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Wat het slawe in die klassieke Griekeland verhinder om te vlug?

Wat het slawe in die klassieke Griekeland verhinder om te vlug?

Ek het weer die ou Oligach se gesegde oor slawe gelees en hoe goed het hulle dit vermoedelik.

as dit gebruiklik was dat 'n slaaf (of metiek of vryman) deur 'n vryman getref word, sou u dikwels per ongeluk 'n Atheense burger tref met die veronderstelling dat hy 'n slaaf was. Vir die mense is daar geen beter geklede as die slawe en metics nie, en hulle is ook nie aantrekliker nie. [11]

Nou moet dit miskien met meer as net 'n greintjie sout geneem word. Of miskien is dit eie aan Athene, en dit is dus die moeite werd om die skrywer van die teks te beklemtoon.

As daar waarheid is, waarom het die meeste Griekse slawe (selfs al was hulle 'n minderheid onder slawe) nie na hul stede gevlug nie? Sommige stede, soos Megara, was minder as 50 km daarvandaan en jare lange vyande van Athene. Ek neem aan, as die slaaf sy weg na die stad en na sy gesin kon vind sonder om raakgesien te word, sou dit hom gehelp het om hom weer in Megara te vestig!

Was daar, ondanks die inligting van die ou oligarg, iets soos 'n metaalring om die nek, 'n handelsmerk, ens., Om dit te herken?

Redigeer

Dankie dat u hierdie insiggewende antwoord onder my aandag gebring het. As Griek is ek natuurlik bewus van die probleme wat verband hou met die verslawing van Grieke. Daar bestaan ​​steeds geen twyfel dat dit gedoen is nie. Soos die voormelde antwoord lui:

Toe stede val, was daar 'n herhalende neiging dat die oorwinnaar (selfs in die hantering van Grieke) die mans doodmaak en die vroue en kinders verslaaf.


INLEIDING

Eerstens is dit belangrik om daarop te let dat Griekse (en ander) slawe baie soorte werk verrig het, en dit alleen kan die waarskynlikheid beïnvloed dat 'n slaaf weghardloop:

Die status van slawe en die omstandighede waaronder hulle geleef het, hang deels af van watter soort werk hulle verrig het ... Sommige slawe het formele opleiding ontvang en kon daarin slaag om uitvoerende posisies in die sakewêreld te beklee ... Slawe ... kon ook posisies van bestuur en hou toesig oor die werk van ander slawe ...

Bron: Theodore M. Sylvester, Slavery Throughout History

Aan die ander kant van die spektrum,

Sommige van die hardste werk vir slawe was op die plaasvelde, maar die ergste lot vir 'n slaaf was om na die myne gestuur te word, waar die ure lank was, was die werk terugbreek

Bron: Sylvester

Dit is dus onmoontlik om te veralgemeen waarom hulle weggeloop het of nie, en daar is ook die persoon se karakter wat in ag geneem moet word - ou bronne verwys na sommige slawe wat sagmoedig is, terwyl ander moeilik was om te bestuur. Dit is ook onmoontlik om te sê watter persentasie slawe weggehardloop het, maar ons weet wel dat sommige dit wel gedoen het.


REDES WAAROM slawe nie geloop het nie

Daar is verskillende redes waarom baie slawe nie weggehardloop het nie:

1. Slawe wat deur verowering verkry is, sou dit in sommige gevalle ten minste moeilik gehad het om terug te keer huis toe, hetsy omdat hulle stad nog onder die beheer van die veroweringsmag was, of omdat daar niks / niemand vir hulle daar was nie (bv. Melos).

2. Sommige slawe is in slawerny gebore, ander is verlate babas (as gevolg van die gebruik van blootstelling aan babas) wat gevind is en as slawe grootgemaak is. In albei gevalle het hulle geen 'tuiste' gehad nie en was hulle nie burgers van enige staat nie ('n groot gestremdheid in die klassieke Griekeland).

3. Ander is as kinders in slawerny verkoop - onder hierdie omstandighede is dit moeilik om na hul ouers terug te keer. Dit was algemeen by Thraciërs.

4. Sommige mense het slawe geword weens uiterste armoede - slawerny het ten minste gewoonlik kos en blyplek beteken. In Athene het Solon (omstreeks 558 v.C.) egter skuldslawerny van Atheense burgers onwettig gemaak en alle slawe van Athene vrygelaat.

5. Vrees om gevang te word. Die komiese digter Antiphanes se toneelstuk Drapetagogos (Die weghol-vanger of Die vanger van weghol -slawe) is 'n bewys dat sommige slawe duidelik weggehardloop het, maar terselfdertyd dat diegene wat dit gedoen het, nie kon verwag dat hul meesters iets daaraan sou doen nie. Die risiko's was aansienlik: om gevang te word, kan 'n relatief gemaklike posisie vir die werk in die silwer myne beteken, waarskynlik die ergste lot vir 'n slaaf.

6. Daar word aangevoer dat sommige slawe baie na aan hul meester of meesteres gekom het en oor die algemeen tevrede was met hul lot, of selfs amper 'n deel van die gesin:

Sommige het voorgestel (bv. Westermann 1955: 18) dat slawe nie daarin kon slaag nie, omdat hulle relatief goed behandel en tevrede was.

Bron: K. Bradley, P. Cartledge (reds.), The Cambridge History of Slavery

Let ook op

Euripedes se tragiese karakter van Medea vertrou haar diepste gevoelens by haar verpleegster, wat haar in haar moeilike tye geadviseer en vertroos het.

en

Grafstene van opregte Atheense vroue beeld dikwels tonele van bekendheid tussen die oorledene en haar slaafgenoot uit.

7. Daar is ook aangevoer dat die groter verspreiding van slawe in Athene (Mines of Laurion uitgesluit) 'n faktor was dat slawe nie in opstand kom nie:

Paul Cartledge (2001b) het egter voorgestel dat Athene op belangrike maniere verskil van die moderne samelewings wat slawe -opstand beleef het. Athene het 'n laer deel slawe ('n derde of minder), en hulle was versprei in relatief klein groepe met 'n relatief persoonlike verhouding tot hul meesters.

Bron: K. Bradley, P. Cartledge (red.), The Cambridge History of Slavery

8. Die slawe wat die meeste rede sou gehad het om weg te hardloop, was diegene wat die swakste take gehad het. Die belangrikste voorbeeld hier is slawe wat in die Mines of Laurion werk, maar hulle was onder bewaking en soms (ten minste) vasgeketting (maar sien hieronder vir meer hieroor).

9. 'N Laaste faktor is dat navorsing daarop dui dat die oorgrote meerderheid slawe in Athene (ten minste) waarskynlik nie-Grieke was, óf Griekse vroue / kinders, want Griekse mans wat in oorloë tussen Griekse state gevang is, is gewoonlik eerder doodgemaak as slawe. Die relevansie hiervan is dat 'n jong, fiks Griekse mannetjie dit makliker sou vind om te ontsnap as 'n 'barbaar' (minder ver na veiligheid / tuisstad) en 'n vrou / kind (wat slawejagters gemiddeld beter kan ontduik).


BEWYS VAN RUNAWAY slawe

Ons weet dat sommige slawe weggehardloop het, aangesien daar in 'n aantal ou bronne daarna verwys word. Byvoorbeeld, in Xenophon se Memorabilia,

Sokrates spreek sy verbasing uit dat mense soms meer moeite doen om weglopers te jag (of om na siek slawe om te sien) as om vriende aan te kweek wat baie nuttiger is.

Bron: K. Bradley, P. Cartledge (reds.)

Thucydides noem dit ook

Athene het die stad Megara gestraf omdat hy (onder andere) wegholings gehad het (Thuc. 1.139-40)

Bron: K. Bradley, P. Cartledge (reds.)

Verder,

Verskeie toesprake by die hof dui aan dat eienaars jaag na ontsnapte slawe (Ps.-Demosthenes 49.9, 53.6) .3 Reis na weghol kan 'n riskante onderneming wees, maar hierdie tekste impliseer nie dat dit ongewoon was nie. Daar is ook 'n paar epigrafiese bewyse (SEG iii 92.9-19).

Bron: K. Bradley, P. Cartledge (reds.)

Daar word ook verwys na slawe wat weghardloop, opgemerk deur R. Zelnick-Abramovitz in Nie heeltemal gratis nie,

Sokrates, wat praat oor goeie boedelbestuur, beweer dat daar huishoudings is waarin slawe vasgevang is en tog probeer weghardloop, terwyl hulle in ander huishoudings bereid is om te werk en te bly

Uiteindelik was daar 'n groot opstand met duisende slawe wat na die nabygeleë Decelea hardloop na 'n Atheense nederlaag deur Sparta in 413 vC tydens die Peloponnesiese Oorlog.


ONDERSKEIDENDE SLAWE VAN BURGERS

Soos opgemerk in die vraag, kan slawe maklik as burgers verwar word. Hieroor het J.W. Roberts sê:

Die ooreenkoms van kleredrag is nie verbasend in die lig van die bekende oorvleueling van beroep nie: burger- en slawe -ambagsmanne het vir dieselfde lone aan dieselfde take gewerk

Bron: J. W. Roberts, City of Sokrates (2de uitg.)

Dit is ook heel aanneemlik dat die begunstigde slaaf van 'n welgestelde Atheens beter geklee sou wees as sommige minder gegoede burgers. Dit is egter billik om aan te neem dat Atheense burgers nie in sekere poste te vinde is nie - byvoorbeeld in die myne.

Daar is bewyse van verwarring selfs onder antieke historici oor Argos in die nasleep van hul nederlaag in Sepeia, die hande van Sparta in 494 v.C., of die manne wat Argos verdedig het na die katastrofiese nederlaag van die Argief -leër, slawe of plaaslike boere was.

Volgens Kostas Vlassopoulos is dit geen verrassing dat, soos

Slawe en vrymanne het dieselfde beroepe uitgeoefen; hierdie oorvleueling het dit onmoontlik gemaak om status slegs op grond van beroep of lewensomstandighede te onderskei. Baie slawe was dus in staat om voordeel te trek uit hierdie vervaag van identiteite om te ontsnap van opsporing en beter omstandighede vir hulself te skep.

Die enigste bewyse wat ek gevind het vir enige 'merk' van 'n slaaf, is hierdie in J. W. Roberts:

'N Ontvlugtende slaaf wat weer gevang is, kan verwag dat hy gebrandmerk sal word.


'N NOTA OOR SPARTA

AS 'n Mens beskou die Messeniaanse helots as slawe (wat baie historici nie doen nie, en verkies om hulle slavinne te noem); daar was 'n aantal opstande teen die Spartaanse eienaarskap van die land en die mense. Die helde van Messenia was egter meestal nie 'weglopers' nie - Messenia was immers hul tuiste.

Die Atheners het egter gehelp om die stad Naupaktos te vestig

as toevlug vir bevryde ex-helots tydens die groot opstand na die aardbewing van die 460's.

Bron: Paul Cartledge, The Spartans

Vervolgens het 'n aantal helots oor die jare wel van die Spartaanse beheerde Messenia na Naupaktos ontsnap, maar meestal het hulle gebly. Dit was waarskynlik omdat hulle die grond as hulle s'n beskou het (hoekom moet hulle verhuis)? Ondanks die feit dat hulle slawe / slawe was, het hulle genoeg van hul opbrengs gelaat deur hul Spartaanse heersers om te oorleef.


Ander bronne

S. Murnaghan, Vroue en slawe in klassieke kultuur

Robert Osborne, Klassieke Griekeland 500 - 323 vC

R. A. Tomlinson, Argos en die Argolid

M. Gann & J. Willen, Vyfduisend jaar slawerny


10 opwindende films oor antieke Griekeland

Aanhangers van Griekse epiese films moet na hierdie lys van die beste films kyk wat antieke Griekeland vier, wat tydlose verhale van ouds tot lewe bring.

Griekeland het 'n ryk en lewendige kultuur van antieke mitologie en geskiedenis. Die aantrekkingskrag van hierdie verhale vol legendariese monsters, dapper helde en gevaarlike soeke is tot vandag toe lewendig - 'n aantrekkingskrag wat ook gevind kan word in verhale oor ander antieke beskawings.

Hierdie lys fokus op die antieke Griekeland en die manier waarop sy legendes en geskiedenis deur middel van film verwesenlik is. Van Disney tot Zack Snyder en Franc Miller tot Stanley Kubrick, hierdie meesterwerke maak 'n paar epiese verhale van lank gelede lewendig.


Griekeland leer lees en skryf

Laat ons hierdie reis begin deur 'n besoek aan die landelike paradys wat voor-kulturele Griekeland was, te besoek. 'N Vrugbare grond vir nomadiese stamme van jagter-versamelaars, dwalende troppe ongemaakte diere en wildgroeiende eetbare plante, die land ontwikkel natuurlik primitiewe nedersettings langs sy kus en binne-streke.

In hierdie era is die wortels van handel. Olyfbome is volop, en streke waar dit groei, word uiters gewilde wegstasies vir reisigers en handelaars. Namate die handelsroetes gevestig word, word olyfolie die belangrikste geldeenheid van sy tyd.

Dit is gedurende hierdie tydperk dat die vroegste vorm van Griekse skryfwerk 'n steeds onontcijferde skrif genaamd & ldquoLinear A & rdquo & ndash in die historiese rekord verskyn. Ongeveer 1500 vC verskyn 'n meer bekende vorm met die naam & ldquoLinear B & rdquo. Dit is genoeg herkenbaar as 'n voorloper van die Griekse taal dat dit vertaal is en 'n venster bied in die Griekse lewe voordat meer gevorderde nedersettings ontwikkel het.

Daarvoor moet ons reis. . .


Wat het slawe in die klassieke Griekeland verhinder om te vlug? - Geskiedenis


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Die Spartaanse gesin was heelwat anders as dié van ander Antieke Grieks stadstate. Die woord & quotspartaan & quot het op ons neergekom om selfverloëning en eenvoud te beskryf. Dit is waaroor die Spartaanse lewe gegaan het. Kinders was kinders van die staat meer as van hul ouers. Hulle is grootgemaak om soldate te wees, lojaal aan die staat, sterk en selfgedissiplineerd.

Dit het van kleins af begin. Toe 'n Spartaanse baba gebore word, het soldate na die huis gekom en dit deeglik ondersoek om die sterkte daarvan vas te stel. As 'n baba swak was, het die Spartane dit op die heuwel blootgestel of weggeneem om 'n slaaf te word (helot). Kindermoord was algemeen in antieke kulture, maar die Spartane was veral kieskeurig oor hul kinders. Dit was nie net 'n kwessie van die gesin nie; die stad het die lot van die kind bepaal. Verpleegsters het die baba se primêre sorg gehad en dit nie geknou nie.

Soldate het die seuns op 7 -jarige ouderdom van hul moeders geneem, hulle saam met ander seuns in 'n slaapsaal gehuisves en hulle as soldate opgelei. Die moeder se versagtende invloed is as nadelig beskou vir die opvoeding van 'n seun. Die seuns het harde fisiese dissipline en ontbering verduur om hulle sterk te maak. Die mense het sonder skoene geloop en sonder kos gegaan. Hulle het geleer om te veg, pyn te verduur en deur hul verstand te oorleef. Die ouer seuns het gewillig deelgeneem aan die klop van die jonger seuns om hulle te versterk. Selfverloëning, eenvoud, die krygskode en lojaliteit aan die stadstaat het hul lewens beheer.

Spartaanse kinders is verhale van moed en sterkte geleer. Een gunstelingverhaal was oor 'n seuntjie wat die Spartaanse kode gevolg het. Hy het 'n lewende jakkals gevang en wou dit eet. Hoewel seuns aangemoedig is om kos te soek, is hulle gestraf as hulle gevang word. Die seun het 'n paar Spartaanse soldate opgemerk en die jakkals onder sy hemp weggesteek. Toe die soldate hom konfronteer, het hy toegelaat dat die jakkals eerder in sy maag kou as om te bely, en hy het geen teken van pyn in sy liggaam of gesig getoon nie. Dit was die Spartaanse manier.

Op die ouderdom van ongeveer twintig moes hulle 'n streng toets slaag om af te studeer en volwaardige burgers te word. Slegs die soldate het die aristokratiese burgerskap ontvang. As hulle hul toetse gedruip het, het hulle nooit burgers geword nie, maar wel perioeci, die middelklas. Die klas was dus tot 'n mate gebaseer op verdienste eerder as geboorte.

As die jong manne verbygaan, het hulle in die kaserne gewoon en as soldate opgelei, maar moes trou om nuwe jong Spartane te produseer. Die staat het vir hulle 'n stuk grond gegee wat deur slawe geboer is en wat hulle niks gedoen het om te versorg nie. Die inkomste het voorsiening gemaak vir hul ondersteuning sodat hulle voltydse soldate kon bly. Op die ouderdom van 30 jaar is hulle toegelaat om by hul gesinne te woon, maar hulle het tot die ouderdom van 60 jaar opgelei toe hulle uit die militêre diens getree het.

Meisies is ook op 7 uit die huis verwyder en skool toe gestuur. Hier het hulle gestoei, gimnastiek geleer, geleer om te veg en ander fisieke oefeninge te verduur. Spartane het geglo dat sterk moeders sterk kinders voortbring. Jong vroue het aan atletiekbyeenkomste deelgeneem en het moontlik in die naak deelgeneem soos die mans.

As hulle hul burgertoetse geslaag het, het hulle 'n man gekry. Omdat dit eers in die ouderdom van 18-20 jaar gebeur het, was hulle meer emosioneel volwasse toe hulle trou en nader aan die ouderdom van hul mans. Die Spartaanse vroue het later getrou as ander Griekse vroue, as dit nie so baie is nie, sterker kinders. Ter voorbereiding vir die huweliksnag is haar hare kortgeknip en was sy geklee in manlike klere. Die man keer toe terug na sy manlike kaserne.

Mans en vroue woon nie saam nie, maar ontmoet af en toe vir voortplanting. Die troue het bestaan ​​uit 'n geritualiseerde fisieke stryd wat daartoe gelei het dat die man die vrou oor sy skouer geslinger het en haar afgehaal het. Teen die einde van die 4de eeu vC was daar meer vroue as mans in Sparta en vroue het dikwels meer as een vader vir hul kinders, en 'n paar mans kon 'n vrou deel. Connubiale liefde is deur die stadstaat ontmoedig, maar daar is bewyse dat sommige mans en vroue baie lief was vir mekaar. Hierdie feit sou hulle in die verleentheid stel as dit bekend was, 'n skandelike swakheid, sodat sulke aanhangsels gewoonlik geheim gehou word.

Vroue geniet baie groter vryheid en onafhanklikheid in Sparta as in ander Griekse stadstate. Omdat moeders min verantwoordelikheid vir die versorging van hul kinders gehad het, was hulle nie so gebonde aan die huis as die meeste Griekse vroue nie. Hulle is toegelaat om in die stad in die buiteland te loop en hul eie sake te doen. Hulle besit hul eie eiendom, soveel as 'n derde van die eiendom in Sparta. Hulle mans was slegs 'n klein deel van hul lewens, en behalwe in aangeleenthede rakende die weermag, was hulle oor die algemeen hul eie meesters.

Hulle was in sommige opsigte nie so na aan hul kinders as ander Griekse vroue nie, maar 'n ma was trots op die grootte van haar seun as 'n moedige en sterk soldaat. “ Kom huis toe met u skild of daarop ” was die advies wat een vrou haar seun gegee het toe hy oorlog toe gegaan het. Hulle het die kultuur se skaamte oor swakheid gedeel.

Alhoewel die Spartane nie 'n gesinslewe gehad het soos ons daaraan dink nie, is daar bewyse dat ten minste Spartaanse mans en vroue in sommige gevalle noue bande met hul kinders en met mekaar gehad het. Hulle stelsel was beslis goed georden en het die morele agteruitgang vermy wat hulle in die Atheners geminag het wat hulle as luukshede sien verswelg het. En dit is geen twyfel dat die stelsel sterk soldate opgelewer het nie. Die Spartaanse leër was legendaries in antieke Griekeland, en die legende duur tot vandag toe voort.


Boerdery in antieke Griekeland

Die boerdery in antieke Griekeland was moeilik as gevolg van die beperkte hoeveelheid goeie grond en landbougrond. Na raming was slegs twintig persent van die grond bruikbaar vir die verbouing van gewasse. Die belangrikste gewasse was gars, druiwe en olywe.

Graangewasse, soos gars en koring, is in Oktober geplant en in April of Mei geoes. Olywe is van November tot Februarie geoes. Druiwe is gewoonlik in September gepluk.

Gars was die belangrikste graangewas vir die ou Griekse boere. Hulle het die gars pap gemaak of dit in meel gemaal om brood te maak. Olyfolie is gebruik vir kookolie of in olielampe. Druiwe is hoofsaaklik gebruik vir wynproduksie, alhoewel dit geëet of in rosyne gedroog kan word. Die Grieke het wyn afgewater en een deel wyn met twee dele water gemeng. Om reguit wyn te drink, is as barbaars beskou.

Die meeste plase was klein met vier of vyf hektaar grond. Boere het genoeg kos verbou om hul gesinne te onderhou, en soms het hulle 'n klein oorskot gekry om op die plaaslike mark te verkoop. Daar was 'n paar baie groot plase wat deur opsieners bestuur word terwyl die eienaar in die stad gewoon het. Een rekord toon dat 'n boer in 'n jaar 30 000 drachmas van sy groot plaas af maak. ('N Gemiddelde werker het ongeveer twee drachmas per dag gemaak.) Dit was die uitsondering omdat die meeste plase klein tot mediumgrootte was.


Hoe die oligargie wen: lesse uit antieke Griekeland

'N Paar jaar gelede, terwyl ek navorsing gedoen het oor 'n boek oor hoe ekonomiese ongelykheid die demokrasie bedreig, het 'n kollega van my gevra of Amerika werklik 'n risiko loop om 'n oligargie te word. Ons politieke stelsel, het hy gesê, is 'n demokrasie. As die mense nie deur ryk elites bestuur wil word nie, kan ons hulle net uitstem.

Die stelsel, met ander woorde, kan nie regtig 'opgerig' word om vir die rykes en magtiges te werk nie, tensy die mense ten minste bereid is om 'n regering van ryk en magtig te aanvaar. As die algemene publiek hulle teen reël-teen-ekonomiese elites verset, hoe is dit dan dat die rykes soveel van die regering beheer?

Die vraag was goed, en hoewel ek my eie verduidelikings gehad het, het ek nie 'n sistematiese antwoord nie. Gelukkig doen twee onlangse boeke. Oligargie werk, in 'n woord, as gevolg van instellings.

In sy boeiende en insiggewende boek Classical Greek Oligarchy, neem Matthew Simonton ons terug na die antieke wêreld, waar die term oligargie geskep is. Een van die primêre bedreigings vir oligargie was dat die oligarge verdeeld sou raak, en dat een uit hul getal sou defekteer, leiding neem van die mense en die oligargie omverwerp.

Om hierdie voorkoms te voorkom, het antieke Griekse elite instellings en gebruike ontwikkel om verenig te bly. Hulle het onder meer opsommingswette aangeneem om buitensporige uitstallings van hul rykdom wat jaloesie kan veroorsaak, te voorkom, en hulle het die geheime stembriewe en konsensusbou -praktyke gebruik om te verseker dat besluite nie tot groter konflik in hul kader lei nie.

Geskik vir 'n geleerde van die klassieke, fokus Simonton in detail op hierdie spesifieke antieke praktyke. Maar sy belangrikste insig is dat elites aan bewind solidariteit nodig het om aan die bewind te bly. Eenheid kan ontstaan ​​uit persoonlike verhoudings, vertroue, stempraktyke, of - soos meer waarskynlik in die huidige meritokratiese era - homogeniteit in kultuur en waardes deur in dieselfde beperkte kringe te funksioneer.

Terwyl die heersende klas verenig moet bly sodat 'n oligargie aan bewind kan bly, moet die mense ook verdeeld wees sodat hulle nie hul onderdrukkers kan omverwerp nie. Oligarge in antieke Griekeland het dus 'n kombinasie van dwang en koöperasie gebruik om demokrasie te weerhou. Hulle het belonings aan informante gegee en vind buigbare burgers om posisies in die regering in te neem.

Hierdie medewerkers het die regime gelegitimeer en oligarge se strandkoppe in die mense gegee. Boonop beheer oligarge openbare ruimtes en lewensbestaan ​​om te verhoed dat die mense organiseer. Hulle sou mense uit die stadsplein verdryf: 'n verspreide bevolking op die platteland sou nie so effektief kon protesteer en die regering omverwerp as 'n gekonsentreerde groep in die stad nie.

Hulle het ook probeer om gewone mense afhanklik te hou van individuele oligarge vir hul ekonomiese oorlewing, soortgelyk aan hoe baasbase in die rolprente paternalistiese verhoudings in hul woonbuurte het. As ons Simonton se verslag lees, is dit moeilik om nie na te dink oor hoe die versplintering van ons mediaplatforms 'n moderne aanleiding is om die openbare sfeer te verdeel nie, of hoe werknemers en werkers soms afkoel om te praat nie.

Die interessantste bespreking is hoe ou oligarge inligting gebruik het om hul bewind te bewaar. Hulle het geheimhouding in bestuur gekombineer met selektiewe boodskappe aan doelgroepe, nie anders as ons moderne spinmeesters en kommunikasiekonsultante nie. Hulle het mag geproduseer deur rituele en optogte.

Terselfdertyd het hulle probeer om monumente wat simbole van demokratiese sukses was, te vernietig. In plaas van projekte vir openbare werke, toegewy in die naam van die mense, het hulle staatgemaak op wat ons as filantropie kan dink om hul mag te behou. Oligarge sou die skepping van 'n nuwe gebou of die verfraaiing van 'n openbare ruimte finansier. Die gevolg: die mense sal elite -uitgawes vir hierdie projekte waardeer en die hoër klas sal hul name vir altyd onthou. Wie kan immers wees teen oligarge wat sulke vrygewigheid toon?

Simonton, 'n assistent -professor in geskiedenis aan die Arizona State University, put sterk uit insigte uit die sosiale wetenskap en pas dit goed toe om antieke praktyke te ontleed. Maar hoewel hy erken dat antieke oligargieë altyd van die rykes afkomstig was, is 'n beperking op sy werk dat hy hom veral toespits op hoe oligarge hul politieke mag voortbestaan, nie hul ekonomiese mag nie.

Om dit te verstaan, kan ons terugkeer na 'n onmiddellike klassieke van 'n paar jaar gelede, Jeffrey Winters 'Oligarchy. Winters voer aan dat die sleutel tot oligargie is dat 'n stel elite genoeg materiële hulpbronne het om te bestee om hul status en belange te verseker. Hy noem dit 'welvaartsverdediging' en verdeel dit in twee kategorieë. 'Eiendomsverdediging' behels die beskerming van bestaande eiendom - in die ou dae was dit die bou van kastele en mure, vandag behels dit die oppergesag van die reg. 'Inkomensverdediging' handel deesdae oor die beskerming van verdienste, wat beteken dat u moet pleit vir lae belasting.

Die uitdaging om te sien hoe oligargie werk, sê Winters, is dat ons normaalweg nie dink aan die koninkryke van politiek en ekonomie nie. In sy kern behels oligargie die konsentrasie van ekonomiese mag en die gebruik daarvan vir politieke doeleindes. Demokrasie is kwesbaar vir oligargie omdat demokrate soveel fokus op die waarborging van politieke gelykheid dat hulle die indirekte bedreiging wat uit ekonomiese ongelykheid ontstaan, miskyk.

Winters voer aan dat daar vier soorte oligargieë is, wat elkeen welvaartsverdediging deur verskillende instellings nastreef. Hierdie oligargieë word gekategoriseer op grond van die vraag of die oligarge -reël persoonlik of kollektief is, en of die oligarge dwang gebruik.

Strydende oligargieë, soos krygshere, is persoonlik en gewapen. Heersende oligargieë soos die mafia is kollektief en gewapen. In die kategorie ongewapende oligargieë word sultanistiese oligargieë (soos Suharto se Indonesië) beheer deur persoonlike verbindings. In burgerlike oligargieë is bestuur kollektief en word dit toegepas deur wette, eerder as deur wapens.

Met hierdie tipologie agter die rug, verklaar Winters dat Amerika reeds 'n burgerlike oligargie is. Om die taal van onlangse politieke veldtogte te gebruik, probeer ons oligarge die stelsel oprig om hul rykdom te verdedig. Hulle fokus op die verlaging van belasting en op die vermindering van regulasies wat werknemers en burgers teen korporatiewe oortredings beskerm.

Hulle bou 'n regstelsel wat skeef is om in hul guns te werk, sodat hul onwettige gedrag selde gestraf word. En hulle onderhou dit alles deur middel van 'n veldtogfinansiering- en lobbystelsel wat hulle onnodige invloed op beleid gee. In 'n burgerlike oligargie word hierdie aksies nie in die loop van die geweer of deur die woord van een man gehandhaaf nie, maar deur die oppergesag van die reg.

Wat moet gedoen word as oligargie werk omdat die leiers hul mag geïnstitusionaliseer het deur middel van wet, media en politieke rituele? Hoe kan demokrasie ooit die oorhand kry? Winters merk op dat politieke mag van ekonomiese mag afhang. Dit dui daarop dat een oplossing is om 'n meer ekonomies gelyke samelewing te skep.

Die probleem is natuurlik dat as die oligarge in beheer is, dit nie duidelik is waarom hulle beleid sou aanvaar wat hul welvaart sou verminder en die samelewing meer gelyk sou maak nie. Solank hulle die mense verdeeld kan hou, hoef hulle nie af en toe bang te wees vir af en toe pik of protes nie.

Sommige kommentators het inderdaad voorgestel dat die ekonomiese gelykheid van die laat 20ste eeu buitengewoon was omdat twee wêreldoorloë en 'n groot depressie grootliks die besitting van die rykes uitgewis het. Oor hierdie verhaal kan ons nie veel doen sonder 'n groot wêreldwye katastrofe nie.

Simonton bied 'n ander oplossing. Hy voer aan dat demokrasie oligargie in antieke Griekeland verslaan het as gevolg van 'oligargiese ineenstorting'. Oligargiese instellings is onderworpe aan verrotting en ineenstorting, net soos enige ander soort instelling. Namate die solidariteit en praktyke van die oligarge begin breek, is daar 'n geleentheid vir demokrasie om die regering terug te bring na die mense.

Op daardie oomblik kan die mense lank genoeg saamstaan ​​dat hulle protes tot mag lei. Met al die omwentelinge in die hedendaagse politiek, is dit moeilik om nie te dink dat hierdie oomblik 'n oomblik is waarin die toekoms van die politieke stelsel meer op die spel kan wees as wat dit in generasies was nie.

Die vraag is of demokrasie uit oligargiese ineenstorting sal voortspruit - of die oligarge net hul greep op die hefbome van die regering sal versterk.


Primêre bronne

(1) Henry Clay Bruce, Die nuwe man: Nege en twintig jaar 'n slaaf (1895)

Gedurende die somer, in Virginia en ander suidelike state, sou slawe, wanneer hulle bedreig word of na straf, na die bos of 'n ander wegkruipplek ontsnap. Hulle is toe weghol, of weggeloopte negers genoem, en as hulle nie gevang word nie, sou hulle van die huis af wegbly totdat hulle deur koue weer teruggedryf is. Gewoonlik sou hulle na 'n ander deel van die staat gaan, waar hulle nie so bekend was nie, en 'n paar wat morele moed gehad het, sou na die noorde toe gaan en sodoende hul vryheid verkry. Maar sulke gevalle was skaars. Sommige, as hulle gevange geneem word en nie na hul meesters wou teruggaan nie, sou nie die regte naam of die naam van hul eienaar gee nie, en in sulke gevalle, as die meester nie die aankondiging van die verkoop gesien het deur die amptenare van die graafskap waarin hulle was nie gevange geneem, en wat gewoonlik die weglating se persoonlike beskrywing gegee het, is dit aan die hoogste bieërs verkoop, en hul meesters het hulle verloor en die graafskap waarin die vangs uitgevoer is, het die opbrengs gekry, minus die koste van vang. 'N Vlugteling het dikwels die kursus gekies om uit die hande van 'n harde meester te kom en gedink dat hy in elk geval nie erger sou kon nie, terwyl hy in die hande van 'n beter meester sou val. Dikwels is dit deur negerhandelaars gekoop vir die katoenlande van die Suide.

(2) Advertensie in die Alabama baken (14 Junie 1845)

Ranaway, op 15 Mei, van my, 'n negervrou met die naam Fanny. Die vrou is twintig jaar oud, is redelik lank, kan lees en skryf, en smee so vir haarself. 'N Paar oorringe saam met haar, 'n Bybel met 'n rooi omslag, is baie vroom. Sy bid baie en was, soos veronderstel, tevrede en gelukkig. Sy is net so wit soos die meeste wit vroue, met reguit ligte hare en blou oë, en kan haarself as 'n wit vrou oorgee. Ek sal vyfhonderd dollar gee vir haar vrees en aflewering aan my. Sy is baie intelligent.

(3) Advertensie, New Orleans Commercial Bulletin (30 September 1845)

Beloning van tien dollar. Weg van die intekenare, op die 15de van verlede maand, het die negermens Charles, ongeveer 45 jaar oud, 5 voet 6 duim hoë rooi gelaat, die boonste deksel van sy regteroog geskeur en 'n litteken op sy voorkop praat Engels net, en hakkel toe hy met hom gepraat het, toe hy weg is, 'n ysterhalsband, waarvan die steke afgebreek het voordat hy weggekom het. Bogenoemde beloning sal betaal word vir die arrestasie van die slaaf.

(4) Advertensie, Richmond Whig (6 Januarie 1836)

Beloning van $ 100 - sal gegee word vir die aanhouding van my neger Edmund Kenney. Hy het reguit hare en 'n gelaatskleur so amper wit dat 'n vreemdeling vermoed dat daar geen Afrika -bloed in hom was nie. Hy was 'n kort rukkie saam met my seuntjie Dick in Norfolk, en het hom te koop aangebied, en is aangekeer, maar het ontsnap onder skyn van 'n blanke man. Anderson Bowles.

(5) Advertensie, Madison Journal (26 November 1847)

James W. Hall, woonagtig op Carroway Lake, op Hoe's Bayou, in Carroll Parish, sestien myl op die pad wat van Bayou Mason na Lake Providence lei, is gereed om te eniger tyd met 'n pak honde jag op weghol negers. Hierdie honde is goed opgelei en is dwarsdeur die gemeente bekend. My terme is vyf dollar per dag om die roetes te jag, of die neger gevang word of nie. Waar 'n twaalf uur se roete getoon word en die neger nie geneem word nie, word geen koste gehef nie. Vir die neem van 'n neger, vyf-en-twintig dollar, en geen koste vir jag nie.

(6) In Augustus 1841 het Lewis Clarke daarin geslaag om uit slawerny te ontsnap. Hy het sy gedagtes in sy boek opgeteken Vertelling oor die lyding van Lewis Clark (1845)

Ek het my ponie opgesaal, in die kelder gegaan waar ek my grassaadapparaat gebêre het, my klere in 'n saalsak gesit het, en dit in my saadtas en so toegerus om die North Star te vaar. Wat 'n dag was dit nie vir my nie. This was on Saturday, in August, 1841. I wore my common clothes, and was very careful to avoid special suspicion, as I already imagined the administrator was very watchful of me. The place from which I started was about fifty miles from Lexington. The reason why I do not give the name of the place, and a more accurate location, must be obvious to any one who remembers that in the eye of the law I am yet accounted a slave, and no spot in the United States affords an asylum for the wanderer. True, I feel protected in the hearts of the many warm friends of the slave by whom I am surrounded, but this protection does not come from the laws of any one of the United States.

Monday morning, bright and early, I set my face in good earnest toward the Ohio River, determined to see and tread the north bank of it, or die in the attempt. I said to myself, one of two things, freedom or death. The first night I reached Mayslick, fifty odd miles from Lexington. Just before reaching this village, I stopped to think over my situation, and determine how I would pass that night. On that night hung all my hopes. I was within twenty miles of Ohio. My horse was unable to reach the river that night. And besides, to travel and attempt to cross the river in the night, would excite suspicion. I must spend the night there. Maar hoe? At one time, I thought, I will take my pony out into the field ,and give him some corn, and sleep myself on the grass. But then the dogs will be out in the evening, and if caught under such circumstances, they will take me for a thief if not for a runaway. That will not do. So after weighing the matter all over, I made a plunge right into the heart of the village, and put up at the tavern.

After seeing my pony disposed of, I looked into the barroom, and saw some persons that I thought were from my part of the country, and would know me. I shrunk back with horror. What to do I did not know. I looked across the street, and saw the shop of a silversmith. A thought of a pair of spectacles, to hide my face, struck me. I went across the way, and began to barter for a pair of double eyed green spectacles. When I got them on, they blind-folded me, if they did not others. Every thing seemed right up in my eyes. I hobbled back to the tavern, and called for supper. This I did to avoid notice, for I felt like any thing but eating. At tea I had not learned to measure distances with my new eyes, and the first pass I made with my knife and fork at my plate, went right into my cup. This confused me still more, and, after drinking one cup of tea, I left the table, and got off to bed as soon as possible. But not a wink of sleep that night. All was confusion, dreams, anxiety and trembling.

(7) Henry Box Brown, Narrative of the Life of Henry Box Brown (1851)

I was well acquainted with a store-keeper in the city of Richmond, from whom I used to purchase my provisions and having formed a favourable opinion of his integrity, one day in the course of a little conversation with him, I said to him if I were free I would be able to do business such as he was doing he then told me that my occupation (a tobacconist) was a money-making one, and if I were free I had no need to change for another. I then told him my circumstances in regard to my master, having to pay him 25 dollars per month, and yet that he refused to assist me in saving my wife from being sold and taken away to the South, where I should never see her again. I told him this took place about five months ago, and I had been meditating my escape from slavery since, and asked him, as no person was near us, if he could give me any information about how I should proceed. I told him I had a little money and if he would assist me I would pay him for so doing.

The man asked me if I was not afraid to speak that way to him I said no, for I imagined he believed that every man had a right to liberty. He said I was quite right, and asked me how much money I would give him if he would assist me to get away. I told him that I had $I66 and that I would give him the half so we ultimately agreed that I should have his service in the attempt for $86. Now I only wanted to fix upon a plan. He told me of several plans by which others had managed to effect their escape, but none of them exactly suited my taste.

One day, while I was at work when the idea suddenly flashed across my mind of shutting myself up in a box, and getting myself conveyed as dry goods to a free state.

(8) Henry Box Brown Narrative of the Life of Henry Box Brown (1851)The next place at which we arrived was the city of Washington, where I was taken from the steam-boat, and again placed upon a waggon and carried to the depôt right side up with care but when the driver arrived at the depôt I heard him call for some person to help to take the box off the waggon, and some one answered him to the effect that he might throw it off but, says the driver, it is marked "this side up with care" so if I throw it off I might break something, the other answered him that it did not matter if he broke all that was in it, the railway company were able enough to pay for it. No sooner were these words spoken than I began to tumble from the waggon, and falling on the end where my head was, I could bear my neck give a crack, as if it had been snapped asunder and I was knocked completely insensible.

The first thing I heard after that, was some person saying, "there is no room for the box, it will have to remain and be sent through to-morrow with the luggage train but the Lord had not quite forsaken me, for in answer to my earnest prayer He so ordered affairs that I should not be left behind and I now heard a man say that the box had come with the express, and it must be sent on. I was then tumbled into the car with my head downwards again, but the car had not proceeded far before, more luggage having to be taken in, my box got shifted about and so happened to turn upon its right side and in this position I remained till I got to Philadelphia, of our arrival in which place I was informed by hearing some person say, "We are in port and at Philadelphia." My heart then leaped for joy, and I wondered if any person knew that such a box was there.

Here it may be proper to observe that the man who had promised to accompany my box failed to do what he promised but, to prevent it remaining long at the station after its arrival, he sent a telegraphic message to his friend, and I was only twenty seven hours in the box, though travelling a distance of three hundred and fifty miles.

I was now placed in the depôt amongst the other luggage, where I lay till seven o'clock at which time a waggon drove up, and I heard a person inquire for such a box as that in which I was. I was then placed on a waggon and conveyed to the house where my friend in Richmond had arranged I should be received.

A number of persons soon collected round the box after it was taken in to the house, but as I did not know what was going on I kept myself quiet. I heard a man say, "let us rap upon the box and see if he is alive" and immediately a rap ensued and a voice said, tremblingly, "Is all right within?" to which I replied - "all right." The joy of the friends was very great when they heard that I was alive they soon managed to break open the box, and then came my resurrection from the grave of slavery. I rose a freeman, but I was too weak, by reason of long confinement in that box, to be able to stand, so I immediately swooned away. After my recovery from the swoon the first thing, which arrested my attention, was the presence of a number of friends, every one seeming more anxious than another, to have an opportunity of rendering me their assistance, and of bidding me a hearty welcome to the possession of my natural rights, I had risen as it were from the dead.

(9) Moses Grandy, Life of a Slave (1843)

I am glad to say also, that numbers of my coloured brethren now escape from slavery some by purchasing their freedom, others by quitting, through many dangers and hardships, the land of bondage. The latter suffer many privations in their attempts to reach the free states. They hide themselves during the day in the woods and swamps at night they travel, crossing rivers by swimming, or by boats they may chance to meet with, and passing over hills and meadows which they do not know in these dangerous journeys they are guided by the north-star, for they only know that the land of freedom is in the north. They subsist on such wild fruit as they can gather, and as they are often very long on their way, they reach the free states almost like skeletons. On their arrival, they have no friends but such as pity those who have been in bondage, the number of which, I am happy to say, is increasing but if they can meet with a man in a broad-brimmed hat and Quaker coat, they speak to him without fear-relying on him as a friend. At each place the escaped slave inquires for an abolitionist or a Quaker, and these friends of the coloured man help them on their journey northwards, until they are out of the reach of danger.

(10) Francis Fredric, Fifty Years of Slavery (1863)

I had been flogged for going to a prayer-meeting, and, before my back was well, my master was going to whip me again. I determined, therefore, to run away. It was in the morning, just after my master had got his breakfast, I was ordered to the back of the premises to strip. My master had got the thong of raw cow's-hide when off I ran, towards the swamp.

He saw me running, and instantly called three bloodhounds, kept for the purpose, and put them on my track. I saw them coming up to me, when, turning round to them, I clapped my hands, and called them by name for I had been in the habit of feeding them. I urged them on, as if in pursuit of something else. They instantly passed me, and flew upon the cattle. I saw my master calling them off, and returning. No doubt, he perceived it was useless to pursue me, with dogs which knew me so well.

I now hurried on further, into a dismal swamp, named the Bear's Wallow and, at last, wearied and exhausted, I sat down at the foot of a tree, to rest, and think what had best be done. I knelt down, and prayed earnestly to the Almighty, to protect and direct me what to do. I rose from my knees, and looked stealthily around, afraid that the dogs and men were still in pursuit. I listened, and listened again, to the slightest sound, made by the flapping of the wings of a bird, or the rustling of the wild animals among the underwood and then proceeded further into the swamp. My path was interrupted, every now and then, by large sheets of stagnant, putrid, green-looking water, from which a most sickening, fetid smell arose the birds, in their flight, turning away from it. The snakes crawled sluggishly across the ground, for it was autumn time, when, it is said, they are surcharged with their deadly poison.

When awake in the morning, I tried to plan out some way of escape, over the Ohio River, which I knew was about thirty miles from where I was. But I could not swim and I was well aware that my master would set a watch upon every ferry or ford, and that the whole country would be put on the alert, to catch me for the planters, for self-protection, take almost as much interest in capturing another man's slaves, as they do their own.

At length, driven by hunger and desperation, I approached the edge of the swamp when I was startled by seeing a young woman ploughing. I knew her, and called her by name. She was frightened, and shocked at my appearance - worn, from hunger, almost to a skeleton and haggard, from the want of sound sleep. I begged of her to go to get me something to eat. She, at first, expressed her fears, and began to tell me of the efforts which my master was making to capture me. He had offered $500 reward - had placed a watch all along the Ohio River - had informed all the neighbouring planters, who had cautioned all their slaves not to give me any food or other assistance, and he had made it known, that, when I should be caught, he would give me a thousand lashes.

The woman went, and fetched me about two ounces of bread, of which I eat a small portion, wishing to keep the rest to eat in the swamp, husbanding it, as much as possible. When she told me that I should receive a thousand lashes, I felt horrified, and wept bitterly. The girl wept also. I had seen a slave, who had escaped to the Northern States, and, after an absence of four years, had been brought back again, and flogged, in the presence of all the slaves, assembled from the neighbouring plantations. His body was frightfully lacerated. I went to see him, two or three weeks after the flogging. When they were anointing his back, his screams were awful. He died, soon afterwards--a tall, fine young fellow, six feet high, in the prime of life, thus brutally murdered.

(11) Moses Roper made several attempts trying to escape from his master. He wrote about the punishment he received in Adventures and Escape of Moses Roper (1838)

Mr. Gooch then obtained the assistance of another slave-holder, and tied me up in his blacksmith's shop, and gave me fifty lashes with a cow-hide. He then put a long chain, weighing twenty-five pounds, round my neck, and sent me into a field, into which he followed me with the cow-hide, intending to set his slaves to flog me again.

He then chained me down in a log-pen with a 40 lb. chain, and made me lie on the damp earth all night. In the morning after his breakfast he came to me, and without giving me any breakfast, tied me to a large heavy barrow, which is usually drawn by a horse, and made me drag it to the cotton field for the horse to use in the field. Thus, the reader will see, that it was of no possible use to my master to make me drag it to the field, and not through it his cruelty went so far as actually to make me the slave of his horse, and thus to degrade me.

Mr. Gooch had a female slave about eighteen years old, who also had been a domestic slave, and through not being able to fulfill her task, had run away which slave he was at this time punishing for that offence. On the third day, he chained me to this female slave, with a large chain of 40 lbs. weight round the neck. It was most harrowing to my feelings thus to be chained to a young female slave, for whom I would rather have suffered a hundred lashes than she should have been thus treated. He kept me chained to her during the week, and repeatedly flogged us both while thus chained together, and forced us to keep up with the other slaves, although retarded by the heavy weight of the log-chain.

(12) Solomon Northup, Twelve Years a Slave (1853)

In about three-fourths of an hour several of the slaves shouted and made signs for me to run. Presently, looking up the bayou, I saw Tibeats and two others on horse-back, coming at a fast gait, followed by a troop of dogs. There were as many as eight or ten. Distant as I was, I knew them. They belonged on the adjoining plantation. The dogs used on Bayou Boeuf for hunting slaves are a kind of blood-hound, but a far more savage breed than is found in the Northern States. They will attack a negro, at their master's bidding, and cling to him as the common bull-dog will cling to a four footed animal. Frequently their loud bay is heard in the swamps, and then there is speculation as to what point the runaway will be overhauled - the same as a New York hunter stops to listen to the hounds coursing along the hillsides, and suggests to his companion that the fox will be taken at such a place. I never knew a slave escaping with his life from Bayou Bouef. One reason is, they are not allowed to learn the art of swimming, and are incapable of crossing the most inconsiderable stream. In their flight they can go in no direction but a little way without coming to a bayou, when the inevitable alternative is presented, of being drowned or overtaken by the dogs. In youth I had practiced in the clear streams that flow through my native district, until I had become an expert swimmer, and felt at home in the watery element.

I stood upon the fence until the dogs had reached the cotton press. In an instant more, their long, savage yells announced they were on my track. Leaping down from my position, I ran towards the swamp. Fear gave me strength, and I exerted it to the utmost. Every few moments I could hear the yelpings of the dogs. They were gaining upon me. Every howl was nearer and nearer. Each moment I expected they would spring upon my back&mdashexpected to feel their long teeth sinking into my flesh. There were so many of them, I knew they would tear me to pieces, that they would worry me, at once, to death. I gasped for breath - gasped forth a half-uttered, choking prayer to the Almighty to save me - to give me strength to reach some wide, deep bayou where I could throw them off the track, or sink into its waters. Presently I reached a thick palmetto bottom. As I fled through them they made a loud rustling noise, not loud enough, however, to drown the voices of the dogs.

Continuing my course due south, as nearly as I can judge, I came at length to water just over shoe. The hounds at that moment could not have been five rods behind me. I could hear them crashing and plunging through the palmettoes, their loud, eager yells making the whole swamp clamorous with the sound. Hope revived a little as I reached the water. If it were only deeper, they might loose the scent, and thus disconcerted, afford me the opportunity of evading them. Luckily, it grew deeper the farther I proceeded - now over my ankles - now half-way to my knees - now sinking a moment to my waist, and then emerging presently into more shallow places. The dogs had not gained upon me since I struck the water. Evidently they were confused. Now their savage intonations grew more and more distant, assuring me that I was leaving them. Finally I stopped to listen, but the long howl came booming on the air again, telling me I was not yet safe. From bog to bog, where I had stepped, they could still keep upon the track, though impeded by the water. At length, to my great joy, I came to a wide bayou, and plunging in, had soon stemmed its sluggish current to the other side. There, certainly, the dogs would be confounded - the current carrying down the stream all traces of that slight, mysterious scent, which enables the quick-smelling hound to follow in the track of the fugitive.

After crossing this bayou the water became so deep I could not run. I was now in what I afterwards learned was the "Great Pacoudrie Swamp." It was filled with immense trees - the sycamore, the gum, the cotton wood and cypress, and extends, I am informed, to the shore of the Calcasieu river. For thirty or forty miles it is without inhabitants, save wild beasts - the bear, the wild-cat, the tiger, and great slimy reptiles, that are crawling through it everywhere. Long before I reached the bayou, in fact, from the time I struck the water until I emerged from the swamp on my return, these reptiles surrounded me. I saw hundreds of moccasin snakes. Every log and bog - every trunk of a fallen tree, over which I was compelled to step or climb, was alive with them. They crawled away at my approach, but sometimes in my haste, I almost placed my hand or foot upon them. They are poisonous serpents - their bite more fatal than the rattlesnake's. Besides, I had lost one shoe, the sole having come entirely off, leaving the upper only dangling to my ankle.

I saw also many alligators, great and small, lying in the water, or on pieces of floodwood. The noise I made usually startled them, when they moved off and plunged into the deepest places. Sometimes, however, I would come directly upon a monster before observing it. In such cases, I would start back, run a short way round, and in that manner shun them. Straight forward, they will run a short distance rapidly, but do not possess the power of turning. In a crooked race, there is no difficulty in evading them.

About two o'clock in the afternoon, I heard the last of the hounds. Probably they did not cross the bayou. Wet and weary, but relieved from the sense of instant peril, I continued on, more cautious and afraid, however, of the snakes and alligators than I had been in the earlier portion of my flight. Now, before stepping into a muddy pool, I would strike the water with a stick. If the waters moved, I would go around it, if not, would venture through.

At length the sun went down, and gradually night's trailing mantle shrouded the great swamp in darkness. Still I staggered on, fearing every instant I should feel the dreadful sting of the moccasin, or be crushed within the jaws of some disturbed alligator. The dread of them now almost equaled the fear of the pursuing hounds. The moon arose after a time, its mild light creeping through the overspreading branches, loaded with long, pendent moss. I kept traveling forwards until after midnight, hoping all the while that I would soon emerge into some less desolate and dangerous region. But the water grew deeper and the walking more difficult than ever. I perceived it would be impossible to proceed much farther, and knew not, moreover, what hands I might fall into, should I succeed in reaching a human habitation. Not provided with a pass, any white man would be at liberty to arrest me, and place me in prison until such time as my master should "prove property, pay charges, and take me away." I was an estray, and if so unfortunate as to meet a law-abiding citizen of Louisiana, he would deem it his duty to his neighbor, perhaps, to put me forthwith in the pound. Really, it was difficult to determine which I had most reason to fear - dogs, alligators or men!

After midnight, however, I came to a halt. Imagination cannot picture the dreariness of the scene. The swamp was resonant with the quacking of innumerable ducks! Since the foundation of the earth, in all probability, a human footstep had never before so far penetrated the recesses of the swamp. It was not silent now - silent to a degree that rendered it oppressive, - as it was when the sun was shining in the heavens. My midnight intrusion had awakened the feathered tribes, which seemed to throng the morass in hundreds of thousands, and their garrulous throats poured forth such multitudinous sounds - there was such a fluttering of wings - such sullen plunges in the water all around me&mdashthat I was affrighted and appalled. All the fowls of the air, and all the creeping things of the earth appeared to have assembled together in that particular place, for the purpose of filling it with clamor and confusion. Not by human dwellings - not in crowded cities alone, are the sights and sounds of life. The wildest places of the earth are full of them. Even in the heart of that dismal swamp, God had provided a refuge and a dwelling place for millions of living things.

The moon had now risen above the trees, when I resolved upon a new project. Thus far I had endeavored to travel as nearly south as possible. Turning about I proceeded in a north-west direction, my object being to strike the Pine Woods in the vicinity of Master Ford's. Once within the shadow of his protection, I felt I would be comparatively safe.

My clothes were in tatters, my hands, face, and body covered with scratches, received from the sharp knots of fallen trees, and in climbing over piles of brush and floodwood. My bare foot was full of thorns. I was besmeared with muck and mud, and the green slime that had collected on the surface of the dead water, in which I had been immersed to the neck many times during the day and night. Hour after hour, and tiresome indeed had they become, I continued to plod along on my north-west course. The water began to grow less deep, and the ground more firm under my feet. At last I reached the Pacoudrie, the same wide bayou I had swam while "outward bound." I swam it again, and shortly after thought I heard a cock crow, but the sound was faint, and it might have been a mockery of the ear. The water receded from my advancing footsteps - now I had left the bogs behind me - now - now I was on dry land that gradually ascended to the plain, and I knew I was somewhere in the "Great Pine Woods."


Habitation and Chronology of Crete

Archaeological evidence testifies to the island's habitation since the 7th millennium BC After the 5th millennium BC we find the first evidence of hand-made ceramic pottery which marks the beginning of the civilization Evans, the famed archaeologist who excavated Knossos, named "Minoan" after the legendary king Minos.

Evans divided the Minoan civilization into three eras on the basis of the stylistic changes of the pottery. His comparative chronology included an Early (3000-2100 BC), a Middle (2100-1500 BC), and a Late Minoan period (1500-1100 BC). Since this chronology posed several problems in studying the culture, professor N. Platon has developed a chronology based on the palaces' destruction and reconstruction. He divided Minoan Crete into Prepalatial (2600-1900 BC), Protopalatial (1900-1700 BC), Neopalatial (1700-1400 BC), and Postpalatial (1400-1150 BC).

We do not have much information about the very early Minoans before 2600 BC. We have seen the development of several minor settlements near the coast, and the beginning of burials in tholos tombs, as well as in caves around the island.

Prepalatial Minoan Crete (2600-1900 BC)

Neolithic life in ancient Crete consisted of major settlements at Myrtos and Mochlos. During this period the Minoans had contact with Egypt, Asia Minor, and Syria with whom they traded for copper, tin, ivory, and gold.

The archaeological evidence reveals a decentralized culture with no powerful landlords and no centralized authority. The palaces of this period are focused around communities, and circular tholos tombs were the major architectural structures of the time. The manner by which the dead were buried in these tombs indicate a society without hierarchical structure. The tholos tombs were used for centuries by entire villages, or clans and older corpses and offerings were placed aside to make room for a new burial. Older bones were removed from the tomb and placed in bone chambers outside the tholos structure. Most of the tholos tombs were circular while in Palekastro and Mochlos they were of a rectangular in shape with a flat roof.

Protopalatial Minoan Crete (1900-1700 BC)

The protopalatial era began with social upheaval, external dangers, and migrations from mainland Greece and Asia Minor. During this time the Minoans began establishing colonies at Thera, Rodos, Melos, and Kithira.

Around 2000 BC a new political system was established with authority concentrated around a central figure - a king. The first large palaces were founded and acted as centers for their respective communities, while at the same time they developed a bureaucratic administration which permeated Minoan society. Distinctions between the classes forged a social hierarchy and divided the people into nobles, peasants, and perhaps slaves.

After its tumultuous beginning, this was a peaceful and prosperous period for the Minoans who continued to trade with Egypt and the Middle East, while they constructed a paved road network to connect the major cultural centers. This period also marks the development of some settlements outside the palaces, and the end of the extensive use of tholos tombs.

The palaces of the period were destroyed in 1700 BC by forces unknown to us . Speculation blames the destruction either on a powerful earthquake, or on outside invaders.

Despite the abrupt destruction of the palaces however, Minoan civilization continued to flourish.

Neopalatial Minoan Crete (1700-1400 BC)

The destroyed palaces were quickly rebuilt on the ruins to form even more spectacular structures. This is the time when Knossos, Phaistos, Malia, and Zakros were built, along side many smaller palaces which stretched along the Cretan landscape.

Small towns developed near the palaces and the dead were buried in pithoi and larnakes, along rock-cut chambers and above-ground tholos tombs.

For the first time smaller residencies that we call villas appeared in the rural landscape, and were modeled after the large palaces with storage facilities, worship, and workshops. They appear to be lesser centers of power away from the palaces, and homes for affluent landlords.

During this period we see evidence of administrative and economic unity throughout the island, and Minoan Crete reach its zenith. Women played a powerful role in society, and the gold artifacts, seals, and spears speak of a very affluent upper class. The paved road network was vastly expanded to connect most major Minoan palaces and towns, and we have evidence of extensive trade activity.

In the beginning of this era, Minoan culture dominates the Aegean islands and expands into the Peloponnese. We see its strong influence in the Argolis area during the Mycenaean time of grave circles, and in the southern Peloponnese, especially around Pylos.

The Minoan culture's fusion with the Helladic (mainland Greek) traditions of the time eventually morphed into the Mycenaean civilization, which in turn challenged the Minoan supremacy in the Aegean.

For the first time, late in the Neopalatial period, the powerful fleet of the Minoans encountered competition from an emerging power from mainland Greece: the Mycenaeans whose influence began permeating Minoan Crete itself. Life on the island became more militaristic as evident by the large number of weapons which we find for the first time in royal tombs.

The affluence of the culture during this period is evident in the frescoes found in the Cretan palaces and in Thera, Melos, Kea, and Rodos.

The end of this flourishing culture came with the destruction of most of the palaces and villas of the country side in the middle of the 15 century, and with the destruction of Knossos in 1375. During this late period there is evidence in tablets inscribed in Linear B language that the Mycenaeans controlled the entire island, while many Minoan sites were abandoned for a long time.

We cannot be certain of the causes for this sudden interruption of the Minoan civilization. However scholars have pointed to invasion of outside forces, or to the colossal eruption of the Thera volcano as likely causes.

Postpalatial Period (1400-1150 BC)

With the destruction of Knossos the power in the Aegean shifts to Mycenae. While both Knossos and Phaistos remain active centers of influence, they do not act as the central authority of the island any longer. During the postpalatial period the western part of Crete flourishes. Several important settlements developed around Kasteli and Chania, while Minoan religion begins to exhibit influences from the Greek mainland.

An examination of the changes in Minoan society during this period reveals that most likely Mycenae controlled Crete. During this period, Helladic god names such as Zeus begin to appear in tablets, new shapes develop in pottery, and vaulted tholos tombs appear for the first time. The tablets of Linear B which were unearthed during excavations provide the more concrete evidence of this theory.

Sub-Minoan Crete (1150-1100 BC)

Around 1150 BC the Dorians destroyed the Mycenaean civilization in the Peloponnese and by 1100 BC they reached Crete.

This period marks the assimilation of all remaining Minoan elements of Crete into the new Hellenic culture. This new culture eventually transformed into the Classical Greek civilization which had its center in Athens.

Doric Crete

Under Doric dominance, Crete social structure shifted from monarchy to aristocracy, and Archaic culture and art permeates the island. The old Minoan traditions remain influential, and the Spartan legislator Lykourgos studied the Cretan legal system before he created the laws that governed the Lakedemonian state.

Knossos, Arkades, Dreros, Cortyn, Lato, and Lyktos become the most important centers of the island which continues to trade with Cyprus, Syria, and the Aegean.

The art of Doric Crete exhibits orientalizing trends even during the "Geometric" period, possibly due to the islands proximity and close commercial ties with the East.

The islands isolation prevented it from being an important player in the events which forged history during the classical and hellenistic eras, and eventually its culture declined and became a Roman province in 67 BC.


Slavery Timeline 1400-1500

This page contains a detailed timeline of the main historical, literary, and cultural events connected with slavery, abolition, and emancipation in the British Isles between 1400 and 1500. Given Britain's limited role in this period, it mainly includes references to the most significant events taking place outside of the British zone of influence (in the fifteenth century that was most of the world) as well as some key events in the history of European exploration and colonisation.

While there is plenty of detail in this timeline, it is of course impossible to record every event related to slavery in this period. The following selection is thus intended to provide an overview of the topic only. If there is something I have left out that you think should be included, please let me know.

Click on a date in the list below, or scroll down the page, for information. Links are given to pages on this website only. For my sources and for further reading, look at the page Further Reading: Slavery, Abolition, and Emancipation.

1400 | 1425 | 1450 | 1475 | 1500 | 1501-1600 | 1601-1700 | 1701-1800 | 1801-1900 | 1901-2003

Before 1400: Slavery had existed in Europe from classical times and did not disappear with the collapse of the Roman Empire. Slaves remained common in Europe throughout the early medieval period. However, slavery of the classical type became increasingly uncommon in Northern Europe and, by the 11th and 12th centuries, had been effectively abolished in the north. Nevertheless, forms of unfree labour, such as villeinage and serfdom, persisted in the north well into the early modern period.

In southern and eastern Europe, classical-style slavery remained a normal part of society and economy for longer. Trade across the Mediterranean and the Atlantic seaboard meant that African slaves began to be brought to Italy, Spain, Southern France, and Portugal well before the discovery of the New World in 1492.

From about the eighth century onwards, an Arab-run slave trade also flourished, with much of this activity taking place in East Africa, Arabia, and the Indian Ocean. In addition, many African societies themselves had forms of slavery, although these differed considerably, both from one another and from the European and Arabic forms.

Although various forms of unfree labour were prevalent in Europe throughout its history, historians refer to 'chattel slavery', in which slaves are commodities to be bought and sold, rather than domestic servants or agricultural workers tied to the land. Chattel slavery is the characteristic form of slavery in the modern world, and this chronology is concerned primarily with this form.


Did they use money or how did they buy things?

Greek traders did most of their business the way traders do today, without handling coins. They used written letters of credit, like today’s paper checks, or like writing a letter to your bank, to pay their bills. Bankers in each city wrote letters back and forth figuring out who owed how much to whom.

Paper money and letters of credit

Quatr.us Study Guides also has more detailed articles about the Greek economy in the Archaic period, the Classical period, and the Hellenistic period.

Did you find out what you wanted to know about the economy of ancient Greece? Let us know in the comments!


Kyk die video: Глянем, такой себе, свежачок Смотрим Werewolf: The Apocalypse - Earthblood (Januarie 2022).