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Congress of Industrial Organisations: die CIO

Congress of Industrial Organisations: die CIO

Een van die groot konflikte binne die arbeidersbeweging was tussen die vakbonde en die industriële vakbonde. Toe die Amerikaanse Federasie van Arbeid onwillig was om ongeskoolde werkers te organiseer, het John L. Lewis die komitee vir nywerheidsorganisasie in die AFL in 1935 gestig. , wat hulle twee jaar later in die Congress of Industrial Organisations georganiseer het. Lewis het die Committee for Industrial Organization gestig toe hy besef dat winste wat vir mynwerkers behaal kan word, as hy nie sulke "gevangene myne" organiseer soos dié wat die staalprodusente besit nie. `United States Steel Company, wat alleen 170 000 werknemers in diens gehad het. Dit het die skeuring in die AFL vererger, wat geweier het om die nuwe vakbonde te aanvaar omdat hulle op beide nywerheidswerkers en nywerheidsunies as ongeskoolde arbeiders neergesien het.Lewis sien geen toekoms vir industriële vakbonde binne die AFL -raamwerk nie, maar Lewis trek hulle terug en stig die kongres van nywerheidsorganisasies in 1938, waarvan hy die eerste president word. By die stigtingsbyeenkoms wat van 14-18 November 1938 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, gehou is, erken Lewis die pogings van Samuel Gompers om arbeid in 'n vroeë stadium van die Amerikaanse ekonomie te organiseer, maar wys op die mislukking van die AFL om die massas te organiseer van die werkers in die groot nywerheidsmaatskappye. Terselfdertyd, minder as 'n jaar voor die uitbreek van die oorlog in Europa, herinner Lewis die finansiële en sakeleiers van Amerika daaraan dat Amerika, soos toe waarskynlik gelyk sou word, in 'n wêreld ingetrek word konflik, sou dit arbeid wees, nie die bestuur nie die eienaars wat die demokrasie deur hul diens sou behou. -gekies. Walter Reuther van die United Auto Workers het die laaste president van die CIO geword, voor sy historiese samesmelting met die AFL. Lidmaatskap in die CIO het gestyg van vier miljoen in 1938 tot ses miljoen in 1945. Hoewel daar byna 650 000 lede in die vakbonde was, baie het weer by die CIO aangesluit by vakbonde wat tot stand gebring is as alternatiewe vir die wat volgens hom as kommunisties gedomineer is. Die International Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) was een van die oorspronklike CIO -vakbonde, maar dit het gou teruggekeer na die AFL. Teen 1952, die jaar toe die presidente van beide die AFL en CIO sterf, het die AFL byna die helfte van sy lidmaatskap in industriële vakbonde. ekonomie.


Congress of Industrial Organisations: the CIO - History

Kongres van nywerheidsorganisasies

Konfrontasie met bloedbad
Vakbondspresidente, waaronder John L. Lewis van die United Mine Workers, stig die Komitee vir Nywerheidsorganisasie in November 1935. Moeg vir die weiering van die American Federation of Labor (AFL) om ongeskoolde en halfgeskoolde fabriekswerkers, Lewis en sy bondgenote, te reël. het die geld en organisatoriese raamwerk verskaf vir hul mobilisering en vakbond. Die komitee het sy breek met die AFL geformaliseer toe dit sy eerste byeenkoms in 1938 gehou het, en homself die kongres van nywerheidsorganisasies (CIO) hernoem. In 1955 het die CIO saamgesmelt met die AFL om die AFL-CIO te vorm.

Dit het baie gevegte geverg - op die pikkelyne en op die winkelvloer, in die howe en die buurte - om die CIO te bou. Organiseerders het gesofistikeerde en koppige werkgewers gekonfronteer met 'n lang geskiedenis van veldtogte teen unie wat dikwels na geweld oorgegaan het. Ander dinge was egter bevorderlik vir die organisering: depressie-werkloosheid, wat werknemers en hul lojaliteit teenoor hul ondernemings ondermyn het, 'n sterk werkende Rooms-Katolieke Kerk, 'n werkersklas wat sy eie instellings en 'n gevoel van homself gehandhaaf het en die teenwoordigheid van baie radikale, dikwels kommuniste. , wat jare lank in die loopgrawe georganiseer het. Onder die belangrikste gebeurtenisse uit die periode 1935 tot 1942 wat die beginfase van die organisering en institusionalisering van die CIO was, was die Memorial Day Massacre, toe polisiebeamptes in Chicago op 30 Mei 1937 opvallende werkers van die Republiek Staal aangeval het op die Packinghouse Workers & apos massa -byeenkoms by die Coliseum op Op 16 Julie 1939, toe biskop Bernard Sheil en John L. Lewis hul goedkeuring uitspreek oor die vakbondwese, en vroeg in 1941 die plaasuitrustingswerkers en 'n suksesvolle staking teen International Harvester.

Staalwerkers, wat gemiddeld 100 000 tot 125 000 CIO-lede van die Chicago-gebied uitgemaak het, was die grootste deel van die geskiedenis. Pakhuiswerkers - gemiddeld ongeveer 40 000 lede - en plaastoerustingwerkers - ongeveer 25 000 - kom hierna. Ander CIO -lede het motorwerkers, klerewerkers, kleinhandel- en groothandelswerkers en elektriese werkers ingesluit.

Joseph Germano, direkteur van die staalwerkersdistrik 31 vanaf 1940 tot met sy aftrede in 1973, het die liberale, anti-kommunistiese vleuel van die CIO gelei. Germano, 'n virtuele diktator van sy distrik, die grootste in die staalwerkers, was baie antiradies, maar ook voorregtelik burgerregte en, indien nodig, 'n militante vakbondlid. Herbert March, van die United Packinghouse Workers, Grant Oakes, van die Farm Equipment Workers en Hilliard Ellis, van die United Automobile Workers, het die "kommunistiese" vleuel gelei. Sake kom by die CIO-byeenkoms in Illinois in 1947, wat herhaaldelike boosaardige aanvalle op 'kommuniste' gehad het, toe die vergadering wat deur Steelworker gedomineer is, van die linkerkant gesuiwer het. In die daaropvolgende jare het die staalwerkers die leidende rol gespeel in die CIO & aposs -vennootskap met die Demokratiese Party.

In die agteraf gesien deur jare van ontindustrialisering en aanvalle teen unie, lyk die CIO & aposs-suksesse (verhoogde waardigheid op die werk, bevordering van burgerregte, hoër lone en verbeterde voordele) op die oomblik indrukwekkend genoeg.


1935 - Kongres van nywerheidsorganisasies

Arbeidsonrus het gepaard gegaan met die opkoms van grootskaalse ondernemings, met konflik tussen geskoolde werkers en bestuurders 'n belangrike aspek. Ongeskoolde en halfgeskoolde fabriekshande het nie op die agtergrond teruggesak nie. Net soos hul eweknieë in 'n vroeë era van industriële ontwikkeling, protesteer hulle nie op die beheer van produksie nie, maar eerder oor die haglike omstandighede waaronder hulle werk.

Die 1920's was 'n bestuurs- en geregtelike aanslag op vakbondwese, maar steeds het tekstielhande in die ondernemingsdorpe in die suidelike Piemonte hul werk gewaag deur in die latere jare van daardie dekade te staak. Tussen 1880 en 1930 het fabrieksoperateurs geweier om stil te bly, maar min van hulle pogings het permanente arbeidsorganisasies of vakbondkontrakte meegebring. Massa -produksie -unionisme sou eers in die 1930's en 1940's 'n blywende kenmerk van die Amerikaanse vervaardiging word.

John L. Lewis, 'n hoë figuur in die geskiedenis van Amerikaanse arbeid, het talle bydraes gelewer tot nasionale ekonomiese en politieke aangeleenthede. Tussen 1934 en 1960 was die beplanningsentrum en ontmoetingsplek vir sommige van Lewis se dapperste inisiatiewe die hoofkwartier van die vakbond in Washington, DC. In 1934 was die hoofkwartier geleë in die Tower Building op die hoek van 14th en K Streets op Franklin Square. In 1936 verhuis die UMW na die Universiteitsklubgebou in 900 15th Street NW, wat toe bekend staan ​​as die United Mine Workers -gebou. Die hoofkwartier is uit Indianapolis na Washington verplaas, wat die toenemende afstand tussen die voorste leiers van die organisasie en die ranglêer aandui. Na alles, 'n konvensionele stedelike kantoorgebou, dra die struktuur kulturele konserwatisme oor.

Deur die keuse van hierdie gebou, het Lewis, wat drie stukke gedra het en 'n Cadillac gery het, 'n eerbiedwaardige beeld van vakbond geproduseer. In hierdie verband het die UMW-president in die middel van die 20ste eeu 'n neiging verpersoonlik binne die nasionale leierskap van Amerikaanse vakbonde en binne die werkersklas as geheel.

In die bitumineuse segment van die bedryf het Lewis 'n strategie van markunie uitgevoer wat nie net daarop gemik was om die prys van arbeid te verhoog nie, maar veral om die bedryf self te rasionaliseer. Sy aandrang op hoë, eenvormige arbeidskoerse het sagte-steenkooloperateurs gedryf om meganisasie te versnel. Sy eensgesinde toewyding aan hoë loon, kapitaalintensiewe produksie het werkgewersorganisasie in die chaotiese bitumineuse velde bevorder. Met die opeenvolging van hoofooreenkomste tussen die UMW en die sagte-steenkool-operateurs wat in 1933 begin is, is Lewis se visie van 'n stabiele, gemoderniseerde, vakbondbedryf geleidelik bereik. Dat hierdie ooreenkoms die verlies van honderdduisende werkgeleenthede en 'n skerp agteruitgang in die werksomstandighede vereis, was vir die hardnekkige Lewis die prys van vordering.

Maar hierdie konserwatiewe kan 'n militante organiseerder wees. Die UMW-president het al hoe meer ontsteld geraak oor die onwilligheid van die American Federation of Labor (AFL) om die massaproduksiebedrywe te organiseer. Die weiering van die AFL -konvensie van 1935 om beslissend te gaan om minder geskoolde industriële arbeid te werf, het 'n historiese inisiatief tot gevolg gehad. Op 9 November 1935 het Lewis by die UMW -hoofkwartier met 'n klein groepie ander dissidente arbeidsleiers vergader om die Committee for Industrial Organization te stig. Na drie jaar van woes organisering en rusies met die ou garde, breek hierdie komitee weg om die Congress of Industrial Organisations (CIO) te word, met 'n totale lidmaatskap van meer as drie miljoen. Sowel die argitek as die bouer van die CIO, John L. Lewis, is tot sy eerste president verkies. Basiese bedrywe wat vakbonde al dekades lank ontwyk het, is grootliks georganiseer teen die einde van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog. Blouboordjiewerkers het uiteindelik beide 'n gesamentlike stem en 'n mate van kompenserende krag teenoor die reusekorporasies wat die diensvoorwaardes bepaal het.

Dissidente eis dat die hoofstroomvereniging begin om die miljoene fabriekshande in die land se massaproduksiebedrywe te organiseer wat buite die vakbondvak van die AFL gebly het. Toe die rebelle in 1935 uit die federasie verdryf word, het Lewis en sy bondgenote 'n aantal vakbondveldtogte onder die vaandel van hul nuwe CIO begin.

Hulle het eers die staalbedryf gekies en nie minder nie as die reus in die veld, U.S. Steel. Sonder 'n geveg het die bestuurders van die maatskappy vroeg in 1937 ooreengekom om die CIO se staalunie te erken en 'n kontrak onderteken wat gunstige lone en voordele vir werknemers van US Steel bevorder het. Volgende was General Motors. Hier het 'n dramatiese konfrontasie ontvou met die beroemde aanvalle van die winter 1937, die mees kritieke wat plaasgevind het in 'n motorversamelingsaanleg in Flint, Michigan, in die Chevrolet. Werkers het die skakelaars gestamp, die vervoerbande toegesluit en die gebou beset. Teenoor 'n verenigde front het GM -amptenare in Maart ingestem om die vakbond United Automobile Workers (UAW) van die CIO te erken.

Aangemoedig deur hierdie vroeë oorwinnings, het CIO -organiseerders ander staal- en motorvervaardigers en ander rubber-, elektronika-, vleisverpakking- en lugvaartbedrywe gerig. Hulle het teëgestaan. Kleiner ondernemings met minder hak as U.S. Steel in die staalbedryf het die stryd aangesê teen die CIO. Daar sou 'n aantal gewelddadige konfrontasies plaasvind tydens die organisering van ritte, soos die sogenaamde Memorial Day Massacre in 1937, toe die polisie in Chicago 'n betoging van werkers van die Republic Steel Company verbreek het. In die motorbedryf het Chrysler GM gevolg in die erkenning van die UAW, maar die knapperige Henry Ford het tot 1941 geen weerstand met die vakbond gehad nie.

Die stryd met Ford sou hewige gevegte insluit buite die reuse -aanleg in die rivier die Rouge in Detroit, gebou deur Ford in die laat 1920's. 'N Aanval deur Ford -wagte op die leier van die UAW, Walter Reuther, op 'n deurpad by die aanleg het nasionale aandag gekry. Tog het die CIO voortgegaan en teen die middel van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het die nuwe federasie 'n groter vakbond van die land se massaproduksiebedrywe tot stand gebring.

Die buitengewone sukses van die CIO word dikwels toegeskryf aan die federale beskerming wat die vakbond in die National Labour Relations Act in 1935 verleen het. Die federale regering se hulp aan arbeid het 'n belangrike rol gespeel, maar daar is ander belangrike faktore.

Die veranderende houding van sommige korporatiewe bestuurders is een oorweging. Gekonfronteer met moeilike besigheids tye gedurende die dertigerjare, het hulle verkies om geen markvoordeel met verlammende stakings in te boet nie. Deur op 'n totale fabrieksbasis met die CIO te handel, het stabiliteit op die winkelvloer gelei, en korporatiewe bestuurders was deeglik daarvan bewus dat hulle, met politici wat simpatiek was vir arbeid in nasionale en plaaslike kantore, nie kon staatmaak op hulp van die regering om onrus te onderdruk nie.

'N Jong groep arbeidsleiers wat gretig was om te ontsnap aan die invloed van hul konserwatiewe oudstes in die AFL, het 'n geleentheid gevind om geskiedenis te maak en hul eie loopbane te verhoog in nuwe organisatoriese dryfvere. Onder hulle was 'n groep bekwame organiseerders van die winkelvloere, baie van hulle sosialiste en kommuniste, wie se politieke oortuigings hul toewyding en werk aangewakker het. By hulle was miljoene massaproduksiewerkers wat deur die Groot Depressie opgevoed en verpolitiseer is. Baie was tweede- en derde-generasie immigrante wat, anders as hul ouers en grootouers, nooit die idee gehad het om terug te keer na hul tuislande nie. Hulle was in die VSA om te bly, burgers wat wou hê dat hul gesinne 'n behoorlike Amerikaanse lewenstandaard moet geniet, wat die byvoordele insluit wat tydens die depressie verloor is (voordele wat deur vakbondkontrak gewaarborg word, eerder as beskikbaar gestel deur die goeie genade van hul werkgewers).

Hierdie werkers kon etniese en rasse -verdeeldheid oorkom wat vakbondveldtogte in die verlede gestuit het. Gedurende en na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het Afro -Amerikaners uit die Suide gestroom om werk in die noordelike nywerheid te soek, dikwels om die fabriekshekke vir hulle gesluit te vind, of posisies wat beskikbaar gestel is deur werkgewers wat hul werkmagte doelbewus verdeel om vakbonde te voorkom. CIO -vakbondbestuurders het in die 1930's en 1940's geslaag. Radikale organiseerders en leiers van die CIO het swart werkers georganiseer om hul vermoedens van 'n arbeidersbeweging wat voorheen in die pad van vooruitgang gestaan ​​het, te oorkom, en wit werkers het eenheid aanvaar, al was dit in baie gevalle gruwelik.

Van 1935 tot 1945 het georganiseerde arbeid die grootste groei in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis geniet. Die lidmaatskap onder nie-plaaswerkers het nasionaal gestyg van 3,6 tot 14,3 miljoen (38,5 persent van die nie-plaaswerkers). Vakbondlidmaatskap het in die Suide gegroei, maar deur die 1960's was die deel van die georganiseerde werkers in die streek die helfte van die koers vir die res van die land. Tekstiel, die grootste en belangrikste vervaardigingsbedryf in die streek, bly grootliks nie -eenheid. Die algehele resultaat was 'n kritieke swakheid in die Suide vir georganiseerde arbeid, wat weer aansienlike gevolge vir die nasionale ekonomie en die suidelike politiek gehad het.

In die veertigerjare het die Suide na vore gekom as 'n toevlugsoord vir nywerhede wat op soek is na lae-loon, nie-vakbond, ongeskoolde arbeid. Suidelike politici, wat gretig was om die nodige werkgeleenthede te bring aan gemeenskappe wat aan die voortgesette landboukrisis ly, het belastingaansporings, subsidies en ander vorme van hulp aangebied aan ondernemings wat vervaardigingsaanlegte in die Suide gevind het. Die kruistog vir suidelike nywerheidsontwikkeling, algemeen bekend as 'die verkoop van die Suide', is grootliks moontlik omdat suidelike werkers min belangstelling in organisasie getoon het.

Om die sukses van die CIO te verstaan, is om weg te kom van sulke lae antwoorde. Tog is niks verseker nie. Bestuurs- en konserwatiewe politieke terugslae in die winste wat die CIO voor en tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog behaal het, sou wetgewing meebring, spesifiek die Taft-Hartley-wet van 1947 wat georganiseerde arbeid se krag en mag beperk. Die suiwering van radikale organiseerders met die Red Scare van die Koue Oorlog aan die einde van die veertiger- en vyftigerjare het verdere energie uit die beweging gebring. Die groei van vakbondburokrasieë en die verwydering van konflik van die winkelvloer en na onderhandelingskamers met vakbond- en bestuurspersoneel, regeringsbemiddelaars, federale agentskappe en howe het die plaaslike werkers se opstand en betrokkenheid gedemp. Verwoesting in industriële vakbondwese sou gedurende die 1950's ontstaan.


Die geboorte van die CIO

Bill Roberts verduidelik hoe die diep terugslae vir die Amerikaanse arbeidersbeweging in die twintigerjare slegs die voorspel was vir die massa -vakbondstryd van die dertigerjare.

DIE GEBOORTE van die Congress of Industrial Organisations (CIO) het 'n tydperk van arbeidsmilitansie ingelui wat die Amerikaanse arbeidersbeweging verander het.

Vir 'n tydperk van 10 jaar, tussen 1936 en 1946, was die stryd van Amerikaanse werkers een van die mees dinamiese van enige industrieel gevorderde lande.

Die plofbare aard van hierdie groei in arbeidsaksie kan gesien word in die aantal stakings. Tussen 1923-32 was daar 9 658 stakings waarby 3 952 000 werkers betrokke was. Tussen 1936-45 was daar 35 519 stakings waarby 15 856 000 stakers betrokke was.

Voor hierdie dramatiese ommeswaai was die Amerikaanse arbeidersbeweging in die steek. Die vakbonde van die American Federation of Labor (AFL) het teen 1931 nie net 7 000 lede per week verloor nie, maar die loon van werknemers het ook afgeneem. Gemiddelde loonverlagings in die vervaardiging was in 1931 9,4 persent.

Arbeidsleiers van die AFL het tydens die depressie nie 'n ander rol gespeel as vandag nie. Bowenal beskou hulle hul taak as 'n minimalisering van die gevolge van die roete, maar het niks gedoen om die rigting daarvan te verander nie.

So het John L. Lewis, hoof van die United Mine Workers (UMW), byvoorbeeld na die mynstreke gereis om werkers te raadpleeg om besnoeiings te neem en nie te staak nie.

Lewis was 'n tipiese vakbondlid wat sy vakbond met 'n ystervuis bestuur het. In die tradisie van die voormalige AFL-hoof, Samuel Gompers, het hy niks gedoen om die lede op te voed nie, sodat hulle hulself beter kon verteenwoordig op die werksplekke wat hy sterk anti-kommunisties was en die Republikeinse Party ondersteun het.

In 1922, by die afsluiting van 'n suksesvolle staking, het Lewis 100,000 ongeorganiseerde stakers in Pennsylvania en Wes -Virginia laat vaar wat nie gedek is deur die ooreenkoms wat die werkgewers onderteken het nie.

Hierdie houding het groot sektore van die bedryf ongeorganiseerd gelaat en die UMW aan die einde van die 1920's erg lamgelê. Teen 1931 was daar slegs 60 000 lede oor in die UMW -afname van 400 000 op die hoogtepunt in 1920.

Teen 1933 word Lewis gedwing om ratte te skakel. In die gevaar dat hy sy vertroue sou verloor, besluit Lewis dat sy strategie om wetgewing te soek wat die steenkoolbedryf bevoordeel, te murg is, en daarom het hy saamgewerk met wat nou 'n geskreeu van die nyweraars en bankiers was vir 'n wyer benadering tot die oplossing van die probleme van die Amerikaanse kapitalisme. -regeringsintervensie.

In 1933 het Lewis sy plan om die Amerikaanse kapitalisme te laat herleef aan 'n senaatskomitee voorgelê. Ingesluit in die plan was 'n vermindering van die werksdag om sommige van die werkloses te help absorbeer, 'n minimum loon en veral die reg om te organiseer en gesamentlik te onderhandel met werkgewers.

Dit was die bydrae van vakbonde tot die National Recovery Act (NRA) en is ingevolge artikel 7 (a) opgeneem.

DIE MITE wat rondom die NRA gegroei het, erken president Franklin Delano Roosevelt en die Demokratiese Party as vriende van die arbeid.

Werkers het eintlik reeds die wettige reg gehad om te organiseer ingevolge die Norris-LaGuardia-wet van 1932, en die feit dat vakbonde reeds werkers georganiseer het, het hierdie afdeling niks anders gemaak as 'n skakelwerk nie.

Soos Roosevelt se sekretaris van arbeid, Frances Perkins, toegegee het: "In algemene terme was 7 (a) 'n probleem in die semantiek. Dit was 'n stel woorde wat by arbeidsleiers pas."

Lewis self het erken dat "Roosevelt nie te vriendelik was teenoor afdeling 7 (a) nie." Die slagspreuk "U president wil hê dat u by 'n vakbond aansluit" is egter deur vakbondorganiseerders in die steenkoolvelde en kledingdistrikte gebruik met dramatiese resultate.

Twee maande nadat die UMW -organisasie begin het, is 300 000 nuwe lede aangemeld. Die International Ladies Garment Workers het 150,000 aangemeld en die Amalgamated Clothing Workers 50,000.

Die effek van die NRA was elektries. Alhoewel die belangrikste doelwit van die wetgewing was om besigheidsbelange te red, het miljoene werkers gelyk asof die groen lig vir hulle aangesluit het om by die regering aan te sluit.

Selfs as artikel 7 (a) gehelp het om die organisasie van sommige werkers aan te spoor, kon dit hulle nie teen werkgewer se vergelding beskerm nie. Werkgewers het hul uiterste bes gedoen om 7 (a) te oortree.

Soms het dit stakings veroorsaak ten spyte van die opposisie van vakbondleiers, maar dit het ook gelei tot demoralisering onder werkers wat gestaak is weens hul organiseringspogings.

Die algemene staking van San Francisco van 1934 is die beste voorbeeld van hoe werkers gereageer het op reaksionêre werkgewers wat vasbeslote was om langwerkers 'n lewende loon of 'n vakbond te weier. Ten spyte van massiewe polisie-brutaliteit en onwillige AFL-leierskap, het 'n golf van solidariteit van die werkers die stad effektief vir 'n kort tydjie in die hande van die werkers gelê.

Dit het dit moontlik gemaak vir langwerkers om uit die stryd te kom met beter omstandighede, lone en 'n erkende vakbond.

Aan die ander kant het rubberwerkers bevind dat die AFL nie in staat was om die NRA te gebruik om hulle te help nie. Teen 1934 het 70 000 werkers by die AFL se federale vakbonde aangesluit ('n struktuur wat ontwerp is om werkers na die verskillende ambagsafdelings van die AFL te bring nadat 'n spesifieke bedryf georganiseer is).

Hierdie afdelings het natuurlik in die hande van die werkgewers gespeel in hul pogings om nie met die vakbonde te onderhandel nie.

SOOS ANDER nywerheidswerkers, wou die rubberwerkers hê dat vakbonde die base moet aanvat.

Werkers by General Tyre and Rubber het ongeduldig geraak met spoedversnelling en lae lone. Hulle het in Junie 1934 'n staking gevra tot groot ontsteltenis van die AFL-aangestelde leier, Coleman Claherty.

Die maatskappy het geweier om die vakbond te erken, en deur allerhande regsmaneuvers het hulle die verkiesings gesaboteer wat die hele vakbond erkenning sou gee. In plaas daarvan om 'n staking in die hele bedryf op te roep-die enigste manier om die ondernemings te onderhandel-het die AFL in April 1935 'n ooreenkoms in Washington aangegaan en die maatskappye heeltemal ingegee.

Die rubberwerkers is heeltemal gedemoraliseer, en die vakbondlidmaatskap het teen die somer tot minder as 3 000 gestop.

John L. Lewis, die president van die kledingbedryf vir mans, Sidney Hillman, en die president van die kledingwerkers, David Dubinsky, is een van die vakbondleiers wat die Amerikaanse vakbondwese herleef het.

Hulle bydraes kom meer uit pragmatiese oorwegings as uit enige teoretiese of visioenêre perspektief.

Met hul eie posisies bedreig deur die ekonomiese krisis, het hulle 'n pad vorentoe gevind deur werknemers op 'n bedryfsbasis te organiseer.

Soos Daniel Guérin in sy 100 jaar arbeid in die VSA:

hierdie innoveerders het een verpletterende argument in hul guns gehad: tegniese vooruitgang. Terwyl die industriële produktiwiteit tussen 1899 en 1914 met minder as 10 persent gestyg het, het dit van 1920 tot 1930 jaarliks ​​7 persent toegeneem.

In die basiese nywerheid vervang die halfgeskoolde vakmanne, en in baie gevalle oorheers ongeskoolde werkers. Vyf-en-tagtig persent van Ford-werkers kan opgelei word om hul werk binne minder as twee weke te doen.

Die struktuur van die organisering van werkers deur kunsvlyt was 'n fokker in die vakbondbeweging, en Lewis en die ander wat hom ondersteun het, het dit erken.

Die stryd tussen die 'nyweraars' en die 'handwerkers' binne die AFL breek oop tydens die 1934 -byeenkoms in San Francisco. Die verdedigers van die ou orde het toegegee tot die stigting van industriële vakbonde in motor, sement en aluminium, maar hulle het steeds aangedring op die voorrang van die vakbonde.

Daniel Tobin van die Teamsters herhaal Gompers se ou belediging deur na die onlangs georganiseerde ongeskoolde werkers as 'vullis' te verwys.

By die byeenkoms van 1935 het die geveg voortgegaan. Op hierdie byeenkoms is Lewis mondelings aangerand deur die president van die timmerman, William Hutcheson, en daarna aan die lapels gegryp. Lewis gee 'n harde linkerhand na Hutcheson se kakebeen-'n simbool van die breek wat sou volg.

DIE "INDUSTRIALISTE" is tydens die byeenkoms verslaan en onmiddellik byeengeroep om 'n komitee vir nywerheidsorganisasie op die been te bring.

Oorspronklik bedoel om 'n komitee in die AFL te wees, was die CIO spoedig verplig om sy eie gang te gaan toe die AFL 10 Internasionaal wat meer as 'n miljoen werkers verteenwoordig, uit die veld gesit het omdat hulle daarby aangesluit het.

Die 'nyweraars' staan ​​nou voor die enorme taak om die ongeorganiseerdes te organiseer. Lewis het besef dat om die werklikheid te laat werk, hy die hulp van enigeen wat hy in vorige interne gevegte geslaan het, sou moes inroep.

John Brophy was sy gevaarlikste mededinger. Hy het geveg om die UMW tussen 1924-28 te hervorm, deur Lewis se uitverkopings aan die kaak te stel, 'n beroep op die organisering van die ongeorganiseerde, die nasionalisering van die myne, die einde van die alliansie met die Republikeine en die stigting van 'n arbeidersparty.

By die byeenkoms van 1926 is Brophy tot president verkies, maar Lewis het die prosedure opgestel en daarin geslaag om hom te verdryf.

In 1935 maak Lewis sy arms oop vir Brophy en vir ander wat hy langs die pad teëgestaan ​​het.

Soos hy aan Powers Hapgood, 'n ander dissident, gesê het: "Jy en Brophy het baie idees gehad, maar dit was te vroeg. 'N Generaal wat sy leër vooruitloop, is vir niemand tot nut nie. Maar nou is ek gereed om sommige hiervan oor te neem. idees. Kom ons gaan Powers. " Brophy het die pos van organiserende direkteur gekry.

Miskien was Lewis se mees opportunistiese ommeswaai egter sy benadering tot die kommuniste. Niemand was meer anti-kommunisties as Lewis in die 1920's nie.

Hy het in 1923 'n pamflet uitgegee met die titel "Kommunistiese pogings om die Amerikaanse arbeidersbeweging vas te vang", wat aangevoer het dat die kommuniste daarop uit was om die vakbonde in industriële vakbonde te omskep. Hy het gespog dat hy elke kommunis in die UMW kon verdryf.

In 1935 het hy van plan verander. By die byeenkoms in Atlantic City het hy gekant teen 'n resolusie wat deur kommuniste onder leiding van vakbonde kon verhinder het om aan konvensies deel te neem. Hy het aangevoer dat anti-kommunisme 'n voorwendsel was om niks te doen om die saak van die arbeid te help nie.

In die CIO het hy die kommuniste verwelkom en erkenning gegee dat dit nuttig was as organiseerders vir sy nuwe onderneming.

Wat ook al die invloed en organisatoriese vaardighede van die verskillende radikale binne die vakbonde was, dit was die oplewing van onder wat Lewis se CIO tot 'n massapoging gedryf het.

Wat ook al die illusies van werkers rakende Roosevelt se programme, die indruk dat die kandidaat van arbeid in 1936 gewen het, het vertroue gewek in wat reeds 'n massabeweging was.

BEGIN IN die rubberbedryf het werkers by Firestone in Januarie 1936 gestaak deur hul fabriek te beset.

Hierdie nuwe taktiek is ontwerp om te voorkom dat skurke werk aanpak, en dit lyk asof 'n Hongaarse drukker dit aan hulle voorgestel het in 1914.

Dit word die sit-strike genoem, en dit het binne twee dae 'n oorwinning behaal.

Die taktiek is 'n paar dae later by die Goodyear- en Goodrich -fabrieke in Akron gebruik. Die Goodyear-sitplek is gebruik om afleggings te protesteer. Die owerhede dreig om die National Guard in te stuur. The unions responded with a citywide meeting representing 104 unions and 35,000 workers. A general strike was threatened and after 33 days, the strike was successful.

After Akron came Flint. The CIO staked its future on his strike and won. Once the General Motors system was organized, the CIO was at the center of a mass workers' movement that was to reshape the face of U.S. labor for years to come.

The sit-downs in Flint and elsewhere reached their peak in 1937, with more than 200,000 workers involved. By his time, employers recognized the tide had shifted against them and sought to minimize its effects by seeking favorable deals with cooperative union leaders. Thus, Lewis was able to use the threat posed by the rank and file-led movement in auto to extract a deal from the steel companies in 1937.

The founders of the CIO--Lewis, Hillman, Dubinsky--sought to limit the movement that they had helped to start once the results could be achieved without actually releasing the power of the rank and file.

After all, Lewis' objectives were not dissimilar to AFL President William Green's. They just disagreed about the approach.

With the founding of the CIO, U.S. labor went on a march that was to overturn more than a decade of defeats. The success of this industrial unionism and the power exercised by rank-and-file workers shook American capitalism at its heart.

This explosive period of class struggle resulted from a combination of conditions and radicalized a generation of workers and their supporters.

This article originally appeared in the in May 1990 issue of Socialist Worker.


Operation Dixie: The CIO Organizing Committee Papers on Microfilm

The papers include correspondence, addresses, minutes, memoranda, printed materials and miscellaneous documents.

The "Operation Dixie" collection includes the records from four states-- North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Virginia. Records from the other states involved in the campaign are no longer in existence.

In addition to procedural matters delineating the business, personnel and financial policies of the Organizing Committee, the CIO's objectives, priorities and approaches to organizing and negotiating are apparent in correspondence, printed matter and publicity materials. National, state and local political issues, jurisdictional questions, including relations between the AFL and the CIO, improved labor and living conditions and relations with other departments of the CIO, as well as with a variety of social reform and friends of labor groups are documented. Legal materials include NLRB documents concerning unfair labor practices, elections, etc. Organizers reports and membership records are among the other types of materials found in the records.


Present Activities

Organizing and Representation

The AFL-CIO is a federation of member labor unions that engage in collective bargaining. The federation is funded by “per capita tax,” an indirect fee on union members levied by the federation on local member unions. Per capita tax levied by the AFL-CIO varies: For most members affiliated with a national labor union that is a member of the AFL-CIO, per capita tax is

Related Organizations

Trade Departments

The AFL-CIO is divided into six trade departments that specialize in particular industries. The Building and Construction Trades Department, Maritime Trades Department, Department for Professional Employees, Transportation Trades Department, and Union Label and Service Trades Department allow member unions of the AFL-CIO to coordinate on industry-specific policies. [53]

Associated Organizations

AFL-CIO reports having 12 “related tax-exempt organizations” on its IRS Form 990 tax return. [54] Most are the six trade departments and the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions, which provide forums for AFL-CIO member unions to coordinate industry- or employer-specific policies. The union also reports its in-house insurance company for members as a subsidiary organization. [55]

The AFL-CIO also sponsors the AFL-CIO Lawyers’ Coordinating Committee. The Committee is a membership organization of union-side employment lawyers, enabling union attorneys to pool resources and organize their own demonstrations and activism within the union movement. [56] The remaining related organizations are Working America, the American Center for International Labor Solidarity, and the Working for America Institute.

Working America is a 501(c)(5) organization used by the AFL-CIO for political organizing among workers not represented by labor unions. [57] Working America claims over 3 million members. [58] However, reports indicate that as few as one-fourth of the claimed membership actually pay Working America dues of $5 per year. [59] Working America is heavily involved in the AFL-CIO’s political operations, and received $7,630,560 in AFL-CIO funds for political and lobbying activities alone in the union federation’s 2016 fiscal year. [60]

The American Center for International Labor Solidarity (also known as the Solidarity Center) is an international-focused 501(c)(5) associated with the AFL-CIO. According to tax filings, it is principally funded by government grants. [61] The Working for America Institute is a 501(c)(3) organization that runs apprenticeship programs under contract to the U.S. Department of Labor. [62] In 2014, the Institute received almost all of its funds from government grants. [63] In past years, the Institute has received grants from the Energy Foundation, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, and the Ford Foundation. [64]

Regional and Local Federations

In addition to its member unions and the national headquarters, the AFL-CIO organizes state federations, regional federations, and city-level labor councils to organize its member unions on the local level. The organizations, which are generally do not qualify as labor unions that fall under the transparency rules set by the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), conduct campaigns at the state, regional, and local levels to advance the union’s agenda. [65]

Despite the continued rift between the AFL-CIO and the SEIU-led Change to Win union federation, the AFL-CIO will admit Change to Win member unions to its regional and local federations. [66] Local union-organizing supporting groups known as worker centers are also eligible for admission to local councils and state federations. [67]

.65 per member per month. For “directly affiliated local unions,” per capita tax is nine dollars per month. [27]

Direct representation of employees is largely the responsibility of local labor unions. The AFL-CIO reports fewer expenditures on representational activities than political activities and lobbying on the federation’s annual report. Representational activities reported on the AFL-CIO’s annual report focus on organizing and solidarity.

Support for Liberal Organizations

At least since Sweeney was elected AFL-CIO president, the AFL-CIO has been a substantial supporter of the broader left-progressive movement. The federation contributes millions in dues money—in 2016, likely exceeding $12 million—to liberal activist groups annually. [28] Federal labor law allows labor organizations to spend dues money on political lobbying and organizing, with certain limitations. [29]

The role of the AFL-CIO in the progressive infrastructure is substantial. The union federation is reportedly a member of the Democracy Alliance, reporting $110,000 in contributions to the organization of liberal donors in the union’s 2016 fiscal year. The stated purpose of the contributions were support for “Developing Progressive Democratic Community.” [30] Committee on States, a state-level project of the Democracy Alliance, received an additional $25,000 in that year. [31]

The list of progressive organizations receiving funds from the AFL-CIO is long and covers groups in most areas of left-wing politics. Liberal economic think tanks and mobilizing groups like Economic Policy Institute, Center for Popular Democracy, and Center for Economic and Policy Research are among the recipients of AFL-CIO support. Also receiving support are progressive groups that support union-associated special interest positions, such as the Alliance for Retired Americans (which opposes public-sector pension reform) and the Coalition for Better Trade (a protectionist lobby group). [32]

Openly left-wing media outlets receive AFL-CIO funds as well. The Center for American Progress Action Fund, which publishes the ThinkProgress family of blogs, received $25,000 from the federation in 2016. [33] The AFL-CIO also sponsors a progressive radio show aimed at union households, America’s Work Force Radio. [34]

The union federation also sponsors a handful of groups intended to spread the progressive message to conservative-leaning constituency groups. The most notable is likely the Union Sportsmen’s Alliance, an association for union member hunters. In 2016, the group received $119,500 from the AFL-CIO. [35]

In response to declining union membership, the AFL-CIO has proposed admitting non-labor-organizations to formal partnership or affiliate status. [36] The proposal was modified substantially after building and construction trades unions objected to the federation offering membership or membership-like status to environmentalist groups including the Sierra Club. [37] The AFL-CIO itself runs an organizing group for non-unionized employees called Working America that also conducts canvassing operations for AFL-CIO supported candidates. [38]

In 2019, the AFL-CIO gave $60,000 toward a voter turnout and voter protection program administered by NEO Philanthropy through its child organization the Funders Committee for Civic Participation (FCCP). [39]

Green New Deal

In March 2019, the AFL-CIO sent a letter to two Democratic Party sponsors of the Green New Deal (H.R. 109) bill, Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), expressing their opposition to the House Resolution. The letter said that the Green New Deal “makes promises that are not achievable or realistic” and that the AFL-CIO would “not accept proposals that could cause immediate harm to millions of our members and their families.” [40]

Political Contributions

Like most national labor unions, the AFL-CIO supports a network of political action committees, known as “committees on political education” (or COPE) in labor union parlance. [41] Under federal law, direct contributions from union treasuries to political campaigns are restricted. Unions are allowed to offer their members the opportunity to contribute to a union-controlled “separate segregated fund” that channels contributions to union-supported candidates and political party committees. [42]

The AFL-CIO’s political committees are substantial supporters of Democratic Party candidates. As of mid-2016, records analyzed by the Center for Responsive Politics show that the AFL-CIO’s political committees and employees spent over $57 million on contributions since records began in 1990, good for 15 th place among organizations classified. [43]

Polling indicates that in a typical election, American union households (defined as union members and those living with union members) tend to split roughly 60-40 Democratic. [44] The AFL-CIO’s political contributions split 98-2 Democratic. [45]

Judicial Confirmations

In early 2019, the AFL-CIO released a letter urging senators on the Senate Judiciary Committee not to confirm Neomi Rao to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals. The letter argued that Rao would “roll back civil and human rights and eviscerate regulations that are unpopular with business interests.” It went on to accuse Rao of being racist and anti-LGBTQ-rights. [46]


CIO Unions History and Geography

The CIO transformed American labor and American politics. Defying the American Federation of Labor's commitment to craft unionism, the Committee for Industrial Organization was launched in 1935 by leaders of the United Mine Workers and other AFL unions that had previously embraced industrial union organizing strategies. The goal was to build unions in core industries like steel, auto, aircraft, electrical appliances, meat packing, tires, and textiles that had blocked organizing efforts at every turn.

Led by John L. Lewis, head of the coal miners union, and initially financed by the UMW, the CIO sent hundreds of organizers into the industrial cities of the Northeast and Midwest, achieving a breakthrough victory in the Flint sitdown strike against General Motors in early 1937. Expelled from the AFL, the CIO changed its name to the Congress of Industrial Organizations and began a contentious rivalry with the AFL that lasted until 1954 when the two federations reunited as the AFL-CIO.

Here we explore the history and geography of the CIO unions from 1935 through the end of the 1940s with maps and membership data showing the growth and in some cases decline of what will be a growing list of the major unions starting with United Auto Workers (UAW), United Electrical Workers (UE), International Ladies Garment Workers (ILGWU), International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU). This section has been researched and written by Cameron Molyneux. Educators may want to consult Teaching CIO Maps: Observation and Discussion Questions

United Auto Workers (UAW) locals 1937-1949

Founded in 1935 as one of the first initiatives of the industrial union organizing committee led by John L. Lewis, the United Autoworkers won a breakthrough victory against General Motors in the dramatic Flint, Michigan sit down strike in the winter of 1936-1937. After General Motors agreed to bargain, Chrysler and several smaller auto companies followed suit and by mid-1937 the new union claimed 150,000 members and was spreading through the auto and parts manufacturing towns of Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. These maps chart the spread of the UAW from April 1939 when it counted 172 locals and about 170,000 members to 1944 with 634 locals and more than one million members then though the late 1940s when conversion to civilian production and a post-war recession caused a dip in membership even as the number of locals increased. Watch the UAW spread across the map in the 1940s, anchored in Michigan and the Great Lakes states but claiming dozens of locals in the Northeast and California, and a sprinkling in Alabama, Geogia, and Texas.

United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (UE) locals 1939-1949

Founded in 1936 by workers from General Electric, Westinghouse, Philco, RCA and other companies that made electrical appliances and machinery, UE soon became one of the largest and most controversial unions in the CIO, claiming a peak membership of 686,000 in 1944. UE was known as a left-wing union, many of its top leaders closely associated with the Communist Party, a heritage that would complicate its internal and external politics. The union took strong positions on racial and gender equality. Women were an important part of the work force and by the end of the war comprised about 40% of the membership. At the same time, the leftwing reputation left the union vulnerable to red-baiting, which nearly destroyed the union in the early 1950s. Here are five interactive maps and charts showing the year by year geography of the UE.

International Ladies Garment Workers (ILGWU) locals 1934-1947

Founded in 1900 in four East Coast cities by a workforce largely comprised of immigrants who had prior trade union experience in Europe, the ILGWU was one of the first female majority unions in the American Federation of Labor. As one of the AFL’s few industrial unions, the ILGWU joined the Committee for Industrial Organizing in 1935 as a founding member. But opposed to what they saw as rising communist influence in the CIO, ILGWU leaders left and reaffiliated with the AFL in 1940. Already well-established before joining the CIO, the ILGWU did not experience the same explosion in membership that new unions like the UAW and UE experienced in the later 1930s and 1940s. Despite this, the union maintained steady growth after 1935 and peaked at around 380,000 members in 1947.

International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) locals 1934-1949

The ILWU broke away from the International Longshoreman's Association (ILA) in 1937 in order to join the CIO. The Pacfic Coast Division of the ILA had waged a three-month long strike in 1934, closing all the ports up and down the West Coast and winning employer recognition for locals that had been without bargaining rights since the 1920s. Led by militants who defied orders from ILA headquarters, the 1934 victory had set the stage for the 1937 split. Over the next 12 years, the newly independent ILWU would solidify longshore locals along the entirety of the West Coast while starting successful organizing drives in farming in Hawaii and warehouse locals both on the West coast and states further east. During this period, the union’s membership more than doubled, from 25,000 to 65,000 dues paying members.

International Woodworkers of America (IWA) locals 1937-1955

The union's history began in the Pacific Northwest timber strike of 1935. The failure of the AFL-affiliated United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners to respond to its members’ demands led to lumber and sawmill unionists splintering from the craft union to form the Federation of Woodworkers. A year later, the new union affiliated with the CIO as the International Woodworkers of America. Initially based mostly in Washington and Oregon, the IWA expanded rapidly in numbers and geography. With 35,000 members in 1941, the IWA claimed 94,000 a decade later. Although locals were established in the forests of the Midwest and South, much of the growth was in British Columbia, where Chinese-Canadian organizer Roy Mah and South Asian organizer Darshan Singh Sangha led efforts to organize non-white workforces around the Canadian province.

CIO unions combined membership locals 1939-1949

Here we compile the year by year reports for four CIO unions and show combined membership and total number of locals in hundreds of cities in the first decade of the CIO. The maps and charts provide a sense of the density of CIO membership but at this point include only the UAW, UE, ILGWU, and ILWU. For more detail see the separate reports and maps for United Auto Workers (UAW) locals 1937-1949 United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers (UE) locals 1939-1949 International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) locals 1934-1949 International Ladies Garment Workers (ILGWU) locals 1934-1947

Teaching CIO Maps: Observation and Discussion Questions

The Mapping American Social Movements Project is used in hundreds of classrooms at high school and college levels. The maps, charts, and data tables lend themselves to all sorts of observational and interpretative exercises. Here are several discussion questions for the CIO unit.


Philip Murray, the president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), had established a permanent political action committee (PAC) known as "CIO-PAC" in 1942. However, the CIO's political efforts were only marginally effective, and in 1946, the Republicans won a majority in both houses of Congress.

In 1947, Congress passed the Labor Management Relations Act of 1947, better known as the Taft-Hartley Act. Section 304 amended Section 313 of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act to make it unlawful for any labor organization to make a contribution or expenditure in connection with any election in which presidential and vice presidential electors or a member of Congress are to be voted for or in connection with any primary election, political convention or caucus to select candidates for such offices.

President Harry S Truman vetoed the Act, but Congress overrode his veto on June 23, 1947.

On July 14, 1947, the CIO published its regular edition of "The CIO News," the labor federation's magazine. On the front page was a statement by Murray, who urged members of the CIO in Maryland to vote for Judge Ed Garmatz, a candidate for Congress in a special election to be held July 15, 1947. Murray's statement also said that the message was being published because Murray and the CIO believed that amended Section 313 unconstitutionally infringed on the rights of free speech, press, and assembly, which are guaranteed by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.

In January 1948, Murray and the CIO were indicted in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia. The defendants moved to dismiss the charges on constitutional grounds. On March 15, 1948, the district court agreed (77 F. Supp. 355) and dismissed the indictment. The government appealed to the Supreme Court, which accepted certiorari.

Jesse Climenko served as attorney for the appellant. Charles J. Margiotti of Pittsburgh and Lee Pressman of Washington, DC, served as attorneys for the appellees. [1]

Justice Stanley Forman Reed delivered the opinion for the court. Reed refused to reach the constitutional question before the court but argued instead that the use of funds to publish the statement did not constitute an "expenditure" under Section 313, as amended.

Reed concluded that the term "expenditure" was not a term of art and had no defined meaning.

"The purpose of Congress is a dominant factor in determining meaning," he wrote. "There is no better key to a difficult problem of statutory construction than the law from which the challenged statute emerged." [2]

Reed reviewed the enactment of the Federal Corrupt Practices Act in 1910 as well as its 1911 and 1925 amendments, the court's ruling in Newberry v. United States, and the limitations imposed on unions' political expenditures by the 1943 War Labor Disputes Act.

Quoting extensively from Congressional debates over Section 304 of the Taft-Hartley Act, Reed concluded that Congress clearly did not intend for the act to cover union newspapers supported by advertising or member subscriptions. Reed acknowledged that some members of Congress contemplated a different reading of Section 304. However, such contradictory statements could be dismissed as not indicative of the sense of Congress, Reed said, as "the language itself, coupled with the dangers of unconstitutionality, supports the interpretation which we have placed upon it." [3]

It would require explicit words in an act to convince us that Congress intended to bar a trade journal, a house organ or a newspaper, published by a corporation, from expressing views on candidates or political proposals in the regular course of its publication. It is unduly stretching language to say that the members or stockholders are unwilling participants in such normal organizational activities, including the advocacy thereby of governmental policies affecting their interests, and the support thereby of candidates thought to be favorable to their interests. [4]

Frankfurter's concurrence Edit

Justice Felix Frankfurter issued a concurring opinion: "A case or controversy in the sense of a litigation ripe and right for constitutional adjudication by this Court implies a real contest — an active clash of views, based upon an adequate formulation of issues, so as to bring a challenge to that which Congress has enacted inescapably before the Court," Frankfurter wrote. [5]

Rather, Frankfurter said, the constitutional and the interpretative issues were ripe for review. Frankfurter pointed out that during oral argument before the Supreme Court, the federal government claimed that the district court had misread and misinterpreted its claims. The district court, Frankfurter said, had three times argued that the government had admitted that Section 304 abridged rights guaranteed by the First Amendment. However, that was not the admission of the government, federal attorneys said. If the court had misinterpreted the government's position, Frankfurter concluded, the case should be remanded for further proceedings rather than adjudicated. However, since a majority has seen fit to grant certiorari, Frankfurter reluctantly agreed to concur in the majority opinion.

Rutledge's concurrence Edit

Justice Rutledge also issued a concurring opinion, in which Justices Black, Douglas and Murphy joined. Rutledge argued that a close reading of the legislative history finds "a veritable fog of contradictions relating to specific possible applications" of Section 304. [6] With no clear legislative guidance, Rutledge argued for a plain reading of the term "expenditure." A dictionary definition of the term shows that it does not matter whether a union publication is supported by general union dues or by advertising and/or subscription an expenditure is an expenditure, which is prohibited by the Act.

That forces the Court to reach the constitutional question, Rutledge argued, and the Act plainly is unconstitutional on such grounds. The statute was not narrowly drawn and did not specifically proscribe the conduct to be prohibited. Rather, it imposed a blanket prohibition on labor union participation in the political process, and that was patently unconstitutional: "To say that labor unions as such have nothing of value to contribute to that process and no vital or legitimate interest in it is to ignore the obvious facts of political and economic life and of their increasing interrelationship in modern society." [7] The majority, Rutledge pointed out, also cites Congressional debate, which indicates a purpose of the statute was to protect minority interests within labor unions. However, even if that reading of the statute's legislative history were correct, the statute would still be unconstitutionally overbroad in reaching that objective.

Rutledge would also have found the statute unconstitutional under the majority's interpretation of the meaning of "expenditure." The majority twists itself into knots to distinguish between general union support for a publication and advertising- or subscription-supported support. However, that, too, runs afoul of the Constitution, Rutledge concluded. "I know of nothing in the Amendment's policy or history which turns or permits turning the applicability of its protections upon the difference between regular and merely casual or occasional distributions. Neither freedom of speech and the press nor the right of peaceable assembly is restricted to persons who can and do pay." [8]


Tydlyn

1919 The National Catholic War Council issues The Bishop&rsquos Program for Social Reconstruction. The document called for government insurance for the ill, unemployed and senior citizens the participation of labor in management public housing union organization and a &ldquoliving wage&rdquo for workers.

1919 The National Catholic War Council, created in 1917 to allow the Church to provide support to the U.S. during World War I, was transformed into the National Catholic Welfare Council (NCWC) and became the primary voice of the Catholic Church in the U.S. during the mid-20 th Century.

1919 The Social Action Department (SAD) of the NCWC was established soon after the NCWC came into existence. The department came to promote the social thought of the Catholic Church in the U.S.

1920 Monsignor John A. Ryan becomes first director of SAD. Ryan would be SAD&rsquos longest serving director, holding the position until his death in 1945.

1929 Stock market crash in October inaugurates the Great Depression, leading to unprecedented unemployment and economic problems in the U.S.

1931 Pope Pius XI issues the encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (&ldquoIn The Fortieth Year&rdquo), during the 40 th anniversary of Rerum Novarum. The document carries the ideas of Pope Leo XIII&rsquos encyclical even further by advocating the abolition of class conflict.

1933 Congress passes the National Industrial Recovery Act (NRA), part of President Franklin D. Roosevelt&rsquos New Deal package. The law included provisions guaranteeing the rights of workers to form unions, establishment of maximum pay and minimum hours, and standards for working conditions. The act was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1935.

1935 Congress passes the National Labor Relations Act (also known as the Wagner Act). The law succeeded the NRA by guaranteeing the rights of workers to form unions, engage in collective bargaining, and take collective action (strikes) if necessary.

1935 Father Raymond McGowan, assistant director of SAD, authors Organized Social Justice , which described SAD's basic principles concerning working people and "social justice," but also broke new ground in its preliminary outline of "a right social order": "Organization by Occupational Groups."

1937 First Summer School for Social Action for Priests held at St. Francis Seminary in St. Francis, Wisconsin. Organized by SAD, the schools were established to inform priests as to how to respond to the burgeoning labor organization movement in their parishes.

1937 The Association of Catholic Trade Unionists (ACTU) is founded in New York to provide support to working-class Catholics. Branches would appear in other cities, most prominently in Detroit.

1938 United Mine Workers of American (UMWA) president John L. Lewis founds the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) after the American Federation of Labor (AFL) shows little interest in organizing industries.

1939 Bishop Bernard J. Sheil of Chicago appears at a meeting of the Packinghouse Workers Organizing Committee, an affiliate of the CIO, where he advocated for the rights of workers and appealed for labor peace. Sheil&rsquos appearance, along with that of other priests, was a physical manifestation of the Church&rsquos alliance with the CIO.

1939 The United Auto Workers union (UAW) organizes a strike at Detroit&rsquos Chrysler plant following a speedup in production and the subsequent firing of uncooperative workers by management. Popular radio priest Father Charles Coughlin condemned the strike as being detrimental to the entire community and was pointless. He was subsequently rebuked by Father Raymond Clancy and the Archdiocese of Detroit&rsquos newspaper, the Michigan Catholic , both of which stood by the strike and said Coughlin erred in his statements.

1940 The NCWC issues &ldquoChurch and Social Order.&rdquo While its Social Action Department had long been the voice of social justice for the Church in the U.S., this statement by the NCWC was perhaps even more influential due to the prominent nature of the Council. The document endorses most of SAD&rsquos reforms and endorsed a program of reform - a "right social order" that explicitly called for a sharp break with economic business as usual.

1940 Father John M. Hayes, a member of the staff at SAD, begins his newsletter series &ldquoSocial Action Notes for Priests.&rdquo The newsletters were used to keep priests across the country abreast of actions undertaken by SAD in relation to social justice and labor issues.

1940 Catholic Philip Murray is named president of the CIO. The former head of several unions, Murray is elevated to post after the retirement of John L. Lewis. Murray would be the longest serving president of the organization, remaining at the post until his death in 1952.

1940-41 Detroit ACTU president Paul Weber sets out the idea of &ldquoeconomic democracy&rdquo in the pages of the ACTU&rsquos newspaper, The Wage Earner . Weber, opposed to both modern capitalism, and communism and socialism, proposed that industries be divided into their own self-governing units, with labor and management working together as equal partners. These units would be governed, in turn, by a national economic affairs congress.

1945 Upon the death of director Monsignor John A. Ryan, SAD elevates assistant director Father Raymond McGowan to the position of director. McGowan would lead the department until 1954, when he stepped down due to health issues.

1948 SAD issues its annual Labor Day Statement, causing much consternation within the Church. The statement strongly suggested that the Taft-Hartley Act, which was passed in 1947 and prohibited many so-called &ldquounfair labor practices.&rdquo Opponents of the act, including SAD, saw it as a severe limitation of the rights of workers and the power of unions. Many Church leaders did not share SAD&rsquos view, and would try to limit the power of the department from this time forward.

1949 Internal disputes over communists within its constituent members led to open battle in the CIO over the issue. One of the members, the United Electrical and Machine Workers of America (UE), which had a heavy communist influence in its leadership, would leave the CIO before the organization expelled it. In 1950, ten more communist-led unions were ousted from the CIO.

1955 The CIO merges with the AFL to form the AFL-CIO. The two organizations merged after former contentious issues, including the AFL&rsquos refusal to organize industrial companies, had been solved.


The Church and the CIO

Within the context of the Wagner Act (1935), which the Church firmly supported, Lewis’ Mineworkers not only led the movement to found the CIO, but also provided it with much of its initial funding and many of its organizers. Among those whom Lewis hired were members of the Communist Party, which had begun sustained industrial-union work in the late 1920s. They were especially active and effective in steel mills, packinghouses, agricultural implement plants, machine shops, and electrical equipment and radio manufacturing plants.

For the next twenty years and beyond, the official Catholic Church, especially the SAD, not only stood with and for its working-class membership, but also strongly supported the CIO’s continuing efforts to expand its membership. That was the only way, as the SAD continually argued, that economic democracy – a truly Christian economic order – would come into being. Internal opposition to this stance and its accompanying commitments developed early in the CIO’s history and flared up periodically, growing stronger as the years went on, but never seriously threatened its hegemony.

The documents that follow provide the broad outlines of this Catholic labor moment in dire danger of being “overpower[ed]” by a “present,” in Walter Benjamin’s words, that does not “recognize itself as intended” in it. For, as he argued, “even the dead” are not safe “from the enemy if he is victorious.” This Catholic labor moment needs to become part of our consciousness as American Catholics.


Kyk die video: History Brief: John L Lewis and the CIO (Desember 2021).