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Helen Gahagan Douglas oor die wetsontwerp op die wegspring

Helen Gahagan Douglas oor die wetsontwerp op die wegspring


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Regulering van kerntegnologie

Die Verenigde State het die oorlog in die Stille Oseaan beëindig deur atoombomme op Hiroshima en Nagasaki, Japan, in Augustus 1945 te laat val, en meer as 100,000 Japannese burgerlikes doodgemaak en die verwoestende krag van hierdie nuwe wapens getoon. Nóg die kongres nóg die publiek het die ontsaglike vermoëns van atoomwapens voor Augustus 1945 verstaan, aangesien die ontwikkeling van die bom in geheimhouding gehul was. Kort daarna het die kongres gedebatteer hoe om die ongekende politieke, sosiale en ekonomiese kwessies die hoof te bied wat die revolusionêre ontwikkeling van die atoombom en kerntegnologie teweeggebring het.


Melvyn Douglas

Melvyn Douglas (gebore Melvyn Edouard Hesselberg, 5 April 1901 - 4 Augustus 1981) was 'n Amerikaanse akteur. Douglas het in die dertigerjare bekendheid verwerf as 'n suiwer voorste man, miskien die beste gekenmerk deur sy optrede in die romantiese komedie Ninotchka (1939) met Greta Garbo. Douglas vertolk later volwasse en vaderlike karakters, soos in sy Oscar -bekroonde optredes in Hud (1963) en Daar wees (1979) en sy Oscar -benoemde optrede in Ek het nooit vir my Vader gesing nie (1970). Douglas was een van 24 kunstenaars wat die Triple Crown of Acting gewen het. In die laaste paar jaar van sy lewe verskyn Douglas in rolprente met bonatuurlike verhale met spoke. Douglas verskyn as "senator Joseph Carmichael" in Die veranderende in 1980 en Spook storie in 1981 in sy laaste voltooide filmrol.


Inhoud

Roberts is gebore op 14 September 1879 in Chillicothe, Ohio, die seun van Andrew Jackson Roberts (1852–1927), 'n gegradueerde van Oberlin College, en Ellen Wayles Hemings (1856-1940), die dogter van Madison Hemings en Mary Hughes McCoy, 'n vrye vrou van kleur. Ellen was 5'10 "met blou oë en die kleindogter van Sally Hemings en Thomas Jefferson. (Toe die Jefferson -biograaf Fawn Brodie 'n familiefoto van Ellen sien, het sy gesê dat sy die sterk ooreenkoms met Jefferson kon sien.) [1]

Toe Frederick ses was, verhuis sy gesin in 1885 na Los Angeles, waar sy pa die eerste lykhuis in swart stad in die stad stig. Die Roberts het 'n tweede seun, William Giles Roberts, gehad. Hulle en hul afstammelinge het prominent geword in die Los Angeles -omgewing, met 'n sterk tradisie van universiteitsopleiding en werk in staatsdiens. [1] Frederick Roberts het die Hoërskool Los Angeles bygewoon en sy eerste bekende gegradueerde van Afro-Amerikaanse afkoms geword.

Roberts het aan die Universiteit van Suid-Kalifornië (USC) begin studeer, waar hy in die voorregte studeer het. Hy gaan voort aan die Colorado College, waar hy studeer. Hy het ook die Barnes-Worsham School of Embalming and Mortuary Science bygewoon.

In 1908 het Roberts begin met die redigering van die Colorado Springs Light koerant. Terwyl hy in Colorado was, het hy ook as adjunk -assessor vir die provinsie El Paso gedien. Hy is na Mound Bayou, Mississippi, waar hy 'n paar jaar gedien het as skoolhoof van Mound Bayou Normal and Industrial Institute, een van 'n aantal skole wat vir Afro -Amerikaners in die geskeide staatstelsel gestig is. [2]

In 1912 keer Roberts terug na Los Angeles, waar hy stig Die New Age Dispatch koerant (later genoem Nuwe Era), wat hy tot 1948 geredigeer het. [1] Toe hy 'n vennootskap met sy pa in die lykshuis gehad het, het hulle dit A.J. Roberts & Seun. Uiteindelik het hy dit oorgeneem. [2]

As koerantredakteur en sake-eienaar het Roberts 'n prominente leier geword in die groeiende Afro-Amerikaanse gemeenskap van Los Angeles. In die 20ste eeu het mense in die Groot Migrasie uit die suide na die noordelike, midwestelike en westelike state aangekom. Hy behoort aan 'n Metodiste -kerk. Hy word ook lid van die National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) en die Urban League, verenigings wat vroeg in die 20ste eeu gestig is om te werk vir politieke en burgerregte vir swartes. [3]

In 1921 trou Roberts met Pearl Hinds, wat aan die Boston Conservatory of Music gestudeer het. Hulle het dogters Gloria, wat 'n professionele klassieke pianis geword het, en Patricia, wat in Los Angeles gewoon het. [1]

In 1918 is Roberts uit die 62ste distrik verkies tot die Kaliforniese staatsvergadering as 'n Republikein in 'n harde veldtog, waartydens sy hoofmededinger rassisties teen hom gemaak het. [3] Terwyl hy in die amp was, het Roberts wetgewing geborg om die Universiteit van Kalifornië in Los Angeles te vestig en openbare onderwys te verbeter, en verskeie burgerregte en anti-lynchmaatreëls voorgestel. [2] In Junie 1922 verwelkom hy die swart nasionalistiese leier Marcus Garvey van die UNIA in Los Angeles en ry in sy parade -motor. [1]

Roberts is herhaaldelik herkies en het 'n aaneenlopende totaal van 16 jaar gedien, wat bekend geword het as die "dekaan van die vergadering". Hy was 'n vriend van Earl Warren, goewerneur van Kalifornië, wat hoofregter van die Verenigde State geword het. [1] In die middeltermynverkiesings van 1934, na die verkiesing van die demokraat Franklin Delano Roosevelt as president twee jaar tevore te midde van die Groot Depressie, is Roberts verslaan deur 'n Demokratiese Afro-Amerikaanse kandidaat, Augustus F. Hawkins. Na sy nederlaag van die staatsvergadering in Kalifornië in 1934, het Roberts twee keer sonder sukses na die Huis van Verteenwoordigers gehardloop. Tot dan toe is nog geen Afro -Amerikaner verkies om Kalifornië in die Amerikaanse kongres te verteenwoordig nie.

Vanaf die laat dertigerjare en die vroeë veertigerjare het die tweede golf van die Groot Migrasie tienduisende Afro -Amerikaners uit die suide van die Verenigde State na die Los Angeles -gebied gebring vir werk in die groeiende verdedigingsbedrywe. In 1946 het Roberts hom beywer vir die 14de kongresdistrik teen die huidige Helen Gahagan Douglas, maar sy het haar sitplek behou. [3] 'n Paar jaar later verloor Douglas 'n sterk omstrede Amerikaanse senaatwedloop teen die Republikein Richard M. Nixon.

Op die aand van 18 Julie 1952, enkele dae nadat hy die Republikeinse Nasionale Konvensie van 1952 bygewoon het, het Roberts ernstige beserings opgedoen toe die motor waarmee hy gery het, deur 'n ander voertuig naby sy huis in Los Angeles getref is. [4] Hy sterf die volgende middag in die Los Angeles County General Hospital. Roberts word begrawe by die Evergreen Cemetery. [3] Hy is oorleef deur sy vrou en twee dogters.


Ongeveer vyf jaar gelede het ek Mary Margaret Wiley gebel, wat van 1954 tot 1962 as persoonlike sekretaris van president Lyndon Johnson gedien het. Ek skryf 'n hoofstuk oor LBJ vir my boek Eerste vaders: Ouerskap en politiek van George Washington tot Barack Obama, en ek het gedink dat Wiley lig kan werp op Johnson se verhoudings met sy dogters, Lynda en Luci.

Toe ek myself as 'n biograaf identifiseer, skiet Wiley terug: 'Wil u die vuil hê?'

'Nee', het ek geantwoord, 'ek is geïnteresseerd om met u te gesels oor hoe LBJ met sy kinders omgegaan het.'

Sonder meer het Wiley, wat verlede herfs op 85 -jarige ouderdom gesterf het, die telefoon laat sak. My onderhoud was verby voordat ek 'n enkele vraag kon stel. Ek was verbaas oor haar opmerking en draai na LBJ: Argitek van Amerikaanse ambisie deur Randall Woods. Wiley het ook nie met Woods gepraat nie, maar hy het baie oor haar geleer deur te praat met haar opvolger, Marie Fehmer, wat van 1962 tot 1969 vir Johnson gewerk het. In haar onderhoud met Woods het Fehmer gesê dat Wiley en Johnson 'n lang verhouding gehad het . En Fehmer het ook erken dat LBJ haar probeer verlei het. In November 1962, net 'n paar maande nadat sy by Wiley oorgeneem het, het Johnson aangebied om Fehmer in 'n woonstel in New York te laat woon, as sy sou instem om sy kind te hê - 'n voorstel wat sy beleefd van die hand gewys het.

Die 'vuilheid' waarop Wiley sinspeel, het waarskynlik iets te doen gehad met die feit dat ons 36ste president 'n seksuele roofdier was wat sy sekretarisse aangeval het. Soos opgemerk deur Woods en 'n paar ander Johnson -kroniekskrywers - sê biograaf Robert Dallek en jarelange assistent George Reedy - het hy ook herhaaldelik sy vroulike personeel betas. Die presidensiële toespraakskrywer Horace Busby het berig dat hy, terwyl hy op die agterste sitplek van 'n motor gesit het, Johnson 'n vrou met haar een hand onder haar romp sien gryp het terwyl hy met die ander hand gery het.

Verbasend genoeg, in die eerste vier volumes van The Years of Lyndon Johnson, die definitiewe kroniek van LBJ se lewe en loopbaan, sê Robert Caro 'n woord oor die president se roofgedrag. (Hy voltooi nou die vyfde en laaste deel.) In sy nuwe boek Werk, 'n inleiding tot sy benadering tot biografie, bied Caro sy rede. Caro verduidelik sy magnum opus, sê min oor “die baie vroue met wie Lyndon Johnson seks gehad het ... omdat dit nie vir hom persoonlik betekenisvol was of dat dit verband hou met sy politieke of regeringsaktiwiteite nie”.

Die 83-jarige Caro verduidelik ook waarom hy net twee van die sake van LBJ in detail behandel-met Alice Glass, die vrou van Johnson se mentor, Charles Marsh, en met die Kaliforniese kongresvrou Helen Gahagan Douglas. Soos Caro opgemerk het, was hierdie vroue in hul eie reg politieke spelers: 'Alice Glass was in werklikheid nie net nog 'n bimbo nie ... [sy] het 'n politieke verstand gehad wat haar advies oor politiek die moeite werd gemaak het om na te luister, soveel dat daar oomblikke was toe haar advies was deurslaggewend in die besluite van Lyndon Johnson. ”

Hierdie onreflektiewe gebruik van die misogynistiese term bimbo is ontstellend, veral te midde van die #MeToo -beweging. Na alles, bimbo is in die vroeë 1990's deur die assistent van Bill Clinton, Betsey Wright, in die politieke leksikon ingespuit - 'n stap waaroor sy nou baie spyt is. Terwyl die goewerneur van Arkansas voorberei het op sy eerste bod in die Withuis, het Wright 'n lys saamgestel van al die vroue met wie Clinton 'n seksuele ontmoeting gehad het, wat die veldtog gereed was om te reageer as een van hierdie vroue ooit praat aan die pers - of, om haar berugte woorde te gebruik, in die geval van 'bimbo -uitbarstings'. Vir Wright was die skande vir hierdie ontmoetings altyd meer op die vroue (byvoorbeeld lounge lounge, Gennifer Flowers) eerder as op haar baas. En Wright was nooit gepla oor die feit dat sommige van hierdie 'bimbos' (sê Paula Jones of Juanita Broaddrick) geloofwaardige verhale het om te vertel nie van konsensuele seks nie, maar van teistering of selfs verkragting.

Hoe presies spreek Caro LBJ se verhoudings met ander vroue as sy vrou, Lady Bird, aan The Years of Lyndon Johnson? Van die begin af is Caro duidelik dat die diep onsekerheid van LBJ sy sekslewe beïnvloed het. In Die pad na mag, stel hy lesers voor aan 'Jumbo', die naam wat Johnson aan sy manlike lid gegee het. Caro merk op dat Johnson op die universiteit baie van baie minnaars spog en vir sy broer, Sam, sê: 'Wel, ek moet Jumbo hierheen neem en hom oefen. Ek wonder wie ek vanaand gaan fok. ” Maar soos Caro opgemerk het, het die jong Johnson sy seksuele misdrywe oordryf tot op die punt van vervaardiging.

In die volgende bundel, Middel van styging, leer ons van Johnson se intense verbintenis met Alice Glass, met wie hy 'n verhouding begin het in 1937, drie jaar na sy huwelik. Caro beklemtoon Glass se intellektuele sterkte en merk op dat 'sy 'n politieke skerpsinnigheid gehad het wat so sterk was dat die moeilikste politici in Texas dit geniet het om met haar politiek te praat.' Glass wou graag Johnson se vrou wees, maar hy was nie bereid om die politieke selfmoord wat 'n egskeiding sou meebring, te hof nie. Caro merk ook op dat Johnson nie weggeskram het om met ander vroue op Glass te bedrieg nie - maar hierdie vroue word naamloos. Aan die begin van Meester van die Senaat, Beskryf Caro die verhouding met Helen Gahagan Douglas, wat van 1944 tot ongeveer 1949 geduur het. Hy beklemtoon ook dat hulle band sterk politieke wortels het. Hy haal Douglas aan, wat gesê het dat '' 'wedersydse bewondering van Franklin Roosevelt' hulle tot mekaar aangetrek het.

In Werk, Beklemtoon Caro dat sy boeke beter geklassifiseer is as studies oor politieke mag as as biografieë en dat hy gretig is om die effek van daardie mag op gewone Amerikaners aan te toon. Van Robert Moses skryf hy: 'Ek het net kon nie skryf die boek oor die groot snelbouer - kon dit nie eers uiteensit nie - sonder om die menslike koste van wat hy gedoen het, te toon. Daar was werklik geen keuse nie. ” Tog ignoreer Caro dat een van die belangrikste dryfvere vir LBJ se ambisie was om meer mag uit te oefen oor vroue - sodat hy meer sukses kon behaal in sy pogings om 'Jumbo' uit te oefen. Soos George Reedy dit stel, "Seks aan Johnson was deel van die buit van die oorwinning."

Soos Robert Dallek berig, Johnson "wou hê dat pragtige vroue vir hom moet werk en hulle as 'n eerlike spel beskou het" gedurende sy loopbaan in 'n elektiewe amp. Dallek voeg by dat Johnson, wat vir sy hulpverleners in die Withuis sou spog dat hy "per ongeluk meer vroue gehad het as wat Kennedy ooit opsetlik gehad het", nie sou huiwer om die Oval Office as 'n plek vir seksuele aktiwiteite te gebruik nie.

Terwyl Caro kortliks verwys na Johnson se teisterende eise aan sy vroulike personeellede - soos sy aandrang dat hulle gewig verloor - gooi hy hierdie kommentaar in 'n kort gedeelte oor hoe LBJ almal wat vir hom gewerk het, mans en vroue, emosioneel misbruik het. Opmerklik is dat Caro nalaat om te noem hoe LBJ herhaaldelik die fisiese grense van sy vroulike werknemers binnegedring het deur dit te betas. Hierdie merkwaardige weglating deur die vooraanstaande biograaf van Amerika, wie se werk andersins so deeglik en sensitief is, dui op die diepte van die probleem wat die #MeToo -beweging probeer regstel - dat die seksuele geweld wat deur geslagte werkende vroue verduur is, byna heeltemal begrawe is .

In die inleiding tot Die pad na mag, Identifiseer Caro 'n donker draad wat deur Johnson se lewe loop, wat hy omskryf as ''n honger na mag in sy naakste vorm, na mag om nie die lewens van ander te verbeter nie, maar om hulle te manipuleer en te oorheers, om hulle te buig na sy wil . ” Miskien is hierdie wrede streep nêrens meer opvallend as in Johnson se verhoudings met sy vroulike personeellede nie. Dat hierdie uitputtende kroniekskrywer wat so ontroerend oor Johnson se ander karaktergebreke skryf, sy wrede vrouehaat uitkyk, is verbasend-en wys op 'n jarelange blinde kol, nie net in die presidensiële biografie nie, maar ook in die algemene kultuur.


Helen Gahagan Douglas - die oorspronklike filmster -politikus

Deesdae lyk hulle selfs meer moeg as 'n cliché - bekende politici.

U het die tweede generasie pro-worstel-titaan Linda McMahon wat vir die openbare amp in Connecticut hardloop. U het 'n komediant Al Franken wat in die Amerikaanse senaat in Minnesota dien, dieselfde staat wat - van stoei gesproke - eenmaal vir Jesse "The Body" Ventura tot goewerneur verkies het.

Natuurlik is daar ook Arnold Schwarzenegger. En elke paar maande lyk dit asof daar 'n fluistering is dat rolprentsterre van George Clooney tot Alec Baldwin die sprong van die groot skerm na die politieke wêreld gaan maak.

Uiteindelik is daar die voormalige akteur wat skynbaar die spoor opblaas het vir tydfilmsterre wat die politiek wil binnedring - Ronald Reagan.

Maar ongeveer dieselfde tyd maak die jong Reagan films soos Bedtime for Bonzo, 'n ander voormalige akteur maak golwe in Washington. Toe 'n vrou in die veertigerjare die politieke lewe betree, het sy iets of twee geweet van 'n baanbreker.

En sy het nie geweet dat haar toekoms 'n berugte kragmeting met 'n opkomende politieke ster met die naam Richard Nixon gehad het nie, en 'n liefdesverhouding met nog 'n kongreslid met 'n toekoms genaamd Lyndon Johnson.

Nie sleg vir 'n Jersey -meisie wie se pa in Ierland gebore is nie.

Haar naam was Helen Gahagan Douglas. 'N Onlangs gepubliseerde boek, The Pink Lady: The Many Lives of Helen Gahagan Douglas (Bloomsbury Press), het die belangstelling in die lang, ingewikkelde lewe van hierdie aktrise-politikus opgewek.

Sy is gebore in New Jersey, maar het grootgeword in Brooklyn. Haar pa, 'n ingenieur, was nie juis geïnteresseerd in artistieke aktiwiteite nie.

Nietemin het Helen 'n loopbaan op die verhoog gevolg. Maar sy het altyd politieke opinies gekweek - insluitend Ierse.

As deel van 'n mondelinge geskiedenisprojek in die sewentigerjare het Gahagan dit oor haar dae as skoolmeisie gesê: 'Die enigste kwessie waaroor ek passievol was, was die onafhanklikheid van Ierland. Absoluut passievol daaroor. ”

Die onderhoudvoerder vra dan: 'Het u nog baie ander Iere daar gehad wat aan u kant was?'

Douglass antwoord: "Nee, nee, nee."

Teen die 1920's was Gahagan 'n Broadway -ster. In 1931 trou sy met die voorste man Melvyn Douglas.

Haar enigste rol in Hollywood was in die film She, wat handel oor 'n vrou met die mag om stamme in die natuur van Afrika te tem.

Dit was in 1944 dat Douglas die eerste vrou geword het wat 'n demokraat in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers verkies is. Nie verrassend verteenwoordig Douglas Kalifornië wat dekades later mense soos Sonny Bono, Reagan en Schwarzenegger in die openbare amp sou verkies nie.

Douglas was 'n onbeskaamde liberalis wat volgens Lyndon Johnson se mees bekroonde biograaf Robert Caro in die veertigerjare 'n liefdesverhouding met die toekomstige president gehad het.

Dit was in 1950 dat Douglas die geskiedenis agtervolg en na die Amerikaanse senaatsitplek gehardloop het. Sy was gekant teen 'n ambisieuse mede -kongreslid met die naam Richard Nixon.

Nixon het reeds geleer dat die opskud van anti-kommunistiese histerie 'n goeie manier was om politieke punte te behaal. Dus het hy beroemd na Douglas verwys as die 'Pink Lady'. Die voorstel was dat Douglas nie 'n Commie "Red" is nie, maar sy was baie naby daaraan.

Nixon het geweet wat hy doen. Hy het die verkiesing maklik gewen.

Vir wat dit werd is, verdien Douglas 'n mate van wraak. Daar word geglo dat sy die beroemde frase 'Tricky Dick' bedink het, met verwysing na Nixon.

Herinneringe aan die Douglas-Nixon-geveg het nie maklik gesterf nie. Toe Nixon in die sewentigerjare in die Watergate -kontroversie betrokke was, was plakkersplakkers met die titel 'Don't Blame Me, I Voted for Helen Gahagan Douglas' gewilde items.

Douglas het nog 30 jaar geleef voordat sy in 1980 gesterf het (ja, die jaar toe Reagan verkies is).

Volgende keer as u 'n beroemdheid hoor praat oor politiek en om die pos wil gaan, dink aan Helen Gahagan Douglas.

U kan haar krediet gee of haar die skuld gee dat sy hierdie gemors veroorsaak het. Maar dink ten minste aan haar.


� Presidensiële wedloop ” Republikeine


Richard Nixon, middel, word omring deur Dan Rowan, links en Dick Martin regs, van 'Rowan and Martin's Laugh-In' TV-program tydens die veldtog in Oktober 1968 in Burbank, CA. Nixon verskyn middel-September 1968 op 'Laugh-In' in die humoristiese 'sokkie-vir-my'-segment, wat later hieronder behandel word. (AP -foto)

Histories was Republikeine meer agterdogtig teenoor liberaal-neigende Hollywood as demokrate. En Hollywood self, veral ná die kommunistiese heksejagte van die laat veertiger- en vyftigerjare, was oor die algemeen politiek.

Mense in Hollywood is oor die algemeen bang om aktief in die politiek te wees, het die akteur Dick Powell in September 1960 gesê. partytjie. ”

'N Ander akteur, Vincent Price, het in dieselfde onderhoud van 1960 bygevoeg: “ Hier in Hollywood is akteurs nie veronderstel om politieke opinies te hê nie. Maar baie het dit natuurlik.

Dick Powell, byvoorbeeld, was toe in September 1960 aan die hoof van 'n groep Hollywood-Republikeine wat die Richard Nixon-Henry Cabot Lodge-kaartjie ondersteun en daarna vir die Withuis bie. Maar teen die later 1960's, en veral in 1968, sou die betrokkenheid van beroemdhede by die politiek baie meer prominent word.


Ronald & Nancy Reagan op 'n oorwinningspartytjie nadat hy die goewerneurren van Kalifornië in 1966 gewen het.

Murphy & Reagan

In die middel van die sestigerjare het Republikeinse akteurs trouens begin hardloop om die openbare amp te wen en te wen. Die akteur/danser George Murphy is in 1964 in die Amerikaanse senaat verkies, en die akteur Ronald Reagan het die goewerneurwedren in Kalifornië in 1966 gewen. Murphy was 'n rolprentakteur wat saam met Shirley Temple in die film van 1938 gedans het Klein juffrou Broadway en het teenoor Judy Garland opgetree in Klein Nellie Kelly (1940). Murphy het in die vyftigerjare aktief in die politiek van Kalifornië begin werk en het as direkteur van vermaak gedien vir die presidensiële inhuldiging van Dwight Eisenhower van 1953 en 1957. Teen 1964 het Murphy self 'n politikus geword en 'n Amerikaanse senatestoel in Kalifornië gewen.

Ronald Reagan was 'n rolprentakteur in die 1930's en 1940's, het in verskillende films verskyn, en het ook 'n bekende TV -gasheer van die 1950's geword vir die gewilde “ General Electric Theatre. Hollywood films. Benewens die wenkantoor van Reagan en Murphy, het een van Hollywood se bekendste kindersterre uit die veertigerjare, Shirley Temple, in 1967 vir 'n oop sitplek in die kongres gehardloop, maar nie gewen nie. Teen die tyd van die presidentsverkiesing in 1968, met Ronald Reagan as goewerneur in Kalifornië en George Murphy in die Amerikaanse senaat, was Hollywood en sy bekendes duidelik 'n teenwoordigheid in die Republikeinse politiek. Maar onder die kandidate vir die Republikeinse presidensiële benoeming daardie jaar was die baie voormalige vise-president, Richard M. Nixon.

Nixon ’s Rise


Nixon juig homself oor die verkiesingsopbrengste in 1950 in die nederlaag van die demokraat Helen Gahagan-Douglas in die Amerikaanse senaat.

Nixon het in 1946 die eerste keer op die nasionale toneel gekom, verkies as 'n kongreslid uit Kalifornië. In Washington het hy in die laat veertigerjare vinnig 'n loopbaan vir homself gemaak as lid van die House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), wat vermeende kommuniste in die regering en in Hollywood agtervolg het. Alhoewel Nixon bekend geword het vir sy rol in die saak Alger Hiss en 'n amptenaar van die staatsdepartement wat daarvan beskuldig word dat hy 'n Sowjet -spioen was, het hy HUAC ook gehelp om Hollywood -akteurs en -bestuurders te ondersoek wat verdink word van kommunistiese aktiwiteite of hul lojaliteit ontbreek. In verhore in 1947 het hy byvoorbeeld vir Jack Warner van Warner Brothers gevra: "Hoeveel anti-kommunistiese films het jy gemaak?"


George Murphy, wat hier in 1938 saam met Shirley Temple vertoon word, het Richard Nixon gehelp in sy bod vir die Withuis in 1960 en het self in 1964 'n Amerikaanse senator geword.

As 'n jong kongreslid en daarna 'n senator het Nixon vinnig in die Republikeinse party opgestaan ​​en in 1952 die onderpresident van Dwight D. Eisenhower geword as 'n lid van die president (alhoewel Nixon daardie jaar 'n kwessie van kontroversie gehad het, wat hom amper sy loopbaan gekos het sien) 8220Nixon ’s Checker ’s Speech ”). Die Eisenhower/ Nixon -kaartjie het in elk geval twee agtereenvolgende terme gewen — 1952 en 1956. Maar toe Nixon in 1960 vir president, teen John F. Kennedy, hardloop, verloor hy. Toe, in 1962, probeer hy om die goewerneur van Kalifornië te word en verloor weer, hierdie keer vir die demokraat Pat Brown. In elk van hierdie verkiesings, vanaf die vroeë vyftigerjare, was daar altyd 'n kontingent van Hollywood, sowel akteurs as ateljees wat Nixon en/of die Eisenhower/Nixon -kaartjie ondersteun. Nixon ontmoet die eerste keer die entertainer Bob Hope in die 1950's toe Nixon vise -president was. Hoop sou daarna 'n vriend en ondersteuner word. In 1960, toe Nixon vir die Withuis gehardloop het, het Hollywood -sterre George Murphy en Helen Hayes 'n “Celebrities for Nixon Committee gevorm. ”


Nixon het Bob Hope in die 1950's ontmoet toe hy vise -president by Eisenhower was. Hope het 'n Nixon -ondersteuner geword en word hier in September 1969 saam met president Nixon in die Oval Office vertoon.


Nixon op die Jack Paar TV -program, vermoedelik Maart 1963. Parr hou die boek van Nixon, 'Six Crises', wat in 1962 gepubliseer is, in besit.

Verlies aan Pat Brown

Maar nadat Nixon sleg verloor het vir Pat Brown in die 1962 -goewerneur in Kalifornië met byna 300 000 stemme, het hy aangekla dat die media Brown bevoordeel het. Baie kenners het destyds gedink Nixon was klaar as politikus, veral omdat hy die dag ná sy verlies verklaar het: “Jy sal Nixon nie meer laat rondskop nie, want, menere, dit is my laaste perskonferensie. ” Maar etlike maande later verskyn Nixon op Die Jack Paar -program, ('n gespreksprogram soortgelyk aan dié van David Letterman of Jay Leno van vandag) en laat die deur oop vir sy politieke toekoms.

En seker genoeg, teen die middel van die 1960's, styg Richard Nixon uit die as van sy vorige verliese, op pad na een van die grootste politieke terugkeer in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Nixon het hom aangesluit by 'n prokureursfirma in New York ná sy nederlaag in Kalifornië, en het van daar die grondslag gelê vir sy terugkeer. Hy het hom sterk beywer vir Republikeine tydens die kongresverkiesings van 1966, wat 'n belangrike basis van skuldige lede was. Republikeine het in die verkiesing 47 Huisstoele bygevoeg, drie in die Senaat en agt goewerneurskappe. Nixon was ook op reis en bevorder sy idees oor nasionale politiek en internasionale aangeleenthede onder Republikeinse insiders. Dit was dus geen verrassing vir die gereelde partye in Januarie 1968 nie, toe hy formeel sy kandidatuur vir die Republikeinse presidensiële benoeming aangekondig het.

Romney, Rocky & Reagan


In 'n peiling in 1967 het die goewerneur van Michigan, George Romney, 'n voormalige uitvoerende hoof van die motoronderneming, Nixon onder gematigdes gelei.
Nelson Rockefeller, wat op Time se voorblad in Augustus 1960 verskyn het, het voorheen vir Nixon gesukkel om die benoeming en verloor.

In die eerste voorverkiesing van 1968 — New Hampshire op 12 Maart, nou sonder Romney —, het Nixon 78 persent van die stemme gekry. Republikeine skryf in die naam van Rockefeller, wat nog nie bekend was nie, wat 11 persent van die stemme gekry het.

Rockefeller het iets van 'n huiwerige kandidaat geword, maar het partylede en ander toegelaat om namens hom te werk. Uiteindelik het Rockefeller wel in die veldtog begin en 'n plan voorgestel om van Viëtnam af te skakel en bied hy ook 'n paar nuwe Republikeinse strategieë om stedelike probleme aan te spreek. Maar gedurende die primêre seisoen van 1968 het Nixon oor die algemeen Rockefeller gelei in die peilings, hoewel Rockefeller die voorverkiesing van 30 April in Massachusetts gewen het.

Die ander Republikeinse kandidaat wat toe op die horison was, en 'n moontlike probleem vir Nixon, was Ronald Reagan, 'n filmster.


Ronald Reagan en Nancy Davis speel in 1957 se 'Hellcats of the Navy' deur Columbia Pictures.

Teen 1968, met steun van konserwatiewes, het Reagan as 'n sterk uitdager van Nixon voorgekom. Volgens Gene Kopelson, skrywer van Reagan ’s 1968 Dress Repetition: Ike, RFK, and Reagan ’s Emergence as a World Statesman (2016), was Reagan destyds gedeeltelik begelei deur president Eisenhower, en hy beskou eintlik demokraat Robert F. Kennedy as sy belangrikste potensiële politieke mededinger. Tydens sy bod in 1968 het Reagan eers die kwessies wat hy in sy latere presidentskap sou bespreek, aan die orde gestel - die Berlynse muur afbreek, 'n antimissiele verdedigingsskild voorstel en die vryheid agter die ystergordyn beywer. Tydens die wedstryd van 1968 het Reagan veldtogpersoneel in die hele land gehad, en hy het hom toegespits op die Wisconsin-, Oregon- en Nebraska -voorverkiesings. In die Nebraska -voorverkiesing van 14 Mei was hy die hoofmededinger van Nixon. Tog het Nixon 70 persent van die stemme daar geneem tot 21 persent vir Reagan en 5 persent vir Rockefeller. Nixon het voortgegaan om die voorverkiesing te wen, met die uitsondering van Kalifornië, wat hy toegegee het aan Reagan — 'n primêre waarin slegs die naam van Reagan op die stembrief verskyn het.

Die groot marge van Reagan in Kalifornië het hom egter 'n noue voorsprong gegee in die land se primêre volksstem en Reagan het 1,696,632 stemme of 37,93% vergeleke met Nixon en 1,679,443 stemme of 37,54%. Sommige meen dat as Reagan 'n toegewyde wedloop vir die benoeming gemaak het en 'n meer vasberade veldtog vroeër uitgevoer het, hy Nixon sou kon klop. Teen die tyd dat die Republikeinse Nasionale Konvensie in Augustus 1968 vergader het, het Nixon 656 afgevaardigdes gehad, wat slegs nog 11 nodig was om die nominasie op 667 te bereik. kon nie wag om vir Reagan te stem as Nixon gestop is nie.

Bekendes vir Nixon


Nixon word hier getoon saam met Rudy Vallee in die 1960's. Vallee was 'n bekende radio- en Hollywood -filmster van die 1930's en#038 1940's.
Die rolprent van John Wayne, 'The Green Berets', is in Julie 1968 vrygestel.

Wayne het Nixon gesteun oor Kennedy in die presidensiële wedloop van 1960, en in 1968 het hy weer vir Nixon gesteun. Wayne hou van Nixon vanweë sy anti-kommunistiese houding. Wayne, 'n voorstander van die Viëtnam -oorlog, was 'n kritikus van Lyndon Johnson se hantering van die oorlog. Wayne het destyds 'n gewilde oorlogsfilm gemaak wat Vietnam en#8212 'n baie patriotiese film gebruik het Die Groen Barette (Junie-Julie 1968). Die film het 'n première in Atlanta, Georgia, op 25 Junie 1968, wat saamgeval het met die viering van die stad, Salute To America en#8220. Wayne het as grootmaarskalk in die parade gedien, en die algemene byeenkoms het ongeveer 300 000 mense gelok. Die Groen Barette film is intussen juig in die suide, maar protesteer in noordelike stede en universiteitsdorpe. Die veldtogpersoneel van Nixon het opgemerk dat Wayne 'n beroep op bloukraagkiesers en 'n sekere deel van die wit suidelike stem gehad het. Een van die destydse veldtog -assistente van Nixon, Kevin Philips, verduidelik dat Wayne 'n beroep doen op 'n deel kiesers wat Nixon nodig het: Wayne klink miskien sleg vir mense in New York, en hy het gesê, maar hy klink groot plesier vir ons wat ons probeer bereik deur John Wayne — die mense daar langs die Yahoo -gordel. As ek tyd gehad het, het ek gaan kyk op watter gebiede Die Groen Barette is gehou [in teaters], en ek speel 'n spesiale reeks John Wayne [Nixon -veldtog] plekke waar dit ook al was. ” Wayne sou ook in Augustus tydens die Republikeinse Konvensie in Miami spreek.


Green Bay Packer -agterspeler Bart Starr - op 'n 'Sport Illustrated' voorblad van Jan 1967 vertoon - was 'n Nixon -ondersteuner in 1968.

Bart Starr & Wilt

Onder ander ondersteuners van Nixon was bekende atlete, waaronder die voormalige swaargewig -bokskampioen Joe Louis, die basketbalster Wilt Chamberlain van Los Angeles Lakers en Bart Starr, agterspeler van Green Bay Packer. Joe Louis was toe al lank afgetree uit die boksring, maar sy naam was nog steeds bekend by sportliefhebbers. Bart Starr was destyds waarskynlik die bekendste professionele voetbalspeler in die land. Hy het die Packers na die NFL -kampioenskappe gelei in 1961, 1962, 1965, 1966 en 1967. In 1966 en 1967 het hy die Packers ook tot oortuigende oorwinnings in die eerste twee Super Bowls gelei en is hy aangewys as die waardevolste speler van albei wedstryde.

Die basketbalspeler Wilt Chamberlain, LeBron James en Shaqueal O . Hy sou Nixon help om uit te reik na die swart gemeenskap en Nixon se idees oor swart kapitalisme uit te spreek.


Tex Ritter, wat die beroemde flieklied uit 1952, 'Do not Forsake Me Oh, My Darlin' gesing het, was in 1968 'n Nixon -ondersteuner.

'N Ander ondersteuner van Nixon in 1968 was Tex Ritter, 'n singende cowboy wat in die laat 1920's 'n radioloopbaan begin het, en ook sukses behaal het met radio, film, Broadway en opnames. Ritter, pa van die ontslape akteur John Ritter, was ook bekend daarvoor dat hy die beroemde gesing het Hoogmiddag filmlied van 1952, “Do Not Forse Me Oh My Darlin. ” Dit het 'n Oscar -toekenning vir die beste liedjie van die jaar gewen en ook 'n gewilde treffer geword. Ritter sing die Hoogmiddag lied by die Oscar -toekenningsgeleentheid in 1953, die eerste wat op televisie uitgesaai is. By 1968, Ritter had also become quite active in Republican politics, supporting the runs of various candidates including, John Tower of Texas, Howard Baker of Tennessee, George Murphy of California, Barry Goldwater of Arizona, and Ronald Reagan in California. A personal friend of Nixon’s, Ritter also wrote a campaign song for Nixon in 1968. On one occasion when Ritter was on tour in Germany, Nixon arranged for a plane to meet Ritter and his wife so that Ritter could entertain a political gathering being held for Nixon in Nashville, Tennessee where nearly 25,000 supporters were gathered. Nixon would also garner the support from Roy Ackuff of the Grand Ole Oprey.


Republican convention in Miami, August 1972, where Nixon was nominated on the first ballot.

Miami Convention

On August 5, 1968 at the opening of Republican National Convention, Miami Beach Convention Center in Miami Beach, Florida, there were mini-skirted Rockefeller girls, Nixon men on stilts costumed as Uncle Sam, and live elephants out in the street. Celebrities such as Hugh O’Brien and John Wayne were on hand too. On the first morning of the convention, delegates cheered enthusiastically as John Wayne spoke. Nelson Rockefeller, technically still in the running at that point, had his celebrities, too — among them, Kitty Carlisle, Teresa Wright, Nancy Ames, Hildegarde, and singer Billy Daniels. On the evening of August 7th, 1968, an estimated guest list of some 8,000 were wined and dined at a Nelson Rockefeller reception. Lionel Hampton’s band provided music, and among the guests were hundreds of celebrities.


John Wayne adressing convention.
Ronald Reagan threw his full support to Nixon at the 1968 convention.


Nixon campaigning in the Philadelphia, PA area, July 1968.

The Celebrity Preacher

Another prominent American who had the ear of the middle America, and was also a supporter of Richard Nixon in 1968, was evangelist Billy Graham. Graham was a very popular religious leader with a huge following. A long-time friend of Nixon’s, Graham had prominently supported Nixon over Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election. In the 1950s, he had also supported Eisenhower. When Nixon was Vice President, Graham arranged for Nixon to address major gatherings of Methodists, Presbyterians, among others, and wrote at least one speech for him, according to Garry Wills. Billy Graham’s huge popu- larity in the south was seen as especially helpful to Nixon’s “Southern strategy.” “Graham worked closely with Nixon in the 1968 campaign, advised him on relations with the Evangelical community, and vouched for him in that community,” explains Wills in his book Head and Heart: American Christianities. Graham’s huge popularity in the south, in particular, was regarded as especially helpful to Nixon’s “Southern strategy” in 1968, a bid to appeal to conservative white Democrats in southern states, many still fearful of racial desegregation. Although Graham had desegregated his own religious activities in the South during the 1950s, he denounced civil rights agitators in the 1960s. His endorsement of “law and order” fit nicely with Nixon’s plan to attract Southern whites to the Republican side by denouncing liberal activists.


Billy Graham & Richard Nixon, 1970.

Connie & Jackie


Popular singer Connie Francis, shown here on an album cover, made a TV ad for Nixon in 1968.
Jackie Gleason, popular in his 1950s ‘Honeymooners’ TV sit-com, shown here in the 1961 film ‘The Hustler.’

In the fall of 1968, Jackie Gleason, the TV entertainer and film actor — making his first endorsement in national politics — threw his support to Richard Nixon. Gleason was the star of The Jackie Gleason Show en Die wittebrood, both of which were popular TV shows of the 1950s and early 1960s. Gleason had also made a few movies by then, including The Hustler of 1961, in which he played opposite Paul Newman as pool shark Minnesota Fats. ( Newman had supported Democrat Eugene McCarthy). Gleason in 1968 was still a popular celebrity and had a following throughout the country.

In the fall campaign, Gleason kicked off a one-hour long televised rally for Nixon from New York’s Madison Square Garden on October 31, 1968. He introduced the hour with his personal endorsement of Nixon, stating on the tape it was his first ever political endorsement as he made his appeal to voters.

On the tape, after a narrator introduces Gleason — who is dressed in a dapper suit with a carnation in his lapel — he makes his pitch:


Nixon with Jackie Gleason on golf course.

“I love this country. It’s been good to me — beyond my wildest dreams. And because I love America so much, lately I’ve been concerned. Like a lot of you, I’m concerned about where American is going in the next four years. That’s why I’ve decided to speak up for Richard Nixon. He sees it like it is. And he tells it like its is. I’ve never made a public choice like this before. But I think our country needs Dick Nixon — and we need him now. I think we’ll all feel a lot safer with him in the White House.
In the next hour, you’re going to see him, hear him speak. Listen to him. Make up your own mind. Never mind what everybody else tells you he says. Listen to him say it, yourself. And see if you don’t agree with me. Dick Nixon’s time has come. We need him. You and I need him. America needs him. The world needs him. …And so Madison Square Garden, ‘a-wa-a-a-y we go!’.”


Richard Nixon with Jimmy Stewart, Fred MacMurray, and Bob Hope at Burbank, CA Lakeside Golf Club in January 1970. (AP photo)

In addition, both were avid golfers, and Gleason would have Nixon as a guest at some of his later celebrity and charity golf tournaments.

During his Presidential years, Nixon would also play golf with Hollywood celebrities from time to time.

T.V. Strategy


Esquire’s May 1968 cover had some fun with a stock Nixon photo mixed with some cosmetics ad copy. ‘This time he’d better look right,’ said the cover note, alluding to Nixon’s poor showing vs. JFK in 1960. Nixon did not debate Humphrey in 1968 and held few press conferences.

“Sock it To Me”

Nixon did, however, make one notable TV appearance in the 1968 election an appearance on one of the more popular TV shows of that day — Laugh-In. Formally known as Rowan and Martin’s Laugh-In, the comedy and variety show was something like the Saturday Night Live of its day, though more of a fad show. But it was quite popular among the young. It offered witty skits and political barbs, and made stars of Goldie Hawn and Lily Tomlin. But most importantly for advertisers and politicians, Laugh-In had a very good rating, with millions watching. In mid-September 1968, Nixon broke from his general election campaign to appear on the show and recite the show’s signature catchphrase, “sock it to me,” often done by noted celebrities. Some believe that Nixon’s ‘sock-it-to-me’ appearance on Laugh-In helped him win the election, as it cast the otherwise formal and stodgy Nixon in a few seconds of self-deprecat- ing humor. Nixon’s taped appearance ran on September 16, 1968. Nixon himself had been reluctant to do the spot, not being a big fan of TV to begin with. And most of his aides were not very keen on the idea either, and advised against it. But one of the show’s writers, Paul Keyes, was a friend of Nixon’s, and when Nixon was out in California for a press conference they took a camera and got him aside to do the phrase. But it wasn’t easy. It took several takes. Nixon kept saying the phrase in an angry tone. Finally, Nixon did the line as a question, “Sock it to me?, with emphasis and uptick on the “me.” That was the version used, and the producer thought it made Nixon look good — so good, in fact, they thought Hubert Humphrey should appear on the show in an equal role. For Humphrey, they were thinking of using a variation of the phrase — “I’ll sock it to you, Dick” — as if responding to Nixon. But Humphrey’s handlers thought it would appear undignified, so Humphrey did not appear. Happily for Nixon, his Laugh-In appearance may have helped him in the election. Some believe that the brief clip had cast the otherwise formal and stodgy Nixon in a few seconds of self-deprecating humor. Even Humphrey would later tell the show’s producer that not making the appearance on Laugh-In might have cost him votes in the election. Nixon would also make an appearance with Laugh-In’s Dan Rowan and Dick Martin at a campaign stop in Burbank, California in October 1968 (see photo at beginning of story above).


Nixon campaigning in Philadelphia, PA, on Chestnut Street, September 1968. (AP photo).

On election day that November, in one of the closest elections in U.S. history, Nixon beat Humphrey by a slim margin. Alhoewel Nixon 302 verkiesingsstemme vir Humphrey ’s 191 geneem het, was die gewilde stem uiters naby: Nixon met 31 375 000 tot 31 125 000 vir Humphrey, of 43,4 persent tot 43,1 persent. Third party candidate George Wallace was a key factor in the race, taking more votes from Humphrey than Nixon, hurting Humphrey especially in the south and with union and working class voters in the north. Wallace recorded 9.9 million votes, or 13.5 percent of the popular vote, winning five southern states and taking 45 electoral votes. Democrats retained control of the House and Senate, but the country was now headed in a more conservative direction.

In his victory, Nixon brought some of his famous friends along with him to celebrate at the inaugural festivities. And beyond that, a few also made it into the realm of policy and received formal appointments. Shirley Temple Black was appointed by Nixon to be U. S. Representative to the United Nations. Other of Nixon’s famous friends became informal advisors and helped set a new cultural and even moral tone in the country.


Esquire magazine ran a June 1969 cover story on ‘the Nixon style’ featuring his celebrity friends (behind Nixon): Art Linkletter, Billy Graham, Rudy Vallee & Lawrence Welk.

In June 1969, Besoek magazine poked fun at the new “Nixon style” in Washington with a cover story depicting Nixon supporters Lawrence Welk, Rudy Vallee, Billy Graham, and Art Linkletter along with Nixon himself for the story, “Getting Hep to the Nixon Style.”

Nixon would subsequently win re-election in November 1972, crushing Democrat George McGovern. But the Watergate scandal — which began as a back-pages, police-blotter news story about a bungled break-in at the Democrat’s Washington, D.C. headquarters — was already in motion. Watergate would soon unravel to become a full-fledged national scandal that would shake the federal government to its core, bringing Nixon to impeachment and then resignation as President in August 1974. Meanwhile, back in California where Nixon’s career had begun, there were those who remembered the 1940s and 1950s, and proudly sported a popular bumper sticker during the Watergate years that read: “Don’t Blame Me, I Voted for Helen Gahagan-Douglas!”

Other Richard Nixon stories at this website include: “Nixon’s Checkers Speech, 1952” (during which the Vice President extricates himself from scandal through the “magic” of television) “The Frost-Nixon Biz”(covering the famous 1977 David Frost-Richard Nixon TV interviews and the related book, stage, and film productions that followed) and “Enemy of the President” (about cartoonist Paul Conrad and some of his famous Nixon Watergate cartoons). Nixon is also covered in part in, “JFK’s 1960 Campaign,” as well as “The Pentagon Papers, 1967-2018,” where the seeds of Watergate were first planted. See also at this website, the Democrats’ 1968 story at, “1968 Presidential Race – Democrats.” Dankie vir u besoek - en as u hou van wat u hier vind, maak 'n donasie om die navorsing en skryfwerk op hierdie webwerf te ondersteun. Dankie. - Jack Doyle


Newstalgia Reference Room - Helen Gahagan Douglas On Racial Discrimination - 1948


(Helen Gahagan Douglas - coined the phrase "Tricky Dick" in referring to Nixon)

Helen Gahagan Douglas had several distinctions during her short-lived career in politics. She was one of the first women to be elected to Congress, one of the very first who went from an acting profession to politics (and you thought Reagan was the first), and was probably the first to be the victim of the vicious smear tactics employed by another upstart Congressman, Richard Nixon. It was during a particularly virulent campaign that Douglas coined the phrase "Tricky Dick" in referring to Nixon. Nixon, in turn claimed "Douglas was Pink all the way down to her underwear". Ah, the good old days of ruthless personal smears!

Helen Gahagan Douglas was a Congresswoman from California who went on to be defeated in her bid for the Senate in 1948 by Richard Nixon. But up to that time, she was a tireless advocate for Civil Rights legislation and had introduced several Anti-Lynching bills to the House in the 1940's.

This talk, given in 1948 follows that theme, the subject of racial discrimination in hiring and housing.

Helen Gahagan Douglas: “We are a nation blessed by God with material riches beyond all others, Our mountains, our plains, our rivers, our harbors, have given us industry and commerce, agriculture and mining resources that are the envy and the despair of the rest of the world. Our richest and our greatest resource however, is people. People living under free and fair institutions which permit them to develop fully the talents God gave them. We waste this resource if we sanction discrimination.”

Sadly, none of her introduced legislation ever won passage and she left politics after suffering a 59% defeat in her bid for the Senate. She is probably better known today as the Woman Nixon smeared by allegedly tying her to Communist causes. But at the time she was trying to make a difference. History wound up being on her side in the end.


Helen Gahagan Douglas: The Hillary Clinton of the 1940s

As Hillary Clinton continues her “excuse” tour regarding her decisive loss to Trump, ranging from the now well-worn Russian collusion thesis to weak support from Obama during the campaign to an ineffective and shattered DNC, many Democrats have sought to acquaint her with the painful reality that she was simply a bad candidate.

Such frankness, however, has not attached itself to a cherished liberal history lesson regarding an eerily similar 1950 California Senate race between Republican Congressman Richard Nixon and Democratic Congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas. For liberals then and now, Nixon’s victory was achieved by his métier of red-baiting and character assassination, with a heavy dose of misogyny thrown into the mix.

To encapsulate all of Nixon’s admittedly thuggish attacks on Gahagan, liberals have cited his infamous mixture of anti-feminism with anti-communism, when he bellowed about Gahagan’s politics, that “she is pink right down to her underwear” (a statement the Nixon campaign borrowed verbatim from Gahagan’s Democratic primary opponent, Sheldon Boddy).

Although Nixon’s dodgy at best character, ruthlessly dishonest at worst, and the white-hot political climate of 1950, probably the most intense expression of domestic and apocalyptic anti-communism during the Cold War, owing to a series of hysteria-causing events (the fall of China to communists the Soviet acquisition of the Atomic Bomb the atomic spy trials of the Rosenbergs and the Korean War) played a considerable role in Gahagan’s defeat, the politically incorrect truth was that she was a terrible candidate.

For Douglas was the worst kind of liberal: sanctimonious, over-emotional, Manichean, and morally vain. Emulating Republican President George W. Bush’s public confusion over a scanner in a store check-out, Douglas’ attempt at populism by riding streetcars was bungled when she had to ask which end to board.

She was often was patronizing toward minorities, as when she told a black church audience that “I just love the Negro people,” and insulted a considerable number of African-American Republicans in the 1940s by writing that if she were a “Negro” she would join “liberals of all faiths, all shades.”

As with a tactic she criticized Republicans for, she often wrapped herself in the religious flag, once telling Congressional opponents of a fair-employment bill that they needed to “get on the side of God.”

Moreover, she was a poor Congresswoman, more agitator than lawmaker, who could not get any of her legislative proposals passed. Like Bill Clinton, she was long-winded and self-promoting in her speeches which narcotized audiences. She would go onto publicly praise Democratic Senator Claude Pepper, a fervent supporter of Josef Stalin, who as late as 1948 lauded the dictator’s regime as giving minorities “more freedom, recognition and respect” than anywhere else in the world.

Rarely mentioned in liberal retrospectives was that Gahagan was willing during the Senate campaign to get into the gutter with Nixon on red-baiting. Indeed, it was she who red-baited first, attacking Nixon as “the Congressman the Kremlin loves” based on the Republican’s “refusal” to support an economic aid package to South Korea.

Characterizing Nixon as representing the “failure of so many to understand the communist threat in the Far East,“ Gahagan linked Nixon’s opposition to the South Korean aid package as assuring North Korea’s invasion of the South.

As with Nixon and Senator Joseph McCarthy, her accusation was easily invalidated. Nixon’s initial refusal to support the aid package was because the bill did not also supply economic and military funding to the exiled Chiang Kai-shek government in Taiwan. When this aid was included, Nixon promptly supported the bill.

She applied this red-baiting tactic to the Republican Party as a whole, accusing those in the GOP who did not support liberal domestic programs as acting like the kind of saboteurs of “our national strength that the Communists hope to enlist.”

Such sabotage, Gahagan stated, made these Republicans worthy of joining “the Order of Stalin.”

But these accusations were self-destructive, as they aided the Nixon campaign’s strategy of making the communist issue front and center. For even his enemies such as Eleanor Roosevelt conceded that Nixon was an extremely effective and convincing speaker on the communist issue, and warned Gahagan to stay away from the issue advice she ultimately did not heed.

Gahagan was extremely vulnerable on this issue. Three years before the campaign, in 1947, Douglas was one of the few who voted against the Truman Doctrine and its objective of aiding countries threatened by the Soviets. It must be said, however, that beneath all the sanctimony and gutter politics was a figure of considerable courage and a voice of reason in a hysterical time.

Along with her husband, actor Melvyn Douglas, she was very much a premature anti-fascist (both founded the Hollywood Anti-Nazi League in 1936) and also a premature anti-Stalinist, who waged a valiant and doomed campaign against communist influence in the League, especially regarding members’ defense of the Hitler-Stalin Non-Aggression Pact in 1939—a defense that both resigned over.

A decade later, Gahagan emulated her husband (much more politically astute than her he correctly predicted that members of the Hollywood Communist Party would not defect over the Hitler-Stalin military partnership which later caused him to warn liberals not to support the civil rights of Stalinists) by refusing to support the frankly pro-Soviet presidential candidacy of Henry Wallace, FDR’s Vice President in 1940, and instead threw her weight behind Harry’s Truman’s in 1948 an action that several of her fellow New Dealers condemned.

When ten movie industry figures in 1947 were subpoenaed to appear before Congress and answer questions about their political affiliations, Gahagan took the increasingly unpopular stance (all of the Hollywood Ten had been or currently were Communists and accordingly, refused to answer questions directly) of condemning the Congressional hearings and its verdict.

While Nixon went with the Congressional majority by supporting the Contempt of Congress charge lodged against the Ten, Gahagan was one of only seventeen who cast a nay vote. She tried to make a crucial distinction between condemning the hearings and its assault on individual rights without defending the obvious Communist politics of the Ten.

She also took the increasingly unpopular stance—in light of New Dealers like Alger Hiss outed as Soviet spies—of defending liberalism from charges that it was strongly linked to Communism, and correctly gauged that such charges were harmful to the American government.

Against lawmaker Jack Tenney, who, as head of the California State Un-American Activities Committee, charged Hollywood liberals as Communists, Gahagan accused Tenney of “undermining our form of government when he attempts to make people believe that liberal and Communist are synonymous.”

But the hysterical tide, as well as her own unattractive aspects, went against her, and she was soundly defeated by Nixon, who garnered 59 percent of the vote. To her credit, however, she never engaged in martyrdom as did Hillary Clinton, and had a clear-eyed view that Nixon’s red-baiting accusations were superfluous as she was bound to lose anyway.


From the Archives: Helen Gahagan Douglas, Ex-Congresswoman, Dies

Helen Gahagan Douglas, the actress-turned-congresswoman who lost the 1950 U.S. Senate race to Richard M. Nixon in one of the most vitriolic campaigns in the state’s history, died Saturday in a New York cancer hospital. She was 79.

The New Jersey-born Democrat was a stage star and operatic singer who moved to the California film community and eventually to California politics. She was a three-term congresswoman whose McCarthy-era votes against funding for the House Un-American Activities Committee and opposition to contempt citations for the “Hollywood Ten” prompted opponents — including Nixon — to label her “soft on communism.”

That charge, and the nickname “pink lady,” which clung to her throughout the campaign, were enough to give then-Congressman Nixon — fresh from the investigation that led to the January, 1950, perjury conviction of Alger Hiss — a 60% vote in his bitterly fought campaign against Mrs. Douglas. That race ended her political career.

During that campaign, Mrs. Douglas accused her opponent of conducting a campaign of “fear and hysteria.”

Nixon, she said, “is throwing up a smoke screen of smears, innuendos and half-truths to try to confuse and mislead . . . I despise totalitarianism in any form — fascism, Nazism or communism. I despise the cheap thinking that is being injected into this campaign in California and throughout the country.”

Mrs. Douglas had entered Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center a week ago, according to a family spokesman, for treatment of a recurrence of cancer. She had undergone a mastectomy seven years ago, a quarter-century after introducing a bill urging researchers to pool their efforts to combat cancer.

At her side when she died early Saturday morning were Oscar-winning actor Melvyn Douglas, her husband of 49 years, and her daughter, Mary Helen. Her son, Peter, had visited her the day before, the spokesman said.

Mrs. Douglas’ professional life crossed a spectrum of careers. Reared in Brooklyn, she was a Barnard College student in 1922 when she made her theater debut in “Dreams for Sale” and later appeared in such plays as “Trelawney of the Wells” and “Mary of Scotland” before taking voice lessons that eventually took her to the operatic stage.

She sang in three languages and on two continents, performing in “Aida” and “Tosca” in Vienna, Budapest and Prague before returning to the United States and a Hollywood Bowl engagement in the late 1930s.

While she was performing in “Tonight or Never” in 1930, she met Douglas, whom she married in 1931. Together they went to Hollywood to star in “She,” the 1935 film about the fantastic goddess-queen of the H. Rider Haggard novel.

Of the character, Mrs. Douglas said then, “She ruled her kingdom by terror and she herself was fear-ridden. Personally I’ve never been afraid of anything — at least I can’t think of anything right now.”

It was in California that Mrs. Douglas took up political cudgels, testifying in mid-1940 before the Assembly subcommittee about the housing problems of migrant workers during the Depression.

Within a few months, she was selected as a Democratic national committeewoman from California, working for the party ticket in the November elections against the GOP presidential candidate Wendell Willkie. Asked at the time if she had a message for the state’s Democrats, she said “Yes, — do not underestimate our opponents. They are working every street, alley and boulevard.” As early as that 1940 campaign, charges of “reputed leftist support” began to be leveled at Mrs. Douglas, whose newcomer status and social and economic beliefs caused concern and disgruntlement among some of Southern California’s Democratic women.

Appointed as a civil defense volunteer by President Franklin D. Roosevelt shortly before the attack on Pearl Harbor, Mrs. Douglas was chosen in 1944 as the Democratic nominee for Congress in Los Angeles’ 14th District amid “carpetbagging” charges. She did not live in the district, and although that was not then a condition of candidacy, one opponent called her “a political gypsy who is trying to push her tent into the 14th District.”

Mrs. Douglas won a close race, and by the time of her swearing-in in 1945, she and blond Connecticut Republican representative Clare Booth Luce were being called the “congressional glamour girls.”

Her appointment to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, where she served for three terms, put her in the spotlight on post-war international issues, although it was on domestic matters that Mrs. Douglas encountered her most vehement criticism.

She was one of only 17 representatives who voted against contempt citations for the “Hollywood Ten,” writers and entertainers who, to her “personal regret,” refused to answer questions about their alleged Communist Party membership before the House Un-American Activities Committee.

In 1950, when Sen. Sheridan Downey retired, Mrs. Douglas decided to run for the Senate. It was a campaign in which her voting record — including opposition to a $150,000 appropriation for HUAC and to subversive activities control bill requiring registration of Communists — was used as evidence of her alleged leftist sympathies.

But Mrs. Douglas declared herself opposed to Communist aggression abroad, saying, “The Cold War launched by Communist imperialists has been a costly, nerve-racking and distasteful affair.”

Difficulties dogged her Senate campaign, in which her opponents dubbed her “the pink lady.” A group of USC students, in what was later described as a fraternity initiation prank, sprayed her with seltzer water and threw hay at her as she spoke on campus.

One reporter, present when Mrs. Douglas was speaking at an Orange County rally, said the candidate left the podium in tears after hecklers disrupted the meeting, booing her speech and distributing leaflets hinting as her alleged communistic leanings. The leaflets were printed on pink paper.

Nixon’s Southern California campaign manager, Bernard Brennan, said late in 1950 that Mrs. Douglas’ record “discloses the truth about her soft attitude toward communism.”

Although she was supported in her bid by many Eastern Democrats, Mrs. Douglas encountered divisiveness among Democrats in her own state. When she lost the 1950 election to Nixon, she declared later, “To me, politics is not a career, but a service. By being defeated, I did not give up my rights as an American citizen.”

The bitter scars left by the 1950 campaign did not fade. As many as 10 years later, she had eggs thrown at her in Boston during a speech on foreign policy.

But more than two decades later, there was a measure of satisfaction.

During Nixon’s dark Watergate days, bumper stickers proclaimed: “Don’t Blame Me — I Voted for Helen Gahagan Douglas.”

After the 1950 loss, she returned briefly to the stage, acting with the late Basil Rathbone, giving concerts and poetry readings and working on her memoirs.

Family spokesmen said there will be an autopsy, for the benefit of cancer research, before her body is cremated. Memorial service plans are incomplete.


Kyk die video: Helen Gahagan Douglas--1979 TV Interview, She (Julie 2022).


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