemse omgewingsbewustes.

'N Geskiedenis van uitbuiting

Die relatiewe sukses van direkte optrede in die afgelope dekades staan ​​in kontras met die dikwels bloedige ontmoetings wat voorgekom het, waaruit swak gewapende Indiërs altyd sleg voortgekom het.

Inheemse mense in die Amasone is al honderde jare die slagoffers van die mynbou- en energiebedryf. Die vroegste koloniste is gemotiveer deur geldgierigheid, en opeenvolgende golwe van uitbuiting het gevolg. Die gewelddadige en dwingende arbeidsverhoudinge van die rubberboom (wat 'n eeu gelede geëindig het) beïnvloed steeds hoe plaaslike mense handel en buitestanders beskou.

Bontjagters sou inheemse mense gedurende die grootste deel van die 20ste eeu op sig skiet. 'N Goeie vriend van my, een van my belangrikste informante in die veld, het as kind uit Brasilië gevlug nadat sy gesin deur pelsjagters vermoor is en by 'n ander stam in die grensgebied tussen Frans -Guyana en Suriname kom woon het. Hier en oor die hele Guyana -streek (die uitgestrekte gebied in die noordooste van Amazonië wat grens aan die riviere Negro, Orinoco en die onderste Amasone), het mynbou na goud, diamante en ander minerale gelei tot beduidende sosiale konflikte.

Die klein gemeenskappe van die streek word deur persoonlike verwantskappe bymekaar gehou en is baie afhanklik van plaaslike ekosisteme vir hul lewensbestaan. Dit maak hulle veral kwesbaar vir die newe-effekte van ekstraksiebedrywe, soos omgewingsvernietiging en besoedeling van riviere en mere. Maar daar is ook sosiale en mediese gevolge: prostitusie, alkoholisme, dwelmverslawing en die bekendstelling van nuwe siektes soos MIV.

Mynbou- en oliemaatskappye verdien oor die algemeen 'n slegte reputasie vir hul Amazon -aktiwiteite, maar projekte wat in die naam 'volhoubaarheid' bedink word, kan ook 'n negatiewe impak hê. Dink veral aan die program van hidro -elektriese damme wat in Brasilië uitgerol word. Belo Monte, die vierde grootste hidro -elektriese dam ter wêreld, word byvoorbeeld oorkant 'n suidelike sytak van die Amasone gebou. Dit het reeds die instroming van tienduisende werkers veroorsaak, met ernstige druk op die plaaslike sosiale verhoudings. Die impak daarvan op 'n uitgestrekte ekosisteem - 'n groot hidrologiese bekken - sal monumentaal wees.

Betogings teen die Belo Monte -dam het misluk, aangesien 'n Brasiliaanse regering gefokus het op ontwikkeling wat met sy projek bewerkstellig word, wat immers in ooreenstemming is met die politieke retoriek van die 'groen ekonomie'. Inheemse mense is 'n klein deel van die kieserskorps, en hul stem is min in die nasionale politieke toneel.

Maatskappye in die kruis

Betogings teen internasionale private ondernemings kan waarskynlik meer effektief wees, in soverre die direkteure van hierdie maatskappye 'n swak publieke beeld ag om hul wins aansienlik te beïnvloed.

'N Regsgeveg wat bykans twee dekades lank tussen inheemse mense in Ecuador en die energiereus Chevron woed, het daartoe bygedra dat die korporasie vroeër vanjaar die titel van 'n Lifetime Award for Shameful Corporate Behavior deur voetsool -satirici in Davos gekry het. Die aktiwiteite van maatskaplike verantwoordelikheid wat deur sulke druk veroorsaak word, blyk egter te veel kosmeties te wees.

Waar direkte optrede daarin geslaag het, is dit grootliks te danke aan die bou van nuwe soorte alliansies tussen inheemse leiers, progressiewe en sosiaal georiënteerde NRO's en onafhanklike aktiviste, waaronder sommige akademici.

Inheemse mense in die Amasone -bekken het geleidelik, deur die eeue, meer vaardig geword om georganiseer te word en die magstaal te praat. Hulle vorm nou 'n belangrike deel van 'n wêreldwye inheemse volksbeweging, wat 'n toenemende aantal aktiviste met opleiding in internasionale reg, dokumentêre rolprentvervaardiging of antropologie kan beroep om veldtogte te help. Op kleiner skaal is gemeenskappe gereeld betrokke by verskillende projekte wat deur buitestaanders gebring word, insluitend die 'vennootskappe' wat deur onttrekkingsbedrywe voorgestel word.

Maar hulle is net so gereeld spyt oor hul toetrede tot die verhouding. Inheemse mense besef dat hul begrip van eerlike uitruilings nie dieselfde is nie, en soms nie eens verenigbaar is met die van hul gespreksgenote nie, of dit nou houtkappers, mynwerkers of mense is wat meer immateriële rykdom soek, soos tradisionele ontwerpe, musiek of ekologiese kennis. .

Hierdie ervarings toon aan dat die konflikte wat soms ontstaan ​​tussen inheemse mense en buitestaanders wat natuurlike hulpbronne wil onttrek nie bloot konflikte van materiële belange is nie, en nie slegs gestruktureer is deur 'n wanbalans van mag nie. Dit is op 'n meer fundamentele vlak konflikte van wêreldbeskouings, vankosmovisies, soos Afro-Colombiane hulle soms noem.

Inheemse mense het groot pogings aangewend om te praat oor die gaping tussen hulself en ander wat in die kapitalistiese wêreld leef en beweeg. Buitelanders, insluitend postkoloniale state en transnasionale organisasies, rus nou op die verantwoordelikheid om 'n ooreenstemmende poging aan te wend.

Hierdie artikel is oorspronklik gepubliseer op The Conversation.


Verwante onderwerpe

Top bydraers

Dosent, Jackson School of International Studies, Universiteit van Washington

Navorsingsgenoot, Institute of Development Studies, Universiteit van Sussex

Senior navorsingsgenoot, Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, Universiteit van Oxford

Postdoktorale navorser, Royal Holloway

Professor, Skool vir Ingenieurswese en Gevorderde Tegnologie, Massey Universiteit

Postdoktorale mede, Sentrum vir Presidensiële Geskiedenis, Southern Methodist University

PhD -navorser, Durham Energy Institute, Durham University

Professor in Karbonaat Petroleum Geoingenieurswese, Heriot-Watt Universiteit

Hoofwetenskaplike en hoogleraar in verkenningsgeowetenskap, Heriot-Watt Universiteit

Emeritus, Departement Biologie en Groot Lakes Sterrewag, Universiteit van Minnesota Duluth

Postdoktorale navorsingsgenoot, Tegnologiese Opvoedkundige Instituut van Kreta

Direkteur en dosent, Extractives Baraza, Strathmore University

Emeritus Professor in Antropologie, Goudsmede, Universiteit van Londen

Professor, Fisiese Aardrykskunde (klimaatwetenskap), Te Herenga Waka - Victoria Universiteit van Wellington

Maître de conférences en économie, Conservatoire national des arts et métiers (CNAM)


Inhoud

Terwyl Engeland in 1585 in oorlog was met Spanje, het Engelse privaatmanne besluit om Spaanse en Portugese besittings en skeepsvaart te bestry en onwettige handel te dryf. Sir Walter Raleigh het jare lank hoë agting geniet van koningin Elizabeth I, wat deels voortspruit uit sy vorige eksploite op see, waaronder die beroemde Capture of the Madre de Deus. [6] Kort daarna het Raleigh egter 'n kort gevangenisstraf opgelê omdat sy in die geheim met een van die koningin se inwagters, Elizabeth Throckmorton, getrou het en vir haar 'n kind gebaar het. [7] In 'n poging om sy invloed met die koningin te herstel, het Raleigh, nadat hy dinge beloof het dat "goudryke ryk meer winsgewend is as Peru", 'n ekspedisie onder John Whiddon opgestel om die fabelagtige goudstad, bekend as El Dorado, te vind, na aanleiding van een van die vele ou kaarte wat die vermeende bestaan ​​van die stad aandui. Raleigh was daarop gemik om Lake Parime in die hooglande van Guyana te bereik (die destydse vermeende ligging van die stad). [8]

Raleigh se bekoring het begin toe hy Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, die Spaanse goewerneur van Patagonië, tydens 'n aanval in 1586 gevang het, wat ondanks Spanje se amptelike beleid om alle navigasie -inligting geheim te hou, sy kaarte met Engelse kartograwe gedeel het. [9] Die grootste ontdekking was Gamboa se verslag van Juan Martinez de Albujar, wat in 1570 aan die ekspedisie van Pedro de Silva na die gebied deelgeneem het, net om in die hande van die Caribs van die Neder -Orinoco te val. [10] Martinez beweer dat hy geblinddoek na die goue stad geneem is en deur die inboorlinge vermaak is, en daarna die stad verlaat het, maar hy kon nie onthou hoe om terug te keer nie, net 'n groot meer wat in die omgewing was. [11] Raleigh wou die mitiese stad vind, waarvan hy vermoed dat dit 'n werklike inheemse Indiese stad met die naam Manoa was naby 'n groot meer met die naam Parime. Boonop het hy gehoop om 'n Engelse teenwoordigheid in die Suidelike Halfrond te vestig wat met die Spaanse kon meeding en om handel tussen die inboorlinge en Spanjaarde te probeer verminder deur alliansies aan te gaan. [8]

Whiddon vaar in 1594 na die eiland Trinidad en word begroet deur Antonio de Berrío, die Spaanse goewerneur van die eiland (wat eers in 1592 gestig is), en María de Oruña (niggie van Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada). Toe vrae ontstaan ​​oor El Dorado, het De Berrío kwaad geword en beveel dat die klein Engelse partytjie uitgevoer moet word, maar Whiddon is toegelaat om te vertrek om die verhaal aan Raleigh te vertel. [1] Raleigh het einde 1594 onmiddellik 'n ekspedisie gereël, waarvan die eerste doel was om de Berrío te probeer vang, wat die eiland gebruik het vir die verkenning van die Orinocorivier. [5] Die ekspedisie het uit vier skepe bestaan: die Lion's Whelp onder kaptein George Giffard, 'n klein Spaanse prys genoem Gallego onder leiding van Lawrence Kemys, Raleigh se eie vlagskip onder kaptein Jacob Whiddon en meester John Douglas, en 'n klein blaf onder kaptein Cross. Aan boord was 150 offisiere, soldate sowel as vrywilligers. [12] Nog twee ekspedisies het gehoop om aan te sluit. Die eerste ekspedisie, onder Robert Dudley en George Popham, was vroeër weg en die tweede, onder leiding van George Somers en Amyas Preston, het 'n maand later vertrek. [13]

Raleigh verlaat Plymouth op 6 Februarie 1595 en vaar na die Azore om vars voorraad aan te neem voor die oorsteek van die Atlantiese Oseaan. Nadat hy dit reggekry het, vaar Raleigh naby die Kanariese Eilande, waar 'n Spaanse skip uit Tenerife gevang is, waarna die vrag leeggemaak is, waarvan 'n groot hoeveelheid vuurwapens geneem is. [14] 'n Dag later is 'n Vlaamse skip vasgelê, waar sy vrag ook leeggemaak is - 20 varkkoppe Spaanse wyn. [15]

Raleigh het einde Maart in die Karibiese Eilande aangekom, maar het tydens die transatlantiese kruising kontak met twee ander konsorte verloor en kon ook nie met hulle 'n afspraak maak nie. Die eerste ekspedisie onder Dudley en Popham, wat gewag het en eers omstreeks 9 Februarie uit die gebied vertrek het. Tussen hulle het hulle baie Spaanse skepe gevang en hulle 'n verskoning gegee om met hul pryse terug te gaan na Engeland. [1] Terselfdertyd het die Preston Somers -ekspedisie verder na die weste gegaan om die Spanjaarde van Raleigh se ekspedisie af te lei. [15] Hulle was ook veronderstel om mekaar te ontmoet, maar het ook die afspraak misgeloop. [12] In plaas daarvan het hulle voortgegaan met hul ekspedisie en op pad gegaan na La Guaira en Coro, waar hulle suksesvol toegeslaan het. Hulle grootste prys was toe hulle Caracas in 'n gewaagde aanval neem nadat hulle 'n pas deur die berge gekruis het. [13]

Vang van Trinidad Edit

Raleigh was van plan om op die Spaanse kolonie Trinidad af te daal - veral die hoof nedersetting San José de Oruña, wat in 1592 deur Berrio gestig is. kweek tabak en suikerriet van goeie gehalte. Terwyl hy oor die Golf van Paria vaar, het hy na bewering teer geruik en by Terra de Brea in die kus gesit. Die Caribs het Raleigh na 'n piekmeer gelei (die grootste van die wêreld se drie natuurlike asfalt mere) en hy het besef dat die stof ideaal was om sy skepe te bedek. Hy het verskeie vate saamgeneem en word sedertdien erken dat hy die meer ontdek het. [16] Raleigh se hoofdoel was om die Spaanse goewerneur, wat ook op soek was na dieselfde legendariese stad, te vang, hom te ondervra en soveel inligting in te win voordat hy met sy ekspedisie voortgaan. [5]

Op 4 April het Raleigh honderd soldate losgelaat en die klein voorraad in Puerto de España beslag gelê en die klein Spaanse garnisoen oorweldig voordat hy die binneland binnegedring het met die doel om San José de Oruña te verower. [8] Na die aankoms net voor die stad was die verrassing goed aan die Engelse kant. [5] 'n Nagaanval is van stapel gestuur wat nie langer as 'n uur geduur het nie en die garnisoen van byna vyftig mans is aan die swaard gesteek. Die Spaanse algemene burgemeester Alvaro Jorge is gevange geneem en gevange geneem, maar die ware prys was die goewerneur de Berrio. Hy het gou gesmeek dat die plek gespaar moes word, en Raleigh het ingestem en die stad gehou om dit as 'n tydelike basis te gebruik om die Orinoco -rivier te verken. [17] Raleigh het ook vyf inheemse Indiërhoofde vrygelaat wat Berrio met 'n lang ketting gebind het, gemartel en gelos het om te verhonger. [12] [18]

'N Fort is gebou in geval van 'n Spaanse teenaanval, terwyl sy soeke na die vermeende stad El Dorado sou begin. [1] Raleigh het de Berrio ondervra en is meegedeel wat hy van Manoa en El Dorado weet, maar het daarna probeer om die Engelsman te ontmoedig om sy soektog voort te sit, maar sy waarskuwings was tevergeefs. [3] [8]

Orinocorivierbekken Redigeer

Op 15 April vertrek Raleigh van sy basis in die Gallego, wat vir rivierreise afgesny is, met honderd man saam met twee kuiers. [12] Hulle het byna 'n maand lank voedsel gehad, maar hulle moes so vinnig as moontlik vertrek - hulle het gerugte gehoor van 'n massiewe Spaanse ekspedisie na die gebied. Hierdie gerug blyk waar te wees, 'n Spaanse mag onder leiding van 'n kaptein Felipe de Santiago, een van Berrio se betroubare offisiere, met 'n aantal kano's wat van sy basis af op Margarita -eiland vertrek het en probeer het om Raleigh se ekspedisie te beskadig. [19] Die Engelse het die Orinoco -stroomgebied binnegekom, maar die waters was soms te vlak en dus die Gallego is nog meer aangepas om te vergoed, en daarbenewens is 'n paar vlotte gebou om gewig te verminder. Terwyl hulle verder deur die rivier gaan, het 'n magdom waterweë oopgegaan, maar Raleigh en sy manne het eers langs die rivier die Manamo -rivier opgestroom. [20]

Namate die ekspedisie al hoe verder op pad was, begin Raleigh en sy manne spoedig onder die hitte en tropiese reën ly. Namate die oerwoud digter geword het, moes die bemanning deurdring, maar 'n paar manne het verbysterd geraak, waaronder 'n Indiese gids met die naam Ferdinando wat verdwyn het, hetsy ontsnap of gevang deur plaaslike inboorlinge. [4] Raleigh het egter gou 'n Indiese dorp raakgeloop waar hulle nie net 'n gids nie, maar ook vis, brood en hoenders aangeskaf het. [20] Hy vertrek weer en die oerwoud word minder dig. Binne 'n paar dae is die savanneland van die Orinoco -vallei onthul. Die moraal is versterk onder die bemanning - een van hulle, 'n neger, het besluit om te swem, maar is deur 'n krokodil verslind ten aanskoue van die mans. [21] Raleigh het met afgryse kennis geneem van hierdie gebeurtenis wat die bemanning geskud het en toe besef die rivier hier wemel van die reptiele en beveel sy bemanning om geen kanse te waag nie. [19]

Spaanse verrassingsaanval Edit

Op 27 April het die Spanjaarde onder Santiago, wat nog steeds Raleigh se ekspedisie in die wiele gery het, besluit om die Engelse te verras toe hul agterste deel geskei raak nadat hulle vars water gekry het. Nadat hulle die vier kano's gestuur het, het hulle die Engelse ingesluip, maar 'n verrassing het verlore gegaan toe hulle in 'n smal kanaal vasgeval het in 'n draai in die rivier. [19] Die Engelse, hoewel verbaas, het vinnig voordeel getrek en Gifford met sy bote het 'n aanval op die Spanjaarde geloods, wat hulle oorrompel het. [4] Die Spaanse het 'n aantal ongevalle gehad in vergelyking met die Engelse, wat sonder verlies was, en die res vlug die bos in. Gifford neem die bote dan as pryse. [20] Raleigh en die res van die bote wat skote en geskreeu gehoor het, kom op en dwing die oorblywende twee Spaanse kano's om uit die oog te verdwyn. Raleigh het 'n klein groep mans gestuur om die Spanjaarde te jaag wat ook die bosse ingevlug het. Die Engelse troepe het drie Indiërs ingehaal wat hulle gevang het. Die Indiane, wat gedink het dat hulle Spanjaarde is, het om hul lewens gesmeek, en een van die drie het ingestem om hul gids te wees. [4]

Santiago besluit na hierdie nederlaag om op te gee, en keer terug na sy basis op die eiland Margarita. [19] Die gevange Spaanse kano's het broodnodige voedsel en voorrade gehad wat goed gebruik is, maar dit was ook hulpmiddels vir die vind van verskillende soorte erts. [21]

Caroni -rivier na Mount Roraima Edit

'N Dag later kom Raleigh se ekspedisie gou op 'n groot samevloeiing van die rivier. Dit was die Caronirivier. Hier het Raleigh die inheemse Amerindiërs teëgekom, eers die Warao -mense en die Pemons. Nadat hulle hul oorwinning oor die Spanjaarde getoon het deur 'n gevange Spaanse kano aan te bied, het die Engelse vreedsame verhoudings met hulle gesluit. [22] 'n Groot dorpie is gevind, moontlik naby die huidige Ciudad Guayana, [23] onder leiding van 'n bejaarde opperhoof met die naam Topiawari-Raleigh het vriende gemaak deur aan te kondig dat hy 'n vyand van die Spanjaarde was, wat deur die inboorlinge wyd gehaat was. [24] Topiawari het Raleigh vertel van 'n ryk kultuur in die berge wat homself maklik oortuig het dat die kultuur 'n uitvloeisel was van die ryk Inca -kultuur van Peru en dat dit die legendariese stad Manoa moet wees. [25] Raleigh het twee van sy mans agtergelaat om gyselaars te word en Raleigh het Topiawari se seun teruggeneem. [26] Met hierdie vriendskap is 'n alliansie met hulle gesluit teen die Spanjaarde. [22] Sommige van die skepe het in die dorp gebly om aan te vul vir die reis huis toe, terwyl Raleigh en Kemys voortgaan met Topiawari se seun as gids. Hulle het teen die Caroní -rivier opgegaan en verkenners gestuur om goud en myne te soek, terwyl hulle alliansies aangegaan het met die inboorlinge wat hulle teëgekom het. Sy verkenners het gesteentes teruggebring in die hoop dat verdere ontleding gouderts sou onthul. [4]

Terwyl hulle verder stoot, merk Raleigh op 'n verandering in die landskap en beskryf a tepuy (tafelberg). Hy het die grootste, Mount Roraima, [27] sy topgebied van 31 km2 [27] gesien en aangeteken: 156 begrens aan alle kante deur kranse wat 400 meter styg. Boonop het Raleigh ongeveer twaalf watervalle waargeneem, maar die grootste "hoër as enige kerktoring" wat hy gesien het, opgemerk - hulle het afgeklim en te voet geloop om 'n beter blik te kry en beskryf die omgewing as die mooiste wat hy gesien het. [26] Daar kan beweer word dat Raleigh moontlik die eerste Europeër was wat Angel Falls gesien het, hoewel hierdie bewerings as vergesog beskou word. [28]

Teen hierdie tyd het die ekspedisie byna 640 myl in die binneland afgelê en die reënseisoen het begin. Raleigh besluit dat hy genoeg gedoen het, en gee die bevel om terug te keer. [8] Hulle keer terug na die dorpie Topiawari, wie se seun ingestem het om saam met Raleigh terug te keer na Engeland, wat hom gedoop het Gualtero. [29] Nadat hy by die ander bemanning daar aangesluit het, vertrek Raleigh terug na Trinidad, maar onderweg leer hy uit 'n stert van 'n goudmyn naby Mount Iconuri en stuur Lawrence Keymis met 'n klein losie om ondersoek in te stel. Keymis nader die plek, wat eintlik 'n paar kilometer van Santo Tomas was, waarneem hy 'n groot waterval (vandag Llovizna -waterval) en alhoewel hy die myn nie gesien het nie, het hy gegrond op die kwaliteit van die kwartsgesteentes wat hy gesien en gehou het. van waarde. [30]

Keer terug na Trinidad Edit

Raleigh het na San Jose teruggekeer, en buiten die krokodilaanval het hy opvallend geen mans aan siektes verloor nie. [29] Toe hy by die fort aankom, is die besluit geneem om na Engeland terug te keer, maar voordat dit gedoen is, is alles van waarde uit die plek geneem en dit is tot op die grond afgebrand ondanks de Berrio se protes. [5] Raleigh het op die eiland Margarita geland en suksesvol geplunder vir voorrade en daarna by die hawe van Cumaná geland, waar hy de Berrío aan wal gelaat het nadat hy nie 'n losprys kon kry nie. [30] Hy het uiteindelik op Riohacha neergedaal, wat hy ook afgedank en geplunder het. [4] [31]

Op 13 Julie ontmoet Raleigh uiteindelik Preston en Somers en word vertel van hul merkwaardige prestasies in die vaslegging van Caracas, La Guaira en Coro. Contrary winds forced them to abandon the idea of seeking the colony of Roanoke and all arrived in England by the end of August 1595. [30] [32]

Raleigh arrived in England but he was received with lackluster praise. Cecil was disappointed with the lack of booty and gold considering he had invested so much in the expedition. [31] A London Alderman had the rocks examined and considered them worthless even though they contained reliable assays of gold. He was accused by others that he had hidden the gold in remote regions in Devon and Cornwall. [30] With these claims Raleigh was infuriated and decided to then write and publish an overblown account of the expedition under the title of The Discovery of rich and beautiful empire of Guiana, a work that somewhat exaggerated the whole region. [33]

Despite this, the book became popular not just in England but France and the Netherlands. Raleigh sent Kemys back to Guyana the following year to check up on the hostages and to renew the alliance with the native Indians. He also needed to map the Orinoco, record the Amerindian tribes, and prepare geographical, geological, and botanical reports of the country. Kemys this time went much further inland along the banks of the Essequibo River and reached what he wrongly believed to be Lake Parime. He wrote about the coast of Guiana in detail in his Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana after his return. [34]

De Berrío the same year also set out with a Spanish expedition of his own with 470 men under command of Domingo de Vera Ibargoyen to search for El Dorado. [35] As they advanced further inland however the Amerindians, now allied to England, attacked and destroyed Vera and Berrio's entire force losing 350 men. The rest tried to retreat but soon after disease and famine reduced the survivors to only a handful of men. [8]

After being released from prison by order of King James I in 1617, Raleigh returned to continue his quest for El Dorado on a second expedition but was to avoid any conflict with the Spanish. [34] Along with Kemys and his son, Watt Raleigh, they were to have another search for the supposed gold mine at Mount Iconuri. However, Raleigh by now ill stayed behind in a camp on the island of Trinidad. Kemys remounted the Orinoco river and Watt was killed in a battle with the Spaniards as they destroyed and sacked the Spanish settlement at Santo Tome de Guayana. No gold was found and Kemys, disheartened by this and feeling responsible for the death of Walter's son, subsequently committed suicide. [36]

In fact, Kemys had already informed Raleigh by letter of the unfolding disaster and the death of his son. He went to Raleigh's cabin to beg forgiveness, but found Raleigh unable to grant him this. In Raleigh's words "I told him that he had undone me by his obstinacy, and that I would not favour. in any sort his former follie". Kemys reportedly replied "I know then, Sir, what course to take," before returning to his own cabin. Kemys then committed suicide by shooting himself in the chest with a pistol, then when that did not prove immediately fatal, stabbing himself in the heart with a knife. [34] Upon Raleigh's return to England, King James ordered him to be beheaded for disobeying orders to avoid conflict with the Spanish. [37] He was executed in 1618. [ aanhaling nodig ]

In 1713, Spain and Great Britain signed the Treaty of Utrecht, whereby the British agreed to prevent their citizens from visiting Spanish colonies in Latin America without prior approval from colonial officials. With the aggressive stance adopted by the Indians towards the hated Spanish, the Spaniards never returned in force to the region. This allowed other European countries (France, Britain and the Dutch Republic) to establish colonies in the area over the next two centuries with the creations of Dutch Guyana, French Guiana, and British Guyana. [2] By the early 19th century, as more explorers came to the region, Lake Parime's existence was definitively disproved and there was a theory that the seasonal flooding of the Rupununi savannah may have been misidentified as such. [38]

The gold mine at El Callao (Venezuela), started in 1871 a few miles south of Orinoco River, was for a time one of the richest in the world, and the goldfields as a whole saw over a million ounces exported between 1860 and 1883. [ aanhaling nodig ] The immigrants who came to the gold mines in Venezuela were mostly from the British Isles and the British West Indies. [ aanhaling nodig ]

The Orinoco Mining Arc (OMA), [39] officially created on February 24, 2016 as the Arco Mining Orinoco National Strategic Development Zone, is an area rich in mineral resources that the Republic of Venezuela has been operating since 2017 [40] [41] it occupies mostly the north of the Bolivar state and to a lesser extent the northeast of the Amazonas state and part of the Delta Amacuro state. It has 7,000 tons of reserves of gold, copper, diamond, coltan, iron, bauxite, and other minerals.


California’s Wildfire Policy Totally Backfired. Native Communities Know How to Fix It.

When it came time to set fire to the hillside, Kitty Lynch paused. A 70 year-old retired waitress, Lynch’s job during the controlled burn of a 2,200 acre ranch in Humboldt County, California this June was to keep the fire in check by tamping down small, errant flames with a tool called a McLeod. Lynch had been attending lectures by Indigenous tribes in her region about prescribed fires, blazes lit intentionally to control dry brush and prevent unplanned burns, for over a decade. But she was the oldest person in this group of about fifty, and she worried she wouldn’t be able to keep up.

The effort was organized by the Humboldt County Prescribed Burn Association, a grassroots team of wildfire experts, local landowners and community members that hosts hands-on trainings on controlled burns as a method of natural disaster prevention. The Humboldt event united unlikely allies: Trump-supporting ranchers worked side-by-side with retired hippies and back-to-the landers logging workers hammed it up with the same Save the Redwoods League activists they battled in the region’s timber wars. Academics who studied prescribed burning watched their theory become practice.

Lynch’s worries were quickly put to rest. The organizers were “very welcoming, and [found] a place for everyone,” she told me on a recent call. Timed for a clear, sunny day with low wind and moderate humidity, the burn successfully cleared medusahead, an invasive grass, from 50 acres of the ranch. “I’m a firm believer in the results [prescribed fire] produces,” said Lynch, “and it’s wonderful to see the whole age spectrum of dedicated people in the community helping.”

Controlled burns like these are becoming more common across the West and especially in California, where uncontrolled blazes have forced the evacuation of over 300,000 people and scorched about 200,000 acres so far this year. As legislators and regulators grapple with how to prevent destructive wildfires and keep the state’s largest energy utility in check, scientists, land management groups, and advocates are pushing another method: fighting fire with fire.

The idea isn’t new. For countless generations, Indigenous people have worked with fire to maintain healthy landscapes that are less prone to massive wildfires. While allowing natural fires to burn, Native Americans in California and elsewhere started some intentionally to clear dry brush, maintain species balance, and create prairies and meadows where animals graze. In the early days of Western settlement, some ranchers also adopted this practice to maintain pastureland for cattle.

But in the 1880’s, the US Army began to administer Yellowstone, the first national park, and developed the idea of “fighting” fire. In 1910, wildfires in Idaho and Montana burned millions of acres, destroying communities and killing 86 people. The US Forest Service subsequently adopted a policy of putting out all blazes, which state and federal land management agencies mimicked in an effort to protect timber supplies and human lives. Under these policies, Indigenous people and ranchers alike could be fined for burning their own lands.

In 1968, the National Park Service lifted its fire ban after noticing a decline in giant sequoia trees, which depend on fire to grow. Over the next fifteen years, the Forest Service and the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection (Cal Fire) gradually re-introduced fire to their landscapes. The Forest Service now admits that suppression backfired excluding fire created an unnatural build-up of dry brush and overcrowding of trees that’s partly fueling today’s mega-fires. Scientists and policy makers increasingly agree that under the right conditions, intentionally burning away flammable vegetation is one of the most effective tools for reducing wildfire risk. And research shows that when wildfires do reach lands thinned by prescribed fire, far fewer trees die “even under extreme fire weather,” an effect that can last for up to 15-20 years.

Yet we still have a long way to go. A recent analysis of government data titled “We’re Not Doing Enough Prescribed Fire in the Western United States to Mitigate Wildfire Risk,” written by University of Idaho fire scientist Crystal Kolden, found that between 1998 and 2018, the amount of prescribed burning in the Western US remained stable and even decreased in some areas. Volgens die Sacramento by, fewer than 90,000 acres of California were intentionally burned in 2018. Kolden roughly estimates that the state should be burning at least five times that amount.

“There is an urgency,” Kolden says. “We are seeing every single year now, highly destructive and sometimes fatal wildfires. A lot of the solutions,” like retrofitting buildings or restructuring communities, “take a lot of time and a lot of money. [But] prescribed fire is much cheaper. It ends up being this thing that we can do now, if we have the political willpower.”

Part of the problem is the slow process of obtaining the necessary permits to burn on public lands, which make up about half the state’s acreage. Jake Hannan, a Cal Fire battalion chief, told me that burns can take up to 18 months to plan. The process is much easier for private landowners, who can can burn without permits if Cal Fire approves of their experience and methods. Even during the driest months, local Air Quality districts can grant permits for the smoke that results from prescribed fire on private lands. That’s why burns like the one Lynch worked on are emerging as a solution to the West’s wildfire problem.

“We aren’t anywhere near bringing fire back at the scale we need to,” says Lenya Quinn-Davidson, a fire advisor with the University of California Cooperative Extension who helped lead that burn. “It’s important to push forward with a grassroots model that empowers people to do the work, instead of having bottlenecks with the agency that’s in charge.”

The Humboldt County Prescribed Burn Association, which Quinn-Davidson leads, was the first organization of its kind in the West when it started in 2018, and has already inspired similar groups to start up in northern California’s Plumas, Nevada, Sonoma, and Mendocino counties. These groups bring landowners and neighbors together to provide the manpower that controlled burns require. Quinn-Davidson says she’s hosted 25 lecture and field-based workshops in the past year to increase people’s comfort with prescribed fire, and in the past two years, she’s led 20 burns on private lands.

“We’re bringing fire back to the people, making it more cooperative and accessible,” she says. When it comes to burning on private lands in the West, “the roadblocks are less at the policy level and more at the experience level.”

In 2013, Quinn-Davidson hosted a controlled burning workshop with the Karuk tribe, which is largely based in Orleans, CA, about 70 miles south of Oregon. Controlled burns are integral to the identity of Karuk and their neighbors, the Yurok, who both live in the northern California mountains amidst millions of trees. Decades of fire exclusion upset a delicate balance that tribes helped maintain their forests have become monocultures dominated by conifers, instead of the colorful mix of oaks and other hardwoods that would flourish with regular burning. But as interest in prescribed fire grows, the Karuk’s expertise is being tapped to help agencies and individuals learn to work with fire, and to follow seasonal rhythms of when and where to burn.

In October, I attended a controlled burn training hosted by the Karuk in Orleans. More than 100 participants, including local landowners, renters, members of the Forest Service and Cal Fire, plus a fire unit from Spain, gathered for a two-week burn of 216 acres of Karuk ancestral lands that are now privately owned. Two days before I arrived for the training, the tribe had burned dozens of acres in a section of the forest they called the Bullpine Unit. Walking through the site, I noticed that nearly all trees survived, but the forest floor, where one might expect a tangle of brush and bramble, was virtually wiped clear, creating a feeling of spaciousness between the tall pines and firs. The area was dotted with thin plumes of smoke, rising from stumps that still smoldered.

At another burn site, a group dripped flames across a tree-covered hill. Others were patrolling the borders of the fire, while the “burn boss” spoke commands into a radio.

“These places are a lot happier when we’re here,” said Vikki Preston, a cultural resource technician with the Karuk Tribe who grew up observing burns and has participated in multiple trainings. “The trees are healthy when we’re tending to them, taking really good care of them.” After burns, Karuk schoolchildren take field trips into the forest to gather acorns and materials for basket-weaving, traditional activities made possible by clearing the forest floor.

Preston explained how they’d chosen the correct conditions for this burn. “We were coming off of it being rainy a couple weeks ago, so it had dried out enough that you could tell [the brush and leaf litter] would burn off. But it was moist enough that we’re not threatened by a wildfire imminently.”

Yet not everyone is convinced that controlled burns are scaleable. Terry Warlick, a fire battalion chief with the US Forest Service who works in the Mendocino National Forest and attended the Karuk training, was enthusiastic about the “historical fire regime” modeled by tribes. But, he says not all communities will be.

“They don’t like the smoke, they don’t want to see it—until they have to experience a wildfire,” he told me, as volunteers followed the shin-high flames creeping across the hillside. “It kind of seems like we got to go through, you know, an event to change our thought process.”

“People are scared of any fire application,” says Hannan, the Cal Fire chief. “All they’ve known is these huge fires that burn down houses and sometimes kill people.”

He was referring to recent infernos like the Camp and Carr Fires, but prescribed fires occasionally wreak havoc, too. A controlled burn’s “escape” started the 2000 Cerro Grande Fire in New Mexico, which scorched 47,000 acres and left 400 families homeless. Such incidents can be almost completely prevented, says Preston, by fire crews that have intimate knowledge of the lands they are burning, and follow specific techniques.

After starting a burn, experts from her tribe work with local agencies to monitor it. “All day they’re taking data,” she says, to glean a solid projection of where the fire is headed. When a fire has lingered for too long, or threatens to move past the fire line, crews can spray water or use tools to tamp it down. But under the right conditions—low wind, high humidity—it usually flickers out on its own.

Cal Fire is slowly increasing its prescribed fire targets. By the end of this fiscal year, they intend to burn 25,000 acres, while the Forest Service in California burned 43,000 acres over the past fiscal year. Independent training exercises like the Karuk’s burned about 14,000 acres nationwide in 2018, and over 125,000 in the past decade.

Preston and other Karuk tribal members, in line with scientific consensus, believe there should be more prescribed fire throughout the year. The tribe’s plans for this year’s training burns were limited by a “burn ban” imposed all summer and reinstated this fall due to high winds and low humidity across most of California, the same conditions that prompted the utility company Pacific Gas & Electric to shut off power lines across the state, leaving millions without electricity. Yet Preston and others say the conditions in the mountainous region of Orleans were ideal for burning.

“We should be basing these [burn ban] decisions on local factors and not socio-political factors,” says Bill Tripp, a deputy director in the Karuk Tribe’s Department of Natural Resources, implying that burn bans may be intended to limit liability for utilities like PG&E, or to avoid the negative optics of a planned burn while wildfires wreak havoc elsewhere. “The Forest Service and the local [Cal Fire] unit were with us in saying ‘we know this timing is right,’ but the decision is being made in Sacramento,” where Cal Fire is headquartered. The October moratorium prevented the Karuk from burning about 100 of their 300 intended acres.

“We’re not getting to scale,” says Tripp, who would like to see tens of thousands of acres in the tribe’s region burned. “We’ve got people on hand who are ready and qualified, it’s right on our homelands, and we’ve been doing this for millennia. But as long as we’re relying on someone else to make the decision of when to act, I don’t think we’re gonna get there.”

Some Karuk leaders worry about their burn methods being “co-opted” by groups like the Forest Service, who historically infringed on their ceremonies and stewardship of the land. A 2014 report on ecological sovereignty from the tribe argued that “while non-Tribal agencies have attempted to gain access to Karuk knowledge, a far more effective and appropriate action these agencies can take is to remove the barriers their policies put into place”—in other words, stand aside and let knowledgeable tribes burn.

A spokesperson for Cal Fire says that the statewide agency is not considering any changes to the way it implements bans, though some areas may be granted exemptions, and the permitting process for landowners who want to burn is currently being streamlined.

Yet without the support and education of non-Native communities, loosening state regulations on burning may not do much. “We need strong leadership from the community itself, not coming from the government or Cal Fire, to make the burns successful,” Chief Hannan told me. “The more events that occur in nearby communities, where fires aren’t going out of control, the more accepting people will be.”

In her work training people to safely adopt prescribed burning, Quinn-Davidson finds inspiration in the Karuk approach to fire. “We should be striving for the level of connection and personal reflection that Indigenous cultures have with their landscapes,” she said, describing a holistic mindset that non-Natives may need to learn from to care for lands more sustainably. “We’re in an era when we need to find a meaningful place for everyone to work on this, every kind of community member.” Even a self-proclaimed “inexperienced novice” like Kitty Lynch.

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Percy Fawcett and the search for the ‘Lost City Of Z’

In April 1925, veteran English explorer Lieutenant Colonel Percy Fawcett hacked his way into the near-impenetrable jungle of Mato Grosso, deep in the sweaty unmapped mess of the Amazon, accompanied by his son Jack and young Raleigh Rimmell. Armed with custom-made machetes, rifles and a ukulele, the intrepid trio hoped to discover a long-lost city that Fawcett was convinced lay deep in the wilderness, beyond the Brazilian Pale: an Atlantis of the jungle, the shell of an ancient and highly developed civilization.

It was Fawcett’s eighth foray into the ferociously fecund forest. His 58-year-old body had thus far withstood everything the Amazon had thrown at him, including encounters with anacondas, vampire bats and piranhas, infestation by flesh-eating maggots, relentless clouds of blood-sucking mosquitoes, poison-arrow attacks by tribespeople and weeks-long periods of near-starvation. But this was his last chance. En hy het dit geweet.

One last time he would follow the jealously guarded handful of hints, hunches and half-clues he’d amassed during a colourful career, to risk life and loved ones on a quixotic quest for the elusive citadel he referred to only as ‘Z’.

Who were the main players?

PERCY HARRISON FAWCETT

Fawcett was a polarising character, either revered or reviled by those who followed him into hell, both in the Amazon and in Flanders. A recipient of the RGS Founders Medal, Fawcett is often called Colonel, but his correct rank was actually Lieutenant Colonel.

JACK FAWCETT

The eldest son of Fawcett and his long-suffering wife Nina, Jack was cut from the same cloth as his father, taking a very serious approach to the business of discovery, forgoing meat and alcohol and maintaining good physical fitness. He’d just turned 22 when they disappeared.

RALEIGH RIMMELL

Son of a doctor in the sleepy seaside town of Seaton, Devon, Rimmell was more flamboyant and emotional than his best friend Jack. He almost bailed from the expedition before it started, after falling madly in love with a girl aboard the boat taking them from New York to Rio.

NINA FAWCETT

Percy’s wife remained a staunch defender of his expeditions (and later his reputation), despite various forced moves around England and the US and extended periods on the brink of destitution. She remained convinced her husband and son were alive for many years after their disappearance.

A ‘classic gentleman explorer’

Schooled as a classic gentleman explorer by the Royal Geographical Society (RGS) in London, former military man Fawcett briefly worked as a spy in Morocco before accepting his first Amazon assignment in 1906: to survey the vague and violent border between Bolivia and Brazil. Despite atrocious conditions and ever-present mortal danger, he completed his mission in a year (half the expected time).

During the following two decades he survived six equally horror-ridden expeditions into the Amazon – tracing the Rio Verde to its source, exploring the Peruvian borderland and making contact with numerous tribes – and three years active service on the Western Front during the worst of World War I.

While his expedition partners – who variously included experienced outdoorsmen such as polar explorer James Murray, and tough guys like towering Australian boxer Lewis Brown – withered in the woeful conditions, Fawcett powered on, seemingly immune to the myriad ailments that beset the body in the Amazon.

The dogs and pack animals he took with him invariably died, as did several of his human colleagues, but he never sugarcoated the dangers. Party members who couldn’t keep pace would be abandoned, he explained, before the rest of the expedition was put at risk.

Although often accused of lacking empathy for companions, Fawcett demonstrated a level of compassion, understanding and respect for the Amazon’s indigenous peoples that was well ahead of his time. He attempted to learn local languages and risked his life numerous times to avoid bloodshed.

After his initial achievements as an extreme surveyor, Fawcett’s post-war, anthropologically orientated expeditions were less successful, and by the time he returned from an ill-advised solo attempt to find Z in 1921, he was bankrupt, struggling even to pay the £3 RGS annual membership fee.

His endeavours hadn’t earned him money, but they had won the respect of fellow explorers and those who live vicariously through them. Arthur Conan Doyle was inspired to write Die verlore wêreld after reading Fawcett’s field notes detailing his Amazonian exploits, and adventure writer H Rider Haggard was a personal friend.

Colonel T E Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) even asked to join his next expedition. Wary of what Lawrence would cost, however, doubtful about the desert man’s adaptability to jungle exploration, and possibly concerned that the celebrity of such a companion would eclipse his own role in any discoveries made, Fawcett preferred the thought of taking his eldest son on a mission that would make a man of him.

Jack jumped at the chance to accompany his father on one of the adventures he’d heard so much about, so long as his best mate Raleigh Rimmell came too. Here were two strapping lads, “both strong as horses and keen as mustard” as Fawcett enthused, whose services were essentially free – their only fee a share of the spoils should they actually discover a city of gold at the end of the rainforest. But, even with such budget-friendly companions, the expedition needed backers, and the RGS was reluctant to splash the cash.

Savvy media man George Lynch came to the rescue, garnering sponsorship through an American press consortium by promising updates would be provided to their papers (including the New York Wêreld en Los Angeles Times) via a system of ‘Indian’ runners relaying reports from the explorers as they advanced through the jungle.

People were used to farewelling major expeditions and then hearing nothing for years, but this quest would be broadcast to the world in near-live fashion, and it generated much excitement. Fawcett’s eccentricity and colourful history, combined with his young companions’ Hollywood looks, made them perfect reality media stars, and the public was seduced by this modern search for El Dorado.

The Lost City of Z: in numbers

100 Estimated number of people who died looking for Fawcett after his disappearance.

20,000 The number of applicants to a newspaper ad seeking volunteers to join a rescue expedition into the jungle to look for Fawcett

Cities of gold

Explorers and treasure hunters had been searching South America for El Dorado for centuries. From their earliest rapacious advances into the New World, Iberian conquistadors had removed hoards of gold from Mexico and the southern continent, but their thirst was insatiable and they continued to salivate over a mythical metropolis so rich the king was ritually covered in suits of powdered gold (El Dorado means ‘gilded man’).

Later, bandeirantes (Portuguese-Brazilian fortune hunters) continued the search, followed by modern explorers of Fawcett’s ilk – the real-life inspiration for popular fictional figures including Indiana Jones. And not all of these escapades were fruitless. In 1911, American academic and explorer Hiram Bingham captured the world’s attention with his sensational rediscovery (aided by locals) of the lost Inca citadel of Machu Picchu, high in the Peruvian Andes. There was no gold, but it was an archeological treasure trove that electrified interest in the region’s people and past.

Fawcett’s theories about an ancient settlement hidden in the Brazilian Amazon formed over years, as he chanced upon unexplainable pottery shards in the darkest depths of the jungle and gained an appreciation of the complexity and size of the indigenous cultures he encountered.

While scouring forgotten documents in the recesses of Rio de Janeiro’s National Library, he discovered a manuscript written by a bandeirante – possibly João da Silva Guimarães – describing the ruins of a once-great city, which the author had found in 1753. This tattered piece of paper stoked his lethal obsession and ultimately sealed his fate.

Percy Fawcett’s search: a timeline

Fawcett believed other Amazonian citadel seekers were looking in the wrong places – too close to major rivers – and instead planned to explore inland between the Xingu and Tapajós tributaries, where he was convinced Z lay. Many tribes that had tasted contact with the so-called civilised world were profoundly opposed to repeating the experience – having suffered slavery, torture, murder, rape, abuse and exploitation at the hands of the rubber barons who controlled the ‘black gold’ trade – and often met white intruders with lethal violence.

1 DECEMBER 1924 England – Rio de Janeiro

Percy and Jack Fawcett leave from Liverpool on 3 December, bound for New York aboard the Aquitania. Raleigh Rimmell is in America already, as is Fawcett’s business partner, Lynch, who is busy boozing through the expedition kitty. After a brief NYC stop they continue together (minus Lynch) to Rio de Janeiro.

2 FEBRUARY 1925 Rio de Janeiro – Corumbá

Travelling by train, the Fawcetts and Rimmell leave Rio on 11 February. They first visit São Paulo for anti-venom supplies, before going west, into the enormous country’s interior towards the Paraguay River, skirting along the Brazil-Bolivia border and arriving in Corumbá a week later.

4 APRIL 1925 Cuiabá – Rio Novo

Having waited out the end of the wet season, the expedition begins in earnest on 20 April, with the party trekking across the hot cerrado. After an incident in which Fawcett senior becomes separated from the party while looking for rock art, he allows a pit stop at a remote Rio Novo ranch, home to Hermenegildo Galvão.

5 MAY 1925, Bakairi Post

After a tough month of travel through rough terrain, the party reaches the very last outpost on the edge of the virgin Amazon jungle, a tiny government garrison.

6 29 MAY Dead Horse Camp

Setting off from Bakairi Post on 20 May, it takes the party nine days to reach the spot where Fawcett was forced to turn around on a previous expedition. The bleached bare bones of his old horse still mark the spot. From here, the native guides return to Cuiabá with written dispatches for publication and letters for the explorers’ families, while Percy and Jack Fawcett and Raleigh Rimmell press on, into the hostile territories of the Kayapo, Suyá and Xavante people. They are never seen again.

Off the chart

Sailing from England to America with Jack in late 1924, Fawcett exuded confidence, yet inwardly he was wracked by paranoia. What if his rivals beat him to Z? The rich American explorer Dr Alexander Hamilton Rice, with a light aircraft at his disposal, and the native Brazilian Cândido Mariano da Silva Rondon, who worked for government and had guided Theodore Roosevelt along the Amazonian River of Doubt, both had ambitions in the area. To muddy his tracks and conceal clues, the cagey colonel concocted a code for writing down grid references and kept his exact route top secret.

The Fawcetts met Rimmell in New York, where they discovered Lynch had blown a fifth of their expedition fund on illegal booze and prostitutes in the Waldorf-Astoria hotel. Fortunately, millionaire oil magnet JD Rockefeller Jr had read about their quest, and replenished the kitty. Lynch was dispatched to London in disgrace, and the explorers continued by boat to Rio de Janeiro.

By February 1925, the party was in São Paulo, visiting a snakefarm to pick up a load of anti-venom serum. From here they travelled by train, heading west towards the Paraguay River along the Brazil-Bolivia border, to Corumbá. Aboard the Iguatemi, the party then cruised the Paraguay, São Lourenço and Cuiabá rivers to reach the outpost of Cuiabá, which Rimmell described as a “God forsaken hole… best seen with eyes closed”. Here, they bought provisions and pack animals, and impatiently waited for the dry season.

When Fawcett judged the time was right, they set off. Several native guides acted as porters for the first, easiest section of the expedition, before returning to Cuiabá with the promised dispatches for the newspapers.

Jack Fawcett and Rimmell’s first taste of the jungle was crossing the cerrado, dry and comparatively easy terrain, but it brought home how tough the trip was going to be. Fawcett senior drove them through savage heat at an unforgiving pace, covering up to 15 miles a day, and the young men had a brutal introduction to the Amazon’s insects.

Rimmell’s foot became infected from bites, he rapidly lost weight and his ardour for the adventure began cooling. Jack, however, demonstrated a similar constitution to his father, almost reveling in the adversity.

By the banks of the Manso River, Fawcett forged ahead and the party was separated overnight, leaving the boys fearful that their leader had been captured or killed by Kayapo Indians. They were reunited the next morning, however, and Fawcett subsequently consented to several days rest at the super-remote Rio Novo ranch of Hermenegildo Galvão, an infamously brutal cattle farmer who lived deep in the forest.

A month after leaving Cuiabá, they reached Bakairi Post, a tiny government garrison on the very edge of the known map. Here, the excited younger men met their first true tribespeople, even engaging in a singing session with them using a ukulele they’d brought along.

On 20 May, the day after Jack turned 22, the men left the last hint of civilization. Nine grueling days later, they reached Dead Horse Camp, where Fawcett had been forced to shoot his ailing pack animal and retreat on a previous expedition. From here they entered utterly unexplored territory, heading towards the River of Death. This region was home to tribes such as the Kayapo, Suyá and Xavante, who harboured a violent hatred of intruding white men after their murderous mistreatment at the hands of rubber barons and soldiers, and the suffering they’d endured as epidemics of disease devastated their societies following first contact.

The guides would go no further, and they began heading back to Cuiabá with expedition reports and letters for loved ones. Percy Fawcett wrote to his wife, and Jack’s mother, Nina: “You need have no fear of failure.” The three men were never seen again.

WHAT HAPPENED NEXT?

In the 90 years since they disappeared, dozens of expeditions have ventured into the jungle attempting to discover the fate of the Fawcetts and Rimmell. Many went missing themselves. Various gory stories and far-fetched survival yarns have emerged, including claims that the explorers found Z and disappeared through a portal into another dimension. In life, Fawcett experimented with mysticism, and in absentia he has acquired a cult-like following. Years after they vanished, an indigenous fair-skinned boy was presented and paraded as Jack’s son, before Nina pointed out he was simply an albino. In all probability, the men were killed by a hostile tribe or simply succumbed to one of the Amazon’s innumerable dangers. In an ironic twist, though, it now appears that Fawcett had already found his lost city without realising it. Unearthed by anthropologist Michael Heckenberger, Kuhikugu is a sprawling archaeological site in remote Mato Grosso, near the Xingu River, which evidence (including the pottery Fawcett puzzled over) suggests once played home to an enormous and sophisticated civilisation. It’s no Machu Picchu–style citadel, but around 50,000 people lived here, before the arrival of Europeans heralded a disease apocalypse.

The Lost City of Z by David Grann is a lively read detailing the backstory to the 1925 expedition, and subsequent attempts to locate the explorers. There’s also a film version of David Grann’s The Lost City of Z, starring Charlie Hunnam, Sienna Miller and Tom Holland.

Pat Kinsella specialises in adventure journalism as a writer, photographer and editor.


The Girl with No Name: The Incredible Story of a Child Raised by Monkeys

A four-year-old girl was abducted from her home in a remote mountain village and abandoned in the Colombian jungle in 1954. It was a miracle that Marina Chapman survived and two days after she woke up drugged, terrified, and starving, she stumbled on a troop of capuchin monkeys. To survive, she acted on instinct and did what the monkeys did, learning to fend for herself.

She spent the next five years with the troop, becoming feral, losing the ability to speak, losing all inhibition, and losing any real sense of being human. She was discovered by two hunters when she was ten and brought to the lawless Colombian city of Cucuta where they sold her to a brothel in exchange for a parrot.