Geskiedenis Podcasts

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence

Emmeline Pethick, die dogter van Henry Pethick, 'n sakeman in Bristol, is op 21 Oktober 1867 in Clifton gebore. Sy onthou later: "My ma het dertien kinders gebaar, waarvan vyf in hul kinderjare gesterf het. My jongste broer is sewentien jaar na my gebore. Dit was die dae van groot gesinne. Ek het nog nooit gehoor hoe my ma 'n klag maak oor hierdie oormatige geboorte nie. Sy het dit met volle oorgawe en selfs met voldoening aanvaar. "

Henry Pethick was 'n toegewyde Metodis. "As kinders is ons almal na die kerk geneem sodra ons kon loop, en ons moes inderdaad baie stil sit, want as dit nie gebeur nie, word ons daarna geklap. As ons ouer was, moes ons die teks tydens die ete onthou en herhaal. , en as ons dit nie gedoen het nie, sou ons die Skrifte uit die kop leer. "

Emmeline is op agtjarige ouderdom na die kosskool in Devizes weggestuur. Sy was 'n opstandige kind en was voortdurend in die moeilikheid met haar onderwysers. Nadat sy na 'n Quaker -skool oorgeplaas is, word sy daarvan beskuldig dat sy ''n korrupte invloed op ander kinders' was. Haar biograaf, Brian Harrison, het aangevoer: "Haar lewenslange instinktiewe simpatie met kinders was opvallend ... Sy het haarself later as 'n eerlike en rasionele kind uitgebeeld, maar vir volwassenes moes sy opsetlik en koppig gelyk het."

In 1891 word Emmeline 'n vrywillige maatskaplike werker by die Methodist Mission in Wes -Londen. Emmeline was geskok oor die armoede wat sy ondervind het, en gedurende hierdie tyd het sy tot sosialisme bekeer. Emmeline was van mening dat dit belangrik was om hierdie meisies 'n praktiese voorbeeld van sosialisme in aksie te gee. In 1895 werk Emmeline saam met Mary Neal om die Esperance Club te vorm wat beïnvloed is deur die idees van William Morris, Edward Carpenter en Walt Whitman. Dit het behels dat 'n groep jong vroue 'n koöperatiewe kleremaakonderneming gestig het.

In 1899 ontmoet Emmeline die ryk advokaat, Frederick Lawrence. Die egpaar het verlief geraak, maar Emmeline het geweier om met Frederick te trou omdat hy nie haar sosialistiese oortuigings gedeel het nie. In 1900 ontwikkel sy 'n koshuis in Littlehampton vir vakansiedae vir meisies. Eers in 1901, toe Frederick tot sosialisme bekeer is, het Emmeline ingestem om met hom te trou. Frederick het ingestem om Pethick-Lawrence as hul gesamentlike naam aan te neem. Brian Harrison het daarop gewys: "Dit was die begin van 'n ongewone lewenslange vennootskap waarin elkeen die van van die ander geannekseer het, terwyl elkeen afsonderlike bankrekeninge en aansienlike outonomie behou het binne 'n huwelik waarvan die harmonie baie geadverteer en gevier is."

Kort na haar huwelik het Emmeline gedink sy is swanger. Frederick het geskryf dat die geboorte 'ons albei ekstra gelukkig sal maak'. Hy het bygevoeg: "Is dit nie wonderlik nie, my hart sing en sing net en ek sal nie stilbly nie." Emmeline het egter 'n miskraam opgedoen en nuus ontvang dat sy nie kinders kan kry nie. Frederick het vir haar geskryf: "Ek is vir jou 'n wonderlike man en jy vir my 'n wonderlike vrou, en dit is genoeg!"

In 1901 word Frederick Pethick-Lawrence die eienaar van The Echo, 'n linkse aandkoerant. Hy het vriende uit die sosialistiese beweging, soos Ramsay MacDonald en H. N. Brailsford, gewerf om vir die koerant te skryf. Frederick publiseer en redigeer ook die maandblad, Labor Record and Review (1905-07). Emmeline het later aangevoer: "Sy uitstaande kwaliteite van intellek, gebalanseerde oordeel en praktiese administrasie in besigheid en finansies het die rots geword waarop ek sedertdien die struktuur van my lewe gebou het."

Vir die volgende vier jaar het Emmeline haar tyd bestee om die Independent Labour Party te help en haar idees met die Esperance Club te ontwikkel. Toe Emmeline egter lees oor die arrestasie en gevangenisstraf van Christabel Pankhurst en Annie Kenney in Oktober 1905, besluit sy om belang te stel in die stemregbeweging. Die jaar daarna ontmoet sy Kenney en na 'n lang gesprek met haar besluit sy om by die Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) aan te sluit.

'N Paar maande nadat hy by die WSPU aangesluit het, is Emmeline gearresteer terwyl hy 'n toespraak in die voorhuis van die Laerhuis wou lewer. Emmeline is tronk toe gestuur, die eerste van ses gevangenisstraf wat sy vir haar politieke aktiwiteite uitgedien het. Sy onthou later in haar outobiografie, My rol in 'n veranderende wêreld (1938): "Toe die oggendkoerant die onverwagte nuus van my eerste arrestasie in die stemregbeweging bring, reageer my pa presies op dieselfde manier as wat ek moes reageer as ons standpunte omgekeer is. Hy was trots daarop dat 'n kind van sy hand huiwer nie om standpunt in te neem vir die uitbreiding van die demokratiese vryheid nie. "

Frederick Pethick-Lawrence het ook betrokke geraak by die stryd om die franchise. In 1907 begin Frederick en Emmeline die tydskrif Votes for Women. Die groot huis van Pethick-Lawrence in Londen het ook die kantoor van die WSPU geword. Dit is ook gebruik as 'n soort hospitaal waar vroue wat deur hul gevangeniservarings siek was, hul krag kon herstel voordat hulle met verdere militante dade begin. Die egpaar het ook meer as £ 6000 bygedra tot die fondse van WSPU.

In 1912 het die WSPU 'n nuwe veldtog gereël wat die grootskaalse stukkie van winkelvensters behels. Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was nie eens met hierdie strategie nie, maar Christabel Pankhurst het haar besware geïgnoreer. Sodra hierdie grootskaalse breek van winkelvensters begin het, het die regering beveel dat die leiers van die WSPU gearresteer word. Christabel het na Frankryk ontsnap, maar Frederick en Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence is in hegtenis geneem, verhoor en tot nege maande gevangenisstraf gevonnis. Hulle is ook suksesvol gedagvaar vir die koste van die skade wat die WSPU aangerig het.

Sowel Emmeline as Frederick Pethick-Lawrence het 'n hongerstaking ondergaan en moes 'n paar dae lank twee keer per dag die volle stres van dwangvoeding ondergaan. Hy onthou later die ervaring in sy memoires, Die noodlot was vriendelik (1943): "Die hoofdokter, 'n sensitiefste man, was duidelik ontsteld oor wat hy moes doen. Dit was beslis 'n onaangename en pynlike proses en 'n voldoende aantal bewaarders moes ingeroep word om te verhoed dat ek beweeg terwyl 'n rubber buis is in my neusgat gestoot en in my keel en vloeistof is daardeur in my maag gegooi. Twee keer per dag het een van die dokters my op hierdie manier gevoed. Ek kon nie my sel in die hospitaal verlaat nie en vir die meeste Ek moes in die bed bly. Daar was niks anders as om te lees nie; en die dae was baie lank en het baie stadig gegaan. "

Christabel Pankhurst het later opgeteken: "Ma en meneer en mev. Pethick Lawrence het hongerstaking ondergaan. Die regering het teruggekap deur middel van dwangvoer. sel gewapen met dwangvoedingsapparaat. Voorgewaarsku deur die geroep van mev. Pethick-Lawrence ... Moeder het hulle met al haar majestueuse verontwaardiging ontvang. Hulle het teruggeval en haar verlaat. Noch toe en nooit in haar logboek en verskriklike konflik met die regering is sy met geweld gevoed. ”

Nadat Emmeline en Frederick uit die gevangenis vrygelaat is, het hulle openlik begin praat oor die moontlikheid dat hierdie vensterverwoestende veldtog die steun vir die WSPU sou verloor. Tydens 'n vergadering in Frankryk, in Oktober 1912, het Christabel Pankhurst aan Emmeline en Frederick vertel van die voorgestelde brandstigtingveldtog. Toe Emmeline en Frederick beswaar maak, het Christabel gereël dat hulle uit die organisasie geskors word. Emmeline onthou later in haar outobiografie, My rol in 'n veranderende wêreld (1938): "Ek en my man was nie bereid om hierdie besluit as finaal te aanvaar nie. Ons het gevoel dat Christabel, wat al soveel jare saam met ons in die naaste verhouding leef, nie 'n party kan wees nie. Maar toe ons mekaar weer ontmoet Gaan verder na die vraag ... Christabel het dit duidelik gemaak dat sy nie meer vir ons gebruik het nie. ”

Fran Abrams die skrywer van Vryheidsoorsaak: Lewe van die Suffragettes (2003) het geskryf: "Selfs die skeuring met die WSPU het hierdie pyn nie beëindig nie - die Pethick -Lawrences het nog bankrotskapsverrigtinge ondergaan. 'N Veiling van hul besittings is by The Mascot gehou, maar het slegs £ 300 ingesamel vir hul hof van £ 1100. koste, selfs al het baie vriende opgedaag om persoonlike besittings te koop en dit aan die egpaar terug te gee. Selfs die afslaer het 'n snuistery aan hulle teruggegee wat hy as 'n aandenking gekoop het. vir herstelwerk aan winkelvensters wat tydens die aanvalle beskadig is. Gelukkig het hy diep sakke gehad en hoef hy nie sy huis te verkoop nie. "

Pethick-Lawrence werk voort vir die stemreg en bestee die grootste deel van haar energie na 1912 aan die skryf van haar tydskrif, Votes for Women. Sy het ook by die Women's Freedom League (WFL) aangesluit. Ander lede was Teresa Billington-Greig, Elizabeth How-Martyn, Dora Marsden, Helena Normanton, Margaret Nevinson en Charlotte Despard.

Gedurende die Eerste Wêreldoorlog was Emmeline 'n prominente lid van die Women's International League for Peace. Na die goedkeuring van die Wet op Kwalifikasie van Vroue in 1918 het Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence as Arbeidskandidaat vir Rusholme gestaan. Soos Brian Harrison opgemerk het: "sy was die voorstander van nasionalisering, 'n kapitaalheffing, gelyke salaris en 'n gelyke morele standaard, maar sy het die eerste plek bereik met slegs 'n sesde van die uitgebrachte stemme."

In die 1920's en 1930's werk Emmeline vir die Women's International League, 'n organisasie wat hom verbind tot wêreldvrede. Emmeline het ook betrokke geraak by die veldtog wat deur Marie Stopes gelei is om inligting oor geboortebeperking aan werkersklas te verskaf. Van 1926 tot 1935 was hy president van die Women's Freedom League.

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence het haar outobiografie gepubliseer, My rol in 'n veranderende wêreld, in 1938. Die boek is opgedra aan haar man, "my onveranderlike kameraad en my beste vriend". Een kritikus het aangevoer: "Alhoewel dit indrukwekkend billik en soms waarneembaar is, is haar weergawe van die suffragettes in wese 'n onkritiese en grotendeels onpersoonlike chronologie. Nêrens het sy die teenstrydigheid tussen haar humanitêre en demokratiese instinkte aan die een kant en haar bevordering oortuigend geregverdig nie. gewelddadige taktiek en outoritêre stemregstrukture aan die ander kant. "

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was aktief in die politiek tot 1950 toe sy 'n ernstige ongeluk gehad het wat haar immobiliseer gelaat het. Frederick Pethick-Lawrence het na Emmeline omgesien totdat sy op 11 Maart 1954 aan 'n hartaanval gesterf het by haar huis in Gomshall, Surrey. Hy skryf aan 'n vriend: 'Ek voel 'n bietjie verdwaas. Dit is asof ek by 'n vioolkonsert met die violis afwesig. ”

My ma het dertien kinders gebaar, waarvan vyf as kind dood is. Sy aanvaar dit met volkome oorgawe en selfs met tevredenheid.

As kinders is ons almal na die kerk geneem sodra ons kon loop en ons moes inderdaad baie stil sit, want as dit nie die geval is nie, word ons daarna geklap. Toe ons ouer was, moes ons die teks tydens die ete onthou en herhaal, en as ons dit nie gedoen het nie, was ons bereid om stukke uit die Skrif uit die kop te leer

My pa is nog steeds deel van my. Hy het my soveel van sy eie natuur meegedeel dat solank sy bloed nog in my are vloei, ek voel dat hy nog lewe. Hy was 'n gebore rebel ... Die naaste band tussen my vader en my was sy passievolle liefde vir geregtigheid, wat ek van hom geërf het. Solank as wat daar binne sy persoonlike kennis bestaan ​​het, kon enige onregmatige individu my pa nie onaktief bly nie. My ma het gedink hy het te ver gegaan; en miskien het hy dit gedoen…

Toe die oggendkoerant die onverwagse nuus van my eerste arrestasie in die stemregbeweging bring, het my pa presies dieselfde reageer as wat ek moes gereageer het as ons standpunte omgekeer is. Hy was trots daarop dat 'n kind uit sy hand nie huiwer om standpunt in te neem vir die uitbreiding van die demokratiese vryheid nie. Later die oggend het hy een van sy kollegas op die bank ontmoet met simpatie. "Simpatie, my liewe kêrel," antwoord hy, "ek het nie simpatie nodig nie. Gee my geluk! Ek is die trotsste man in Engeland! '

Die idee van hoër onderwys het, toe ek jonk was, nie tot by ons klein kusdorpie gekom nie. Ek het nooit geweet van 'n meisie in Weston-Super-Mare wat na die kollege of universiteit wou gaan nie. 'n "afrondingsskool". Sy het gedink dat my maniere en my deportasie opgeknap moet word, soos ongetwyfeld.

Dronkenskap was uiters algemeen ... Dit was vir baie die enigste toevlug teen depressie en ellende. Die invloed van dronkenskap op die gewone verhouding van man en vrou, ouers en kinders was rampspoedig. Daar was 'n vrou wie se man haar gereeld in die drank gedrink het. Maar hy het na die Mission Hall in die distrik gegaan, tot bekering gekom en die pand onderteken. Alles het 'n geruime tyd goed gegaan totdat sy weer met verskeie kneusplekke opgedaag het. "O, mevrou Smith, het u man weer 'n drankie geneem?" Sy antwoord: "O, nee, dit was nog 'n dame wat dit gedoen het! Sedert my man na die Misson Hall gegaan het, is hy glad nie soos 'n man nie - hy is meer soos 'n vriend!"

Daar was 'n besondere standpunt oor vroueslaan. 'N Vriend van my het eenkeer in die straat geloop en sy het 'n vrou met 'n swart oog verbygesteek. Terselfdertyd het twee ander vroue verbygegaan, en een van hulle het opgemerk: 'Al wat ek kan sê, is dat sy 'n gelukkige vrou is om 'n man te hê wat die moeite met haar kan doen.' 'N Ander vrou wat 'n soortgelyke ervaring ondergaan het, het opgemerk:' Wel, dit is nie aangenaam om daaroor te klop nie, maar die grimering is heerlik. '

In die herfs (1906) begin die Maandagmiddag 'At Homes', wat jaar na jaar voortduur tydens die militante veldtog. Hulle was hoofsaaklik bedoel vir vroue, maar mans is nie uitgesluit nie. Strategie is verduidelik, militante demonstrasies is aangekondig, 'n versameling is geneem en lede is ingeskryf. Ek het oor die algemeen letterkunde gekom - boeke, pamflette en later die Stemme vir vroue koerant. Toe die bywoning te groot geword het om in die kantoor in Clement's Inn rekenskap te gee, is die lokaal verander na die Portman Rooms in Bakerstraat, en later na die Queen's Hall.

Einde Oktober 1906 het gebeure plaasgevind wat my in 'n baie nouer verbintenis met die beweging gebring het. My vrou is gearresteer. Sy het saam met ander lede van die Sosiale en Politieke Unie van die Vroue na die Laerhuis gegaan op die dag dat die parlement geopen is; en in ooreenstemming met 'n vooropgestelde plan het sy opgespring na een van die sitplekke in die Sentrale Lobby en begin om die M.P.s en ander wat teenwoordig was toe te spreek. Afgetrek en in die straat gebondel, saam met 'n aantal ander vroue wat 'n soortgelyke protesoptog gelewer het, het sy probeer om weer die huis binne te gaan en is in hegtenis geneem.

Ek het die volgende oggend saam met haar na die hof gegaan, en sy het saam met nege ander vroue, waaronder mev. Cobden Sanderson, dogter van Richard Cobden, aan haar borgtog oorgegee. Die landdros het hulle almal verplig om hulself te erken om die vrede vir ses maande te bewaar. Dit het hulle eenparig geweier om te doen. By verstek was hulle twee maande tronk toe gestuur. Hulle is gevolglik uit die Holloway gepak.

Ek het dadelik vasgestel dat tydens my vrou se afwesigheid haar kant van die werk nie moet ly nie. Ek het ingestem om na die finansies om te sien, en op 'n openbare vergadering daardie middag het ek 'n beroep op fondse gedoen. Deur die bal aan die rol te sit, het ek belowe om £ 10 by te dra vir elke dag van haar gevangenisstraf.

Mag ek met respek vra of dit nie moontlik is om die Suffragette -beweging te verbreek deur stappe te neem teen die heer en mev Pethick Lawrence vir sameswering en aansporing tot ernstige vredesoortredings nie. Dit kan baie maklik bewys word dat mnr Pethick Lawrence by 'n geleentheid na East Ham gegaan het en 'n aantal vroue teen twee sjielings per dag gehuur het plus hul uitgawes. Hierdie vroue is deur die heer Lawrence en sy assistente in hul werk ingeboor en het deelgeneem aan baie wanordelike tonele ... Hierdie vroue (en baie van die vroue-roerders wat £ 2- £ 5 per week betaal word) weet niks van politiek of stemme nie. Vroue bevraagteken en word betaal vir die skep van versteuring onder bevel van die leiers.

Die polisie is uit die East End van Londen ingeroep. Hulle het niks geweet van die stemregsroerigheid nie en was gewoond daaraan om dronkes en ongemak te hanteer. Ook groot en goed gevoede boelies is in die distrik ingevoer. Hulle was moontlik polisievoet in gewone klere. Daar is klaarblyklik 'n bevel gegee dat die polisie nie moet arresteer nie; die alternatief was 'n stryd van ses uur tussen ongewapende vroue wat probeer het om hul stand te hou, en die polisie wat met martelingsmetodes geveg het. Vroue is opgehef en op die grond neergegooi en geskop - hulle is doelbewus op die borste geslaan en is deur so 'n verskriklike geweld onderwerp dat twee van hulle, mev Mary Clarke en juffrou Henria Williams, skielik aan hartaanvalle gesterf het. Vyftig vroue is opgedoen met die beserings wat hulle opgedoen het ... Dr Jessie Murray versamel bewyse oor die metodes van geweld wat gebruik word ... Hierdie bewyse is ingedeel onder: (1) Onnodige geweld. (2) Folteringsmetodes, dit wil sê buig duime agteruit, draai arms, knyp, gryp die keel vas en dwing die kop terug met geweld, dwing vingers in die neusgate, ensovoorts. (3) Dade van onsedelikheid.

Dit was hoofsaaklik deur jong mans, en dikwels heeltemal uit studente, dat die opposisie gekom het ... Ons het een vergadering in die stadsaal in Birmingham gehad. Universiteitstudente het grootliks gekom om te verhoed dat die gehoor die sprekers hoor. Hulle het meer as 'n uur lank gestamp, gestamp, geskree en gesing. Christabel staan ​​op die perron, blykbaar geamuseerd oor hul manewales, en spreek af en toe die jongmense asof hulle kinders is, terwyl sy haar aandag vestig op die verslaggewers, wat op die pers tafel was, en haar hele toespraak kon afhandel aan hulle. 'N Boks muise is langs haar op die tafel leeggemaak. Sy neem hulle saggies in haar hand en laat hulle met haar kaal arms op en af ​​hardloop en praat met die onnadenkende seuns van die wreedheid van skrikwekkende klein en hulpelose wesens ter wille van die pret.

Ek het na die Suffragette -kantoor gegaan om mev. Lawrence te sien en haar geluk te wens met die vergadering van die vorige dag, die nuutste nuus te raadpleeg en uiteindelik te sê: 'U ken my voorbehoude ten opsigte van sommige van u metodes, maar my simpatie is baie meer met jou as met enige van jou teenstanders ... Ek wil nuttig wees as ek kan. Is daar iets wat ek kan doen om jou te help? " 'N Klomp praatjies het gevolg. Sy het gesê: "Ja," ek kon hulle help. Kan ek toesien dat Herbert Gladstone gevra is om die Suffragettes te behandel as politieke oortreders, wat hulle is, en nie as gewone misdadigers nie, wat hulle nie is nie?

Een-en-tagtig vroue was nog steeds in die gevangenis, sommige vir ses maande ... Moeder en meneer Nie toe of op enige tydstip in haar logboek nie en was sy met geweld gevoed.

By die terugkeer uit Kanada van mnr Pethick-Lawrence was daar 'n konsultasie in Frankryk. Die gevolg hiervan en 'n verdere vergadering was die ernstige aankondiging dat ons en hulle geskei het weens 'n meningsverskil oor die beleid van die WSPU. Hierdie skeiding oor 'n beleid was 'n rede tot diepe berou vir alle betrokkenes.

Christabel Pankhurst was in Parys ... sodra Emmeline kon reis, het sy by haar in Parys aangesluit. Hulle het ons (Emmeline en Frederick Pethick-Lawrence) gevra om na Boulogne te kom om met hulle te vergader. Mev Pankhurst het ons ontmoet met die aankondiging dat sy en Christabel besluit het op 'n nuwe soort veldtog. Voortaan het sy gesê dat 'n wydverspreide aanval op openbare en private eiendom sou plaasvind ... Hierdie projek was 'n skok vir ons albei. Ons het dit as 'n waansin beskou om die ontsaglike publisiteit en propaganda waarde van ons huidige beleid weg te gooi ... dit tot vinniger oorwinning.

Emmeline Pankhurst stem saam met Christabel ... Opwinding, drama en gevaar was die omstandighede waarin haar temperament volle omvang gevind het. Sy het die kwaliteite van 'n leier op die slagveld ... Die idee van 'n 'burgeroorlog' wat mev Pankhurst in Boulogne uiteengesit het en 'n paar maande later verklaar het, was vir my afstootlik.

Toe ons in Londen aankom, het ons 'n vriend ontmoet. In plaas van die glimlagte wat ons verwag het, is daar hartseer op haar gesig geskryf ... "Is daar iets? Wat is dit?" Het ek geëis. 'Hulle gaan u uit die Sosiale en Politieke Unie van die Vroue verdryf.'

Ek en my man was nie bereid om hierdie besluit as finaal te aanvaar nie. Maar toe ons mekaar weer ontmoet om die vraag verder in te gaan ... het Christabel dit duidelik gemaak dat sy nie meer vir ons nut het nie.

Mev Pankhurst en juffrou Christabel Pankhurst het 'n nuwe militante beleid uiteengesit wat Pethick-Lawrence totaal en al nie kon goedkeur nie. Pankhurst en mej Christabel ... het aanbeveel dat mnr. Pethick-Lawrence ... die Vroue se Sosiale en Politieke Unie moet verlaat.

Selfs die skeiding met die WSPU het hierdie pyn nie beëindig nie - die Pethick -Lawrences het nog bankrotskapsverrigtinge ondergaan. 'N Veiling van hul besittings is gehou by Die Mascot, maar het slegs £ 300 ingesamel vir hul hofkoste van £ 1,100, alhoewel baie vriende opgedaag het om persoonlike besittings te koop en dit aan die egpaar terug te gee. Gelukkig het hy diep sakke gehad en hoef hy nie sy huis te verkoop nie.

Mev Pankhurst het ons na haar kamer genooi. Sy vertel ons toe dat sy besluit het om ons verbintenis met die WSPU te verbreek. Ons het dus gesien dat die breuk tussen ons en die Pankhursts volledig en onherroeplik was. Daar was verder geen appèl teen ons uitsluiting van die WSPU nie. Pankhurst was die erkende outokraat van die Unie. Ons het haar verskeie jare tevore ondersteun om hierdie pos te verkry; ons kon dit nie nou betwis nie.


Pethick-Lawrence, Emmeline (1867–1954)

Engelse suffragis en maatskaplike werker. Naamvariasies: Emmeline Pethick Emmeline Pethick Lawrence. Gebore in 1867 in Bristol, sterf Engeland in 1954 onderrig aan privaatskole in Engeland, Frankryk, en Duitsland trou met Frederick Lawrence ('n koerantredakteur, politikus en suffragis) wat die naam Frederick Pethick-Lawrence (later baron Pethick-Lawrence van Peaslake) aangeneem het. , in 1901 geen kinders nie.

Werk vir die verbetering van die toestande vir vroue (vroeë 1900's) en dien as mede-leier en tesourier van die Women's Social and Political Union (1906–12) wat tydskrif geskep en geredigeer is Stemme vir vroue saam met haar man (1907–14) deelgeneem aan die Women's Peace Congress in Den Haag (1915), dien as tesourier van die Women's International League for Peace (1915–22) en word president van die Women's Freedom League (1918) aangewys as erepresident van die Women's Freedom League (1953).

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence is gebore in 'n middelklasgesin in Bristol, Engeland, in 1867. Gedurende 'n ongelukkige kinderjare het sy privaatskole in Engeland, Frankryk en Duitsland bygewoon. Haar selfstandige vader het 'n groot invloed op haar eie passie vir geregtigheid en haar bereidwilligheid om baie moeite te doen om daarvoor te veg. (Sy sou hom trots maak met haar eerste arrestasie terwyl sy vir stemreg demonstreer.) Nadat sy Walter Besant s'n gelees het Kinders van Gibeon, oor die ekonomiese stryd van enkel werkende vroue, het Emmeline maatskaplike werk aangeneem. Van 1890 tot 1895 was sy werksaam by die West London Mission. Sy organiseer ook 'n kleremaakonderneming met 'n dag van agt uur, 'n minimum loon en jaarlikse vakansiedae, wat almal skaars was in die industrie in die algemeen en veral in die klerebedryf.

In 1901 is Emmeline Pethick getroud met Frederick Lawrence, 'n koerantredakteur en Arbeiderspoliticus, en hulle het hul van en hul pogings tot sosiale hervorming saamgesmelt. Alhoewel die Pethick-Lawrences albei geglo het om uiterste maatreëls te tref om te sien dat geregtigheid in die vrouebeweging geskied, het hulle geweld verwerp as 'n manier om dit te bereik. Emmeline het baie betogings vir stemreg gehou en is verskeie kere gearresteer.

In 1906 aanvaar sy die pos as tesourier van die Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) en het gedurende die volgende ses jaar 'n aansienlike bedrag geld vir die organisasie ingesamel. Sy en haar man, saam met Emmeline Pankhurst en Christabel Pankhurst , was die belangrikste lede van die organisasie. Volgens sommige was die Pethick-Lawrences die dryfveer agter die opkoms van die WSPU. Die egpaar het ook die vakbond se tydskrif, Stemme vir vroue, begin in 1907. Volgens Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, "Die taak wat ons voorlê, was om, soos ons dit gesien het, 'n groot veldtog volksdemonstrasies te organiseer wat alles moet oortref wat voorheen bereik is."

In 1912, na 'n groot betoging van vensters, is die Pethick-Lawrences tronk toe gestuur op samesweringsklagte. Om hongerstakings in die tronk te kry, was 'n algemene taktiek onder suffragiste, en nadat hulle geweier het om te eet tot die punt dat dokters geglo het dat hul lewens in gevaar is, is Emmeline en Frederick vrygelaat. Hulle het teruggekeer huis toe en was geskok toe hulle ontdek dat Emmeline en Christabel Pankhurst 'n nuwe militante beleid vir die organisasie opgestel het wat die idees waarop die

Pethick-Lawrences het hul aktiwiteite van die afgelope ses jaar gegrond. ("Om nie menselewens te neem nie", het Emmeline Pankhurst gesê, "ons stop op geen enkele stadium wat ons nodig ag nie.") Soos die Pankhursts beplan het, het die Pethick-Lawrences die organisasie verlaat, met al vier 'n openbare front. van wedersydse respek sodat, volgens Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, "die skade aan die vrouebeweging tot 'n minimum beperk kan word." Sy het aan die Daaglikse grafika op 18 Oktober 1912, "Ons is net so militant van hart as almal. Ons het nie saamgestem nie." Meer spesifiek, het Pethick-Lawrence vroeër daardie jaar gesê dat Emmeline en Christabel Pankhurst met 'n nuwe veldtog vorendag gekom het waarin beide openbare en private eiendom in die geheim aangeval sou word deur suffragiste wat sou probeer ontsnap, eerder as om hulself op te gee vir arrestasie. . Dit was 'n beleid wat die Pethick-Lawrences nie kon ondersteun nie.

Die Pethick-Lawrences het voortgegaan om te redigeer Stemme vir vroue as 'n onafhanklike publikasie na hul skeiding van die WSPU (Christabel Pankhurst het 'n nuwe tydskrif vir die vakbond bekendgestel, Die Suffragette) en het by die United Suffragists aangesluit, wat samewerking tussen mans en vroue aangemoedig het. Ondanks die feit dat Emmeline en Frederick effektief uit 'n organisasie was wat hulle self gehelp het om te stig en te finansier, het hulle nooit teen die Pankhursts gepraat nie. Hulle het eenvoudig hul eie gang gegaan en hul werk sonder die WSPU voortgesit.

Pethick-Lawrence se loopbaan as suffragis het teen 1914 aansienlik verlangsaam, die jaar toe sy en Frederick ophou redigeer het Stemme vir vroue. Sy neem egter in 1915 deel aan 'n vroue -vredeskonferensie in Den Haag, en dien tot 1922 as tesourier van die organisasie wat op die konferensie gestig is, die Women's International League for Peace. Sy was ook die jarelange president van die Women's Freedom League. Vroue bo die ouderdom van 30 het in 1918 stemreg in Brittanje gekry, en daardie jaar het Pethick-Lawrence as kandidaat vir die Labour-kandidaat deelgeneem (tydens die eerste verkiesing). In die latere lewe het sy sonder 'n duidelike hunkering na die openbare erkenning van die rol wat sy gespeel het in die verkryging van stemreg vir vroue, geleef en word sy steeds doof. Sy het wel 'n mate van teleurstelling erken dat vroue, nadat hulle die stemming verseker het, dit nie gebruik het om beduidende positiewe veranderinge aan te bring nie. Sy en haar man, wat van 1945 tot 1947 as 'n politikus van die Arbeid en as minister van buitelandse sake vir Indië en Birma (nou Myanmar) gedien het, was deur die jare toegewyd aan mekaar. Nadat hy in 1951 'n hartaanval gekry het, was Pethick-Lawrence in wese bedlêend tot haar dood in 1954.


Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence was 'n Britse vroueregte-aktivis.

Van kleins af begin sy in opstand kom en word daarvan beskuldig dat sy ''n korrupte invloed op ander kinders' was. Sy raak betrokke by sosiale sake vanaf 1891, toe sy 'n klub vir werkersklasmeisies op die West London Methodist-sending bestuur het. Sy het 'n sosialis geword, en saam met Mary Neal het sy die Espérance Club gestig wat jong vroue ondersteun het om 'n koöperatiewe kleremaakonderneming te stig. Saam het Pethick-Lawrence en Neal daarna 'n koshuis begin vir vakansiedae vir meisies.

Sosialisme was so belangrik vir Pethick-Lawrence dat sy geweier het om te trou totdat haar maat ingestem het om haar oortuigings te deel. Hulle kombineer hul vanne by die huwelik en behou hul individuele finansies en outonomie gedurende hul huwelik.

In 1906 het Pethick-Lawrence as tesourier by die Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) aangesluit. Nie lank nadat sy aangesluit het nie, is sy vir die eerste keer gearresteer terwyl sy in die voorportaal van die Laerhuis wou praat. Sy het ses maande tronkstraf uitgedien. 'N Jaar later het Pethick-Lawrence en haar man die tydskrif Votes for Women gestig en hul huis vir die lede van die WSPU oopgemaak sodat dit as kantoor vir die organisasie gebruik kon word.

In 1912 begin die WSPU meer militante taktieke, waarmee Pethick-Lawrence nie saamstem nie. Beide sy en haar man is in hegtenis geneem ná 'n veldtog van vensters wat verpletter is en vir die koste van die skade gedagvaar. Hulle het albei 'n hongerstaking ondergaan terwyl hulle in die tronk was, en is met geweld gevoed. By haar vrylating het Pethick-Lawrence gepraat oor die gevare van die gebruik van kriminele skade om die WSPU se punt oor te dra. Nadat taktiek toegeneem het om brandstigting in te sluit, het sy beswaar aangeteken en die organisasie belet.

Pethick-Lawrence het die stryd om stemreg vir vroue voortgesit, beide in die tydskrif Votes for Women en by die Women's Freedom League (WFL). Nadat die Wet op die Verteenwoordiging van die Mense in 1918 goedgekeur is, het sy vir die Women's International League gewerk en by Marie Stopes aangesluit in haar veldtog om geboortebeperking aan werkersklasvroue te bied.


Emmeline Pethick -Lawrence - Geskiedenis

Frederick is gebore uit 'n welgestelde gesin van Londense Unitarians, wat groot huisbouers was tydens die groot uitbreiding van die hoofstad. Sy oupa William Lawrence, stigter van die onderneming en 'n wethouder en balju van Londen, was die eerste toegewyde Unitarian in die gesin. Omdat Frederick se pa Alfred gesterf het toe hy drie was, het sy ooms, alle baronette en parlementslede, sir William, sir James en sir Edwin sy vroeë lewe oorheers. William en James het as burgemeesters van Londen gedien. Almal was aktiewe, vrygewige en prominente Unitariërs wat veral die werk van Robert Spears ondersteun het. Frederick's mother, Mary, was the granddaughter of the prominent Unitarian minister Robert Aspland.

After boarding at Wixenford, a prep school in Wokingham, Frederick attended Eton College, 1895-91. His uncle Edwin registered him at Eton as a Unitarian. He won every prize there and at Trinity College, Cambridge where he studied mathematics and natural sciences, graduated with firsts, became President of the University Union, played billiards for the university, and in 1897 was appointed a College Fellow. He did not take up the fellowship, but instead went on a world tour.

In the 1890s, while developing his skill in mathematics and economics, Frederick gained a social conscience and worked for the poor and disadvantaged in East London. He became a barrister in 1899 but practised only when necessary, for by 1900 the deaths of his elder brother and two of his uncles had made him wealthy. This gave him an independence that helped him carry forward his subsequent career.

In 1901 Frederick married Emmeline Pethick (1867-1954), a philanthropist and social worker who had helped organize the Esp rance Working Girls Club. They had no children. This union was celebrated both for its romance and for the independence retained by the partners within marriage. Frederick and Emmeline each adopted the name Pethick-Lawrence. Under Emmeline's influence, Frederick, initially a supporter of the Liberal Party, gradually moved left in politics.

The Pethick-Lawrences became powerhouses for reform in the poorer areas of London, working to better conditions for Chinese labour and to increase representation for the working-class in Parliament. From 1907 they both worked with Christabel Pankhurst in the Woman's Social and Political Union (WSPU), seeking votes for women. Pankhurst and the Pethick-Lawrences were the Union's directing force. Emmeline was the treasurer. Pankhurst called Frederick their 'godfather'. He represented suffragettes in the law courts and used his money to stand bail for many of them. In 1907 the three founded the seminal periodical Stemme vir vroue, which supported extreme agitation. The Pethick-Lawrence home was used as a hospital for suffragists recovering from their prison experiences. Emmeline was imprisoned six times between 1906 and 1912. During her 1909 imprisonment, Frederick was made the Union's joint treasurer. His presence in the inner circles of the WSPU helped make suffrage seem less a conflict between women and men.

In 1912, convicted of conspiring to incite Union members to smash shop-windows, the Pethick-Lawrences were sent to prison for nine months. When they went on a hunger strike, Frederick had to be force-fed. Public outcry led to their release after five weeks. They were assessed the costs of the trial. When Pethick-Lawrence refused to pay, he was, for a brief time, declared bankrupt.

During his incarceration Frederick was visited by Fred Hankinson (1875-1960), a Unitarian minister who made the rounds of suffragettes in prison. This led to a life-long friendship. Hankinson became Pethick-Lawrence's source of contact with Unitarianism in later years. The imprisonment also led to a reconciliation with Frederick's last living uncle Sir Edwin, a father figure in his youth. Although Sir Edwin greatly disagreed with his nephew's stand, he visited him in prison and gave him moral support.

Not long after their release from prison, the WSPU became even more militant than before. The Pethick-Lawrences, no longer in accord with the Union's current arson strategy, were expelled. Building upon their base as editors of Stemme vir vroue, they organized a new suffragist group, the Votes for Women Fellowship, which in 1914 became the moderate, but still militant, United Suffragists.

During World War I Pethick-Lawrence opposed imperialism in most forms and pressed for an early peace. He stood for Parliament in 1917 on a peace ticket but was roundly defeated. In 1918, at 46, Fredrick was conscripted into war service as a conscientious objector. 'I came to the conclusion that I could not very well refuse to help to grow food for the nation,' he wrote. 'I got a job as a labourer at a wage of 27/6 a week on a farm found for me by my friend Hankinson.' He intended to stand for peace again in 1918 but, because he was known as a conscientious objector, he had to withdraw.

Following the war Pethick-Lawrence wrote the first of his books on economic policy, A Levy on Capital (1918) and Why Prices Rise and Fall (1920). This gave him a solid entry into party politics. In 1923 he was elected to Parliament at West Leicester, defeating Winston Churchill. Pethick-Lawrence represented this constituency until 1931. He served as Financial Secretary to the Treasury in the second Labour government, 1929-31, but resigned when Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald formed a National Government and cut unemployment benefits.

Following his defeat in the 1931 general election, Pethick-Lawrence resumed his worldwide travels. In 1932 he, like many socialists, found 'much to admire' in the U.S.S.R. Because of the rise of fascism he abandoned pacifism and began to place his hopes for peace in the League of Nations. Re-elected to Parliament, for Edinburgh East, in 1935, he became the Labour Party's principal speaker on financial affairs. An early supporter of Keynesian economics, he recommended that the government abandon the balanced budget during the depression in order to stimulate the economy.

In 1940, under Churchill's National Government, Pethick-Lawrence served as unofficial deputy leader of the opposition and, for a short time, leader. With the return of a Labour Government in 1945 independence for India was a top priority. As a Labour MP in the 1920s Pethick-Lawrence had championed Indian self-government and rights. He served as Secretary of State for India, 1945-47, with a seat in the Cabinet. In 1946 he led a cabinet mission to Delhi which helped to smooth the way for Indian independence.

In 1945 he was made Baron Pethick-Lawrence, a member of the House of Lords. He spoke there regularly on national finance issues. He opposed the Suez invasion in 1956. A Labour radical of the older variety, he displayed remarkable energy until his death. He did not accept the divisions associated with class or money and tried to feel at home with whomever he met. He was seen by many as eccentric and old-fashioned in his views. In part because of deficiencies in his oratorical style, he did not rise as high as his abilities might have suggested.

Pethick-Lawrence's childhood Unitarianism formed part of his life philosophy. 'Each one of us is a composite fragment of the Great Life. Within ourselves are diverse and divergent passions,' he wrote in his autobiography. 'Some of these are part of our ancestral heritage, some are derived from our environment and early and forgotten childhood, others are the result of more recent and remembered experiences . . . it is part of our education to learn to harmonise these warring elements within ourselves and to integrate our personality. This is no easy task.'

For a few years while at Cambridge, he had financed and edited the Christian Freeman, a Unitarian popular monthly newspaper founded by Spears. Although he did not belong to any specific Unitarian church after the 1890s, he was associated with the broader movement. In 1900-01 he was Dunkin Lecturer on economics at Manchester College, Oxford, the theological college for Unitarian ministers. Over the years he intermittently gave legal advice to Unitarian organisations and trusts, and kept family tradition alive by subscribing to Unitarian charities.

'My family,' wrote Pethick-Lawrence, 'being Unitarians, had made contact with the Brahma-Samaj movement in India.' Until 1923 he had provided a regular letter for Annie Besant's journal New India. He sympathized with theosophy and melded Hinduism into his own theology. In his autobiography he wrote, 'According to the wisdom of the East, cause and consequence form the basis of the whole spiritual and natural world and Karma is the working out of this fundamental law in the infinite vicissitudes of life. The central doctrine of the Christian faith is the Forgiveness of sins. To many it seems that these two doctrines are mutually exclusive and that they have to make their choice between them. But I do not see it that way for I do not regard Karma as a punishment, nor Forgiveness of sins as an escape from consequences.'

There are Pethick-Lawrence papers and correspondence in the British Library, Trinity College Cambridge and the Bodleian Library Oxford. Among Pethick-Lawrence's writings, not mentioned above are Werkloosheid (1922), The National Debt (1924), National Finance (1929), and The Gold Crisis (1931). He is one of the authors gathered in Mahatma Gandhi, Father of Modern India (1986). His autobiography Fate has been Kind (1943) is most useful, less so is Vera Brittain's Pethick-Lawrence: A Portrait (1963). For background on the Lawrence family, see A. Gordon, The Lawrences of Cornwall Family History (1915, there is a copy in Dr Williams's Library, London) and on their Unitarian background, A Ruston, 'The Lawrence family: 19th century Unitarian Forsytes?', Transactions of the Unitarian Historical Society (1992). Sir Brian Harrison has written a superb entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004).

All material copyright Unitarian Universalist History & Heritage Society (UUHHS) 1999-2020 Links to third-party sites are provided solely as a convenience. The DUUB does not endorse materials on other sites.


The Pethick-Lawrences: A Radical Partnership

Visitors to the Wren Library during the next few weeks will be able to see a special display case containing items from the Pethick-Lawrence collection. For those unable to visit, we have devised an online exhibition. Click on the top left box labelled Prologue to begin.

and this has forced me into life long campaign

and this has forced me into life long campaign

against every sort of bondage, against all sorts of established authorities: and it is [this which] has kept me (not by choice but by inward necessity) always against the stream … This is the great contest of the coming century: the life and death struggle of human life against material mastery. ”

For those who would prefer to examine the exhibits in more detail see below. Click on the images to open the document viewer.

Emmeline Pethick and Frederick Lawrence, both from middle-class backgrounds, met in 1900 through their involvement in social work in the East End of London.

Emmeline first came to London to manage a club for young working women, and she and her friend Mary Neal had gone on to establish their own club, with a related dressmaking business.

Fred, a Trinity man, had been inspired by the university settlement movement, the aim of which was to encourage university-educated people to live and work in deprived urban areas, and he was working at a settlement house in the East End when he met and fell in love with Emmeline.

Fred had been intending to pursue a career as a Liberal Unionist MP, but Emmeline, a fervent socialist, challenged him to reconsider his political views, and after a period of serious reflection, which included a trip to South Africa to observe the effects of the Boer War, he came to adopt a more radical position.

The couple married in 1901 and took the unusual step of linking their surnames.

Emmeline’s letter to Fred on 27 June 1901, just after his first proposal of marriage, contains a heartfelt declaration of her commitment to socialism:

… my first consciousness was the clearest, strongest & most inveterate sense of the dignity & worth of the human body & soul above everything else

and this has forced me into life long campaign

against every sort of bondage, against all sorts of established authorities: and it is [this which] has kept me (not by choice but by inward necessity) always against the stream … This is the great contest of the coming century: the life and death struggle of human life against material mastery.

From 1906 the Pethick-Lawrences were at the heart of the militant wing of the women’s suffrage movement, which they helped to organise and finance. Emmeline became treasurer of the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) and devised its distinctive colour scheme of purple, white, and green:

“Purple as everyone knows is the royal colour, it stands for the royal blood that flows in the veins of every suffragette, the instinct of freedom and dignity … white stands for purity in private and public life … green is the colour of hope and the emblem of spring.”

Fred founded the newspaper Stemme vir vroue, which he co-edited with his wife.

Emmeline was imprisoned six times for her actions in support of the suffragette movement, and Fred also went to prison for the cause. Both endured forcible feeding while on hunger strike. These are some of the letters they were allowed to write to each other from prison:

Some in the suffrage movement, including Emmeline Pankhurst and her daughter Christabel, felt that violent measures such as the smashing of shop-windows and arson were justified ways of drawing attention to the cause.

After a spate of window-breaking in March 1912 the Pethick-Lawrences were arrested and tried for conspiracy, even though they opposed this form of protest. This is the text of Emmeline’s speech to the jury.

The Pethick-Lawrences spent large amounts of money on legal costs and fines, both for themselves and others, and eventually had to auction the contents of their home, though they just escaped bankruptcy.

As a result of their objections to violent protest the Pethick-Lawrences were induced to leave the WSPU, though they continued to edit Stemme vir vroue. These are two of the letters exchanged between the two Emmelines at this time:

In 1918 the suffrage movement in the United Kingdom finally began to see success, with the grant of the vote to certain categories of women over the age of 30.

After the First World War Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence became a well-known international campaigner for women’s rights and peace.

Her husband became a Labour MP. In 1942 he was briefly Leader of the Opposition, and as Secretary of State for India between 1945 and 1947 he was instrumental in the negotiations which led to that country’s independence. He was raised to the peerage in 1945.

Lord and Lady Pethick-Lawrence at the gate of their Surrey home in 1949.


Why Women Wear White, A Brief History Of Political Fashion

Dozens of women members of the House of Representatives made a powerful statement on Tuesday night when they attended President Donald Trump’s State of the Union address wearing white.

The shade is a nod to the suffrage movement and female activists who fought for women’s right to vote. Last week, Rep. Lois Frankel (Fla.), chair of the House Democratic Women’s Working Group, urged female lawmakers to wear white for Trump’s speech to “honor all those who came before us and send a message of solidarity that we’re not going back on our hard-earned rights.”

And send a message, they did. Photos from the address show a visually striking image of women all in white, a statement that’s difficult to ignore.

But it’s not the first time women have made a symbolic statement in white. Let’s delve into the history.

In the early 1900s, white became the color of choice as the Women’s Social and Political Union ― which Another Magazine notes was the leading force behind the suffrage movement ― rallied across the United Kingdom. White was initially chosen because it was “inconspicuous,” while also being somewhat feminine, the magazine points out.

Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, honorary treasurer of the Women’s Social and Political Union, chose three main colors to represent the movement ― white (for purity), purple (for dignity) and green (for hope) ― and to help participants at a 1908 rally in London’s Hyde Park present a united front, according to History.com. In the United States, white, purple and gold were the official colors of the National Women’s Party, according to The New York Times.

Another Magazine notes that while green and purple were acceptable for small events, white was encouraged for bigger gatherings.

Following that 1908 rally in London, which attracted tens of thousands of participants, it became clear that a sea of women wearing white outfits made quite a visual impact. As noted, white was meant to represent purity. And, according to Another Magazine, many of the women fighting for the right to vote in the early 1900s knew if they wore the color and presented themselves as pure and feminine, they would get more respect from men.

Women activists in the U.S. also wore all white as they fought for women’s rights.

Over the years, many other notable women have worn white as a nod to the suffrage movement and the women’s rights movement as a whole.

For instance, in 1968, Shirley Chisholm wore white on the night she became the first black woman elected to Congress.

Geraldine Ferraro also wore white to accept the nomination for vice president at the 1984 Democratic National Convention. Ferraro was the first woman to become a vice presidential nominee for a major American political party.

Hillary Clinton notably wore white to accept the Democratic Party’s nomination for president in 2016 she was the first woman nominated for president by a major party. On Election Day that year, many American women wore white to the polls.

In January 2017, Clinton wore white for Trump’s inauguration. The choice was especially poignant, given Trump’s history of misogyny.

Later that year, some Democratic congresswomen wore white to attend the president’s first major congressional address. At the time, Frankel said the decision to wear white was meant to unite the women “against any attempts by the Trump administration to roll back the incredible progress women have made in the last century,” per NBC News.

More recently, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) chose to wear white when she was sworn into Congress she’s the youngest women to be elected to Congress.

Ocasio-Cortez even tweeted about her outfit choice, writing that she wore all-white “to honor the women who paved the path before me, and for all the women yet to come. From suffragettes to Shirley Chisholm, I wouldn’t be here is it wasn’t for the mothers of the movement.”

And that brings us to Tuesday’s State of the Union, where the women who chose to wear white stood together for a photo ahead of the address.

To some, an outfit choice may seem trivial and shallow. But if these women have showed us anything, it’s that one’s clothing sometimes speaks louder than words.


Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence - History

The Rune of Birth and Renewal

December 17, 1912 — Warncliffe Rooms, Great Central Hotel, London UK

We who are gathered here do not meet as human atoms blown together by a little wind of chance. Neither do we meet merely as personal friends.

A life force has taken hold of us and has welded us with all our different individualities into one, just as the tones and overtones in a musical scale are welded into one in some short, or as words are welded in a line or a verse of a song.

We and many others who are present in our thoughts and women we represent — we individually and collectively have bene caught in the meshes of a Will that we may be used in the accomplishment of its purpose. By the decree of this Will, the time has come for a new birth of humanity, the hour has struck for the redemption of Woman from her age-long servitude, into the liberty of full human equality with Man, that she may fulfill with him the joint sacrifice and service that they owe to the human race.

In common we have seen this Vision that has changed our entire outlook upon the world. IN common we have been subjugated by this Idea that has altered the trend and habit of our life. In common we have felt the compulsion of this Law that has brought us into association together and has made us part of a living pattern, woven by destiny in the loom of Time, to a rhythm and rune which is making the world’s story. Moreover, we share a common wealth of deep experience. Most of us have, as a result of bearing witness to the faith that is in us, been through the ordeal of isolation or ridicule. We have been made to feel at one time or another, aliens in the world of everyday human life. Most of us have endured physical insult and violence. We have suffered assault and ignominy. Some of us have thrown aside position and place in the world and have scarified livelihood or career. Many amounts us are wearing, as I am, the prison badge with its broken chain. we are those who have ben arrested and in prison have taken our place at the very bottom of the human scale, side by side with the shamed and the outcast. We have tested our condition in the living sepulcher of the prison cell. In order to keep the sword of our faith we have hungered to the point of exhaustion and have endured the final attempt to break down the will by the infliction of forcible feeding.

Yes, we have tasted, each in our own measure and degree, the bitter cup, and have found it sweet. In weakness we have discovered our strength, in loss we have found gain, in isolation we have realised our inviolate union with all sentient life, and in extremity we have seen the face of death transfigured for evermore. And this is our common revelation and our common in inheritance.

We then, who saw in this Woman’s Movement the promise of awakening and regeneration for the world, have, in giving ourselves up to become the channels of it, become ourselves awakened to a new fulness of life, have become ourselves regenerated.

Thus in the little circle of our own experience we have seen how the law that guides this Movement operates, we have seen how the bitterest foxes have been used as the unconscious agents of deliverance, and how men of malignant purpose have been turned into blind tools for the shaping of history. In overcoming the obstacles that have been placed by enemies in its path, the Idea for which we stand has dominated the human consciousness of the world.

As it is in the small circle of our own experience so it is and must be in the ever extending spheres of the operation of this Movement. In all countries men and women will become its willing agents or its blind tools. It will meet with hatred, opposition, and betrayal. But in the eternal rune that is the story of the world it is by the very enemy and the betrayer that the law is accomplished and destiny fulfilled. One thing is absolutely certain. And that is the triumph of the Idea and its established victory in the evolution of the human life.

The word has gone forth. The rune of the awakening of the Soul of Womanhood has begun and will not end until in the visible world the strongholds of ignorance and materialism have been shaken to their foundations and overthrown, to give place to the new kingdom of the spirit which is to be established upon the earth.

We must look for destruction. The smashing of glass in West London last March was a symbol of deep significance. It was the breaking through of reality into a dream. It was the rending of th tomb by the bursting forth of the living spirit that has been imprisoned there. Our thoughts were of the resurrection, but the world saw only evidence of violence in the barriers broken down and the grave clothes tossed away. For the world does not see the risen spirit, yet is in mortal terror at the thought of it. It wants no new birth. It cares supremely for the stability of its old institutions which are menaced by new life. The world is right from its own self-interested point of view. Its fears are well grounded.

We must be prepared for the breaking up o the material substance of life before the spiritual force that is in this Movement. When the rune of destiny is being changed the walls of palaces totter and the stones of the temples fall. We who have given ourselves up as welling agent of the Will that is behind the rune have to smash and be smashed. We must be ready both to break up and destroy material substance of things and also to acquiesce in the breaking up of the material substance of our own lives and even of our own bodies.

To play the game, while conscious that the game is being played through us! That is the essence of our militancy. We live by faith, we serve by action. Militancy itself has become a living and a quickening once. None of us will ever know the countless multitude of men and women who have become alive to their own nobility through the glorious spirit that has been liberated in the world during the seven years of this Militant Movement for the Emancipation of Woman.

What this militant spirit means to humanity, and especially at this crisis to womanhood, was told in a wonderful parable a few days ago in Stemme vir vroue. Nothing as beautiful or so true has been said of our Movement, as it is said in that parable and the introductory comment upon it. The story tells how the transforming Spirit of Illumination has visited the ardent expectant soul, has been made one with it, leaving behind as hie gift the transfiguring sword. And the soul awed and exultant sings:

“From now there shall be no fear left for me in this world and thou shalt be victorious in all my strife. Thou hast left death for my companion and I shall crown him with my life. The sword is with me to cut asunder my bonds, and there shall be no fear left for me in the world.”


Foto, druk, teken [Women's rights activist Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence]

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Biografie

Emmeline Pethick was born on 21 October 1867 in Bristol. Her father was a businessman. She was the second of 13 children, and was sent away to boarding school at the age of eight.

From 1891 until 1895 she worked as a "sister of the people" for the West London Mission at Cleveland Hall , near Fitzroy Square. She helped Mary Neal to run the girls club at the mission. In the autumn of 1895 she and Mary Neal left the mission to co-found the Espérance Club, a girls club that would not be subject to the constraints of the mission, and could experiment with dance and drama. [ 2 ] Pethick also started Maison Espérance, a dressmaking cooperative with a minimum wage, an eight-hour day and a holiday scheme. She married Frederick Lawrence in 1901 and the pair took the joint name Pethick-Lawrence. She was a member of the Suffrage Society and was introduced to Emmeline Pankhurst in 1906. She became treasurer of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) and raised £134,000 over six years. [3]

Pethick-Lawrence started the publication Stemme vir vroue with her husband in 1907. She was arrested and imprisoned in 1912 for conspiracy following demonstrations that involved breaking windows. After the incident, the Pethick-Lawrences were unceremoniously ousted from the WSPU. They then joined the United Suffragists. Emmeline was present at the Women's Peace Congress in 1915 at the Hague. She stood as Labour candidate for Rusholme, Manchester in 1918. [ 3 ]

In 1945 she became Lady Pethick-Lawrence when her husband was made a baron. [ 4 ]


File history

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huidige12:13, 2 October 20163,231 × 5,116 (6.03 MB) Fæ (bespreking | bydraes) LSE Library, Set 72157660822880401, ID 22933907891, Original title Emmeline Pethick Lawrence, 1908.

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