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Perón in Argentinië afgesit

Perón in Argentinië afgesit

Na 'n dekade van heerskappy word die Argentynse president Juan Domingo Perón in 'n militêre staatsgreep afgesit. Perón, 'n demagoge wat in 1946 aan die bewind gekom het met die steun van die werkersklasse, het toenemend outoritêr geword namate die ekonomie van Argentinië in die vroeë vyftigerjare afgeneem het. Sy grootste politieke bron was sy charismatiese vrou, Eva "Evita" Perón, maar sy sterf in 1952, wat dui op die ineenstorting van die nasionale koalisie wat hom gesteun het. Nadat hy die kerk, studente en ander teëgestaan ​​het, is hy deur die weermag in ballingskap gedwing in September 1955. Hy vestig hom in Spanje, waar hy as ballingsleier dien by die "Peroniste"-'n kragtige faksie van Argentyne wat lojaal gebly het vir hom en sy stelsel.

Juan Domingo Perón, gebore in 'n laer middelklasgesin in 1895, het 'n loopbaan in die weermag opgebou en uiteindelik tot die rang van kolonel gestyg. In 1943 was hy leier van 'n groep militêre samesweerders wat die ondoeltreffende burgerlike regering van Argentinië omvergewerp het. Hy het vir homself die oënskynlik klein kabinetspos van sekretaris van arbeid en maatskaplike welsyn versoek, en 'n politieke ryk begin bou in die vakbonde. Teen 1945 was hy ook vise -president en minister van oorlog in die militêre regime.

In 1945 het Perón toesig gehou oor die terugkeer van politieke vryhede in die land, maar dit het gelei tot onrus en massademonstrasies deur opposisiegroepe. Perón se vyande in die vloot het die geleentheid aangegryp en op 9 Oktober gearresteer. Vakbonde het stakings en byeenkomste gereël uit protes teen sy gevangenisstraf, en Perón se pragtige voorouer, die radioaktrise Eva Duarte, was baie effektief om die publiek vir die saak te werf. Op 17 Oktober is Perón vrygelaat, en daardie nag het hy 'n skare van ongeveer 300 000 mense toegespreek vanaf die balkon van die presidensiële paleis. Hy het beloof om die mense tot die oorwinning in die komende presidentsverkiesing te lei. Vier dae later trou Perón, 'n wewenaar, met Eva Duarte, of Evita, soos sy liefdevol bekend geword het.

In die daaropvolgende presidensiële veldtog onderdruk Perón die liberale opposisie, en sy Arbeidersparty wen 'n noue, maar volledige, verkiesingsoorwinning. President Perón het politieke teenstanders verwyder uit hul posisies in die regering, howe en skole, genasionaliseerde openbare dienste en verbeterde lone en werksomstandighede. Alhoewel hy grondwetlike vryhede beperk het, het hy oorweldigende steun gekry van die massas arm werkers, wat Evita Perón genoem het los descamisados, of die “hemplose”. Evita het 'n belangrike rol in die regering vervul, en het nie -amptelik die departement van maatskaplike welsyn gelei en haar man se rol as versorger van die werkersklasse oorgeneem. Sy is die 'Eerste Werker van Argentinië' en 'Vrou van Hoop' genoem, en het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die verkryging van 'n vroulike stemreg.

In 1950 het die oplewing van die naoorlogse uitvoer in Argentinië afgeneem en inflasie en korrupsie het toegeneem. Nadat hy in 1951 herverkies is, het Perón meer konserwatief en onderdrukkend geword en beheer oor die pers oorgeneem om kritiek op sy regime te beheer. In Julie 1952 sterf Evita aan kanker, en steun vir president Perón onder die werkersklasse word beslis minder uitgesproke. Sy poging om die skeiding tussen kerk en staat af te dwing, het groot kontroversie gehad. In Junie 1955 het kerkleiers hom uitgesluit en 'n kliek militêre offisiere aangemoedig om sy omverwerping te beplan. Op 19 September 1955 het die weermag en die vloot in opstand gekom, en Perón moes noodgedwonge na Paraguay vlug. In 1960 vestig hy hom in Spanje.

Intussen het 'n rits burgerlike en militêre regerings nie daarin geslaag om die ekonomiese probleme van Argentinië op te los nie. Die geheue van Perón se regime het mettertyd verbeter, en Peronismo het die magtigste politieke mag in die land geword. In 1971 het die militêre regime van generaal Alejandro Lanusse sy voorneme aangekondig om die grondwetlike demokrasie in 1973 te herstel, en Perón is toegelaat om Argentinië in 1972 te besoek. groot openbare opgewondenheid en gevegte onder Peronistiese faksies.

In Oktober 1973 word Perón tydens 'n spesiale verkiesing tot president verkies. Sy vrou, Isabel Perón, 'n Argentynse danser met wie hy in 1961 getroud is, is as vise -president verkies. Sy was baie ontsteld oor miljoene wat nog steeds toegewy is aan die nagedagtenis aan Evita Perón.

Ekonomiese probleme het in Perón se tweede presidentskap voortgeduur en is vererger deur die Arabiese olie-embargo van 1973 en 'n uitbraak van bek-en-klouseer wat die vleisbedryf in Argentinië verwoes het. Toe Perón op 1 Julie 1974 sterf, word sy vrou president van 'n nasie wat gebuk gaan onder inflasie, politieke geweld en arbeidsonrus. In Maart 1976 is sy in 'n staatsgreep onder leiding van die lugmag ontslaan, en 'n regse militêre junta het die bewind oorgeneem wat Argentinië tot 1982 wreed regeer het.


Argentynse geskiedenis

Wetenskaplik Ontdekking

1832-09-22 Tydens sy HMS Beagle-reis ontdek Charles Darwin 'n groot aantal fossiele by Punta Alta in Argentinië

    HMS Beagle bereik Bahia Blanca, Argentinië Charles Darwin arriveer in Buenos Aires nadat hy deur die Argentynse binneland gereis het met guachos Camila O'Gorman en Ladislao Gutierrez word tereggestel op bevel van die Argentynse diktator Juan Manuel de Rosas

Slag van Cerro Corá

1870-03-01 Oorlog van die Triple Alliance eindig uiteindelik met die Slag van Cerro Corá en die dood van die Paraguayaanse diktator Francisco Solano López na meer as 5 jaar se bloedvergieting tussen Paraguay en Argentinië, Brasilië en Uruguay

    Eerste telegrafiese verbinding in Argentinië. Toba -indiërs vermoor 20 lede van die Franse ekspedisie in Argentinië Die dood van die Argentynse politikus Domingo Sarmiento, waarna die Latyns -Amerikaanse onderwysersdag gekies word.

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1893-03-11 Carlos Gardel en sy ma, Berthe Gardès, arriveer in Buenos Aires, Argentinië

    660 m Die Verenigde Koninkryk verkoop 'n meteorologiese stasie op die Suid-Orkney-eilande aan Argentinië, die eilande word in 1908 deur die Verenigde Koninkryk geëis. Bronsbeeld van Christus op die grens tussen Argentinië en Chileense, Rivadavia, Argentinië (Suid Amerikaanse rekord) -27 ° F (-33 ° C), Sarmiento, Argentinië (Suid-Amerikaanse rekord) Argentinië klop die MCC in hul eerste 1ste klas krieketwedstryd by die Buenos Aires Krieketklub verloor die tweede en derde wedstryde van die reeks

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1914-04-25 Amerikaanse president Woodrow Wilson word deur Argentinië, Brasilië en Chili oorreed om bemiddeling in die konflik met Mexiko te aanvaar

Staatsgreep

1930-09-06 Demokraties verkose Argentynse president Hipólito Yrigoyen word tydens 'n militêre staatsgreep afgesit.

    Britse Ope Gholf vir mans, Carnoustie: die Amerikaanse Skot Tommy Armor oorskry José Jurado van Argentinië met 1 hou om sy enigste Ope-titel te wen en sy derde en laaste groot kampioenskap, Argentinië, wen die polo-goue medalje wat Groot-Brittanje met 11-0 in die eindstryd verslaan het. Olimpiese Spele in Berlyn, die laaste keer dat die sport op die Olimpiese Spele deelneem, swem Rie Mastenbroek van Nederland 'n Olimpiese rekord 1: 05.9 om die 100 m vryslag vir vroue op die Olimpiese Spele in Berlyn te wen, en verslaan Jeannette Campbell van Argentinië met 0:05

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1943-06-04 Argentinië oorgeneem deur generaal Rawson en kolonel Juan Perón

    Minister van Oorlog, Juan Perón, lei 'n staatsgreep op die Loyalty Day van Argentinië, massademonstrasies om Juan Perón, generaal Juan Perón, as eerste president van Argentinië vry te laat, wen Delfo Cabrera van Argentinië dramatiese marathon in 2: 34: 51.6 by die Britse Olimpiese Spele in Londen Golf, Royal Troon: Bobby Locke van Suid -Afrika behou sy titel met 2 houe van Roberto De Vicenzo van Argentinië se eerste Pan American Games begin (Buenos Aires Argentina)

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1951-04-04 Nederlandse prins Bernhard besoek die Argentynse president Juan en Eva Perón in Buenos Aires

    Britse Ope Gholf vir mans, Royal Portrush GC: Engelsman Max Faulkner wen met 2 houe van Antonio Cerdá van Argentinië Juan Manuel Fangio van Argentinië wen Formule 1 -wêreldkampioenskap vir bestuurders deur die Spaanse Grand Prix in Pedralbes te wen in 'n Alpha Romeo -oorwinning met 6 punte van Alberto Ascari van Italië Juan Manuel Fangio van Argentinië beklink sy tweede Formule 1 -wêreldkampioenskap vir bestuurders deur die Switserse Grand Prix te wen in Bremgarten in 'n Maserati -oorwinning in die Mike Hawthorne van Brittanje, die Spaanse Grand Prix in Pedralbes, die Argentynse Maserati -jaer Juan Manuel Fangio neem die tweede Formule 1 -wêreld jaers Kampioenskap met 17 punte van landgenoot José Froilán González Minas Gerais Argentynse tonnelgrotte in 30 sterf Argentynse parlement aanvaar skeiding van kerk en staat

'Die banaliteit van die kwaad'

1960-05-23 Israel kondig die gevangenskap van Nazi Adolf Eichmann aan in Argentinië

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1960-06-08 Argentynse regering eis dat Adolf Eichmann vrygelaat moet word

    Argentinië kla by die VN oor die Israeliese onwettige oordrag van Eichmann Antonio Albertondo (Argentinië) voltooi die eerste en dubbele kruising van die Engelse Kanaal in 43 uur 10 minute op 42. Ballon d'Or: Juventus se Argentynse voorspeler Omar Sívori wen toekenning vir beste voetbalspeler in Europa voor die Spaanse middelveldspeler Luis Suárez en die Engelse voorspeler Johnny Haynes

Britse gholf Maak oop

1967-07-15 Britse Ope Gholf vir mans, Royal Liverpool GC: 44-jarige Argentyn Robert De Vicenzo wen sy enigste groot kampioenskap, 2 houe voor die verdedigende kampioen Jack Nicklaus

    Die Nederlandse vliegdekskip Karel Doorman (voorheen Britse HMS eerbiedwaardige) verkoop aan Argentinië Burgerlike onrus in Rosario, Argentinië, oftewel Rosariazo, na die dood van 'n 15-jarige student. Algemene staking in Cordoba, Argentinië, wat gelei het tot die burgerlike onrus in Cordobazo Gestopte pendeltrein wat in Argentinië deur snelry gestamp is, 139 sterf in die Argentynse militêre junta onder Juan Carlos Lanusse, verdedig president Juan Carlos Onganía Argentynse bokser Carlos Monzon ontstel die verdedigende kampioen Nino Benvenuti van Italië in die 12de ronde KO in Rome om WBC-, WBA -middelgewigtitels te wen Brittanje en Argentinië teken ooreenkoms oor die Falkland -eilande, Peronist Hector Campora, geïnstalleer as president van Argentinië, Juan Perón keer terug uit ballingskap na Argentinië na 18 jaar Ezeiza -slagting in Buenos Aires, Argentinië. Skerpskutters vuur op die linkerkantse Peroniste af. Minstens 13 sterf en meer as 300 beseer Hector de Campora bedank as president van Argentinië se algemene verkiesing - voormalige Argentynse president Juan Perón keer terug na bewind Héctor José Cámpora word verkies tot president van Argentinië Die ergste brand in die Argentynse geskiedenis vernietig 1,2 miljoen hektaar Isabel Peron volg man Juan op as president van Argentinië

Gebeurtenis van Rente

1974-12-15 Guillermo Vilas van Argentinië klop die verdedigende kampioen, le Năstase 7–6, 6–2, 3–6, 3–6, 6–4 om sy eerste en enigste ATP Masters Grand Prix-eindstryd in Melbourne te wen , Australië

Franse Ope Mans Tennis

1975-06-15 Franse Ope Mans Tennis: Swede se Björn Borg behou die titelslae Guillermo Vilas van Argentinië 6-2, 6-3, 6-4


Die berugte dekade

Die 1930's in Argentinië word die berugte dekade genoem as gevolg van hewige verkiesingsbedrog, vervolging van politieke opposisiepartye en algemene korrupsie van die regering.

Leerdoelwitte

Verduidelik waarom die 1930's die berugte dekade genoem is

Belangrike wegneemetes

Kern punte

  • Die berugte dekade van Argentinië verwys na die tydperk wat in 1930 begin het met die staatsgreep van Jose Felix Uriburu teen die huidige president Hipolito Yrigoyen en geëindig het toe Juan Peron aan bewind gekom het ná die militêre staatsgreep van 1943.
  • Luitenant-generaal Uriburu se regime word sterk ondersteun deur regse intellektuele en sy regering het ernstige maatreëls getref om weerwraak en kontrarevolusionêre taktiek deur vriende van die afgedankte regime te voorkom.
  • Die administrasie van Agustin Pedro Justo Rolon is bederf deur voortdurende gerugte van korrupsie en word die beste onthou vir die uitstaande diplomatieke werk van sy minister van buitelandse sake.
  • Een van die mees omstrede suksesse van Justo se presidentskap is die ondertekening van die Roca-Runciman-verdrag in 1933.
  • Justo se eerste minister van tesourie, Alberto Hueyo, het baie beperkende maatreëls teen die ekonomie getref. Hueyo is uiteindelik vervang deur Frederico Pinedo, wie se plan vir regeringsinmenging in die ekonomie nog belangriker was.
  • Pinedo het die Argentynse industriële ontwikkeling begin deur 'n beleid van invoervervanging en het die sentrale bank van Argentinië geskep.
  • Roberto Marcelino Ortiz is bedrieglik tot president verkies en het sy amp aangeneem in Februarie 1938. Hy het probeer om die land se korrupsieprobleem op te ruim en het bedrieglike verkiesings gekanselleer wat die konserwatiewe Alberto Barcelo gewen het.
  • In Junie 1942 bedank Ortiz die presidensie weens siekte en sterf 'n maand later. Hy is vervang deur vise -president Ramon S. Castillo.
  • Op 4 Junie 1943 het 'n nasionalistiese geheime genootskap binne die weermag genaamd die Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) Castillo omvergewerp tydens 'n staatsgreep.

Sleutel terme

  • Berugte dekade: Die tydperk in Argentinië wat in 1930 begin, gekenmerk deur verkiesingsbedrog, die vervolging van politieke opposisie en algemene korrupsie van die regering.
  • invoervervanging: 'N Handels- en ekonomiese beleid wat pleit vir die vervanging van buitelandse invoer deur binnelandse produksie.

Die berugte dekade van Argentinië verwys na die tydperk wat in 1930 begin het met die staatsgreep van Jose Felix Uriburu teen die huidige president Hipolito Yrigoyen en geëindig het toe Juan Peron aan bewind gekom het na die militêre staatsgreep van 1943. Die dekade word gekenmerk deur 'n beduidende landelike uittog, aangesien baie klein landelike grondeienaars verwoes is deur die wêreldwye depressie, wat Argentinië uiteindelik tot 'n beleid van industrialisering van invoervervanging gedryf het. Die swak ekonomiese resultate van hierdie beleid en die algemene ontevredenheid wat dit veroorsaak het, het direk gelei tot die staatsgreep in 1943. Die tydperk is gekenmerk deur verkiesingsbedrog, die vervolging van politieke opposisie en algemene korrupsie van die regering.

Uriburu se presidentskap (1930-1932)

Luitenant -generaal Jose Felix Benito Uriburu y Uriburu het die pos van president van Argentinië bereik deur middel van militêre staatsgreep, en sy ampstermyn duur van 6 September 1930 tot 20 Februarie 1932. Die huidige president, Hipolito Yrigoyen, was bekend as die "vader van die armes". verkies tot sy tweede nie-opeenvolgende ampstermyn in 1928, maar word toenemend omring deur hulpverleners wat die ware gevolge van die Groot Depressie op die land vir hom verberg het. Gevolglik het fascistiese en konserwatiewe sektore van die weermag openlik beplan vir regime -verandering, net soos Standard Oil van New Jersey, 'n Amerikaanse onderneming wat gekant was teen die pogings van die president om oliesmokkel van die provinsie Salta na Bolivia te bekamp en die oorheersing wat YPF oor die Argentynse oliemark. Hierdie faktore het die tydsberekening perfek gemaak vir Uriburu om die eerste militêre staatsgreep van Argentinië sedert die aanneming van die Argentynse grondwet teen die demokraties verkose administrasie van Yrigoyen met die hulp van die verregse Argentynse Patriotic League te organiseer.

Jose Felix Uriburu: Jose Felix Uriburu was die 22ste president van Argentinië.

Uriburu se eie regime word sterk ondersteun deur regse intellektuele soos Rodolofo en Julio Irazusta en Juan Carulla, en die nuwe regering het ernstige maatreëls getref om weerwraak en kontrarevolusionêre taktiek deur vriende van die afgedankte regime te voorkom. Veral anargiste is deur Uriburu se diktatuur as openbare vyande beskou. Tydens die bewind van Uriburu is drie anargiste lewenslange tronkstraf opgelê omdat hulle na bewering familielede van die konserwatiewe politikus Jose M. Blanch vermoor het tydens 'n vertoningsverhoor waarin die anargiste openlik gemartel is. Die skouverhoor kom op die hakke van die Sacco en Vanzetti-saak in die Verenigde State, waarin twee in Amerika gebore Amerikaanse anargiste die doodstraf opgelê word nadat hulle skuldig bevind is aan moord in wat algemeen beskou word as 'n polities gemotiveerde vonnis. Die Argentynse saak het baie parallelle met Sacco en Vanzetti getrek en internasionale openbare verontwaardiging laat ontstaan.

President Uriburu is vroeg in 1932 met maagkanker gediagnoseer en sterf in Parys na 'n operasie op 29 April 1932.

Justo se presidentskap (1932-1938)

Agustin Pedro Justo Rolon was president van Argentinië vanaf 20 Februarie 1932 tot 20 Februarie 1938. Hy was 'n militêre offisier, diplomaat en politikus. Justo verdien die nominasie van die Concordance vir die presidensiële veldtog van 1931 en wen met die steun van 'n alliansie wat tussen die National Democratic Party, die Radical Civic Union en die Socialist Independent Party ontstaan ​​het. Die beskuldigings van verkiesingsbedrog was egter volop en die administrasie van Justo was bederf deur voortdurende gerugte van korrupsie. Sy administrasie word die beste onthou vir die uitstaande diplomatieke werk van sy minister van buitelandse sake, Carlos Saavedra Lamas.

Agustin P. Justo: Agustin P. Justo was die 23ste president van Argentinië.

Die Roca-Runciman-verdrag

Een van die mees omstrede suksesse van Justo se presidentskap is die ondertekening van die Roca-Runciman-verdrag in 1933. As gevolg van die aanvaarding van maatreëls in die Verenigde Koninkryk om invoer uit sy eie kolonies en heerskappye te bevorder, stuur Justo sy vise-president, Julio A. Roca Jr. hoof van 'n tegnologie -afvaardiging om 'n kommersiële ooreenkoms te beding wat Argentinië kan bevoordeel. Die Britte was voorheen die belangrikste kopers van Argentynse graan en vleis, wat hul produksiebeskermingsmaatreëls getref het vir Argentynse grondeienaars wat met hierdie landbouprodukte handel gedryf het. Die Roca-Runciman-verdrag verseker dat die VK vars vleis voorsien in ruil vir belangrike beleggings in die vervoer van Argentinië, wat sekere toegewings vereis, soos die oorhandiging van Buenos Aires se openbare vervoer aan 'n Britse onderneming. Die verdrag het 'n skandaal veroorsaak, want hoewel die Verenigde Koninkryk ingestem het om voort te gaan met die invoer van Argentynse vleis, het hulle aan Argentinië 'n invoerkwota toegeken wat minder as enige van sy gebiede was: 390 000 ton vleis per jaar, met 85% van die Argentynse uitvoere wat deur Britse koelversendings gereël is. Daar was ook ander ingrypende toegewings, byvoorbeeld, spoorweë wat deur die Verenigde Koninkryk bestuur word, het geen gereguleerde tariewe nie, doeanegelde op steenkool bly onstabiel en Britse ondernemings met beleggings in Argentinië het 'n aantal spesiale bedelings gekry, soos verlaagde uitvoerpryse. Alhoewel die Roca-Runciman-verdrag die Argentynse-Britse handel in landbouprodukte gered het, het dit diegene wat reeds kritiek op Britse betrokkenheid in hul land was, vererg.

Hueyo en Pinedo se ekonomiese beleid

Justo se eerste minister van tesourie, Alberto Hueyo, het baie beperkende maatreëls teen die ekonomie getref. Hueyo verminder openbare uitgawes en beperk die sirkulasie van geldeenhede, benewens die toepassing van ander streng fiskale maatreëls. 'N Emprestito patriotico, of patriotiese lening, is gemaak in 'n poging om die land se begroting te versterk. Uiteindelik het Justo egter probeer om Hueyo te vervang deur die sosialistiese Frederico Pinedo, wie se plan vir ingryping deur die regering in die ekonomie nog belangriker was.

Pinedo het die Argentynse industriële ontwikkeling begin deur 'n beleid van invoervervanging. Die Juntas Reguladores Nacionales is geskep onder leiding van Pinedo om private en staatsbedryfsaktiwiteite te help ontwikkel. Die Juntas het ook toesig gehou oor kwaliteit en prysbeheer vir binnelandse verbruik en uitvoer. Om byvoorbeeld oorproduksie te voorkom, vernietig die Juntas hele klomp mielies en miljoene pesos per jaar in wynprodukte.

Pinedo het ook die Central Bank (BCRA) gestig, wat deur sir Otto Niemeyer, die direkteur van die Bank van Engeland, geadviseer is. Niemeyer se betrokkenheid het hewige kritiek gelewer van diegene wat die Britse betrokkenheid by Argentinië ontken het. 'N Nasionale padbouprojek is van stapel gestuur wat meeding met die spoorwegstelsel, wat in die hande van meestal Britse ondernemings gebly het. Met nasionale paaie wat in 1938 30 000 kilometer bereik het, kon Amerikaanse motorondernemings die Argentynse mark binnedring en die verkope verhoog. Amerikaanse buitelandse beleggings het gegroei onder die beleid van Pinedo met tekstielondernemings soos Sudamtex, Ducilo en Anderson Clayton wat hulle in Argentinië gevestig het. Bandeondernemings, elektroniese ondernemings en chemieondernemings het ook gedurende hierdie tyd na Argentinië begin migreer.

Die administrasies van Ortiz en Castillo (1938-1943)

Die kandidate van Roberto Marcelino Ortiz en Ramon S. Castillo vir die verkiesing van 1938, onderskeidelik vir president en vise -president, is by die Britse sakekamer geloods en ondersteun deur sy president, William McCallum. Ortiz is bedrieglik tot president verkies en het sy nuwe amp in Februarie 1938 aangeneem. Hy het ook bedrieglike verkiesings gekanselleer wat die konserwatiewe Alberto Barcelo gewen het.

Pinedo het tydens die administrasie van Ortiz as minister van ekonomie gebly. Op 18 November 1940 stel hy 'n plan vir ekonomiese heraktivering voor, wat swaar proteksionistiese maatreëls sou tref en pleit vir die bou van openbare behuising om die toestroming van mense na stedelike sentrums te hanteer. Pinedo het ook die nasionalisering van die spoorweë wat deur die Britse bestuur word, voorgestel en selfs voordelige voorwaardes met die spoorweg-eienaars ooreengekom voordat hy sy beleid in die openbaar voorgehou het. Desondanks het konserwatiewe faksies teen hierdie maatreëls gestem, en Pinedo bedank kort daarna sy amp.

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het Argentinië dieselfde neutraliteit gehandhaaf as wat dit tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog aangeneem het, wat voordelig was vir Groot -Brittanje. Alhoewel die VSA probeer het om Argentinië in die oorlog te stoot, kon die land weerstaan ​​met die steun van die Britte. In Junie 1942 bedank Ortiz die presidentskap weens siekte en sterf 'n maand later. Hy is vervang deur vise -president Castillo. Dieselfde jaar is die politieke koalisie van die Demokratiese Unie, wat die Radikale Burgerlike Unie, die Demokratiese Progressiewe Party en die Sosialistiese en Kommunistiese partye insluit, gevorm. Hulle verkiesingsplatform was daarop gemik om endemiese korrupsie aan te pak, vryheid van denke en vergaderings te waarborg en om die regte van die vakbond te verseker. Die koalisie beweer ook aktiewe solidariteit met mense wat sukkel teen Nazi-Fascistiese aggressie.

Op 4 Junie 1943 het die nasionalistiese geheime genootskap binne die weermag die Grupo de Oficiales Unidos (GOU) Castillo omvergewerp tydens 'n staatsgreep. Die GOU is georganiseer onder kolonel Miguel A. Montes en Urbano de la Vega en het lede soos kolonel Juan Domingo Peron en Enrique P. Gonzalez ingesluit. Hulle staatsgreep het die berugte dekade beëindig en 'n militêre junta tot stand gebring wat tot 1945 geduur het. Die groep was simpatiek met die oorsake van Nazi -Duitsland en Fascistiese Italië. Generaal Arturo Rawson word president, maar het slegs 'n paar dae sy amp beklee voordat die GOU hom vervang het deur generaal Pedro Ramirez.


Peron as president

Portret van Juan Domingo en Eva Perón in 1947. Fotokrediet: Wikipedia

Teen die tyd dat Peron in 1946 tot president van Argentinië verkies is, was hy gereed om 'n paar ernstige veranderinge aan die administrasie van sy land aan te bring. Hy het ingrypende maatskaplike hervormings ingestel, spoorweë en banke genasionaliseer, lone verhoog en beperkte werksure, en verpligte Sondae vir die meeste poste ingestel. Hy het 'n enorme hoeveelheid openbare geboue aangeneem, skole en hospitale opgerig en sy (en sy vrou) se voortgesette aanbidding deur die werkersklas gekonsolideer.

Die dood van Evita dui agterna op 'n dramatiese verandering in Peron se leierskap en gewildheid. Saam met die stagnasie van die land se ekonomie en die toenemende wantroue van Peron deur konserwatiewes, het sy steun begin afneem. Gerugte van onbehoorlike gedrag met jong peronistiese vroulike volgelinge het sy reputasie bederf en eens aanbiddende vroue teen hom gekeer. Hy het vuil geraak met die Katolieke Kerk in Argentinië, toe (en nog steeds) 'n formidabele mag in die land. Hy is geëkskommunikeer nadat hy prostitusie en egskeiding probeer wettig het, en sy militêre teenstanders het voordeel getrek uit die situasie om 'n gewelddadige staatsgreep te begin, wat insluit die bombardering van Plaza De Mayo deur die lugmag, wat tot die dood van meer as 400 mense gelei het. In September 1955 is Peron nou uit sy kantoor ontruim toe die weermag in Cordoba posvat. Peron sou die volgende 18 jaar in ballingskap deurbring, eers in Venezuela en Panama voordat hy uiteindelik in Spanje gaan woon.

La Casa Rosada is voor die Plaza de Mayo geleë. Fotokrediet: shutterstock


Perón in Argentinië afgesit - GESKIEDENIS

Peronisme in Argentinië is 'n verskynsel soos geen ander nie. Daar is geen ander land wat die ondefinieerbare politieke ideologie onderskryf nie, en dit is ook die belangrikste idee in die Argentynse politiek. Sonder Peronisme is daar geen moderne politiek in Argentinië nie. Drie uit die sewe kandidate vir die vorige presidentsverkiesing noem hulself Peroniste, maar met duidelike politieke menings. Om dit te verstaan, is dit nodig om na die historiese wortels van die belangrikste politieke beweging van die 20ste eeu in Argentinië te kyk, waarvan die invloed nie onderskat kan word nie. So hoe het dit begin? Waar het hierdie idee vandaan gekom? En soos die meeste mense bekend is, het dit alles begin met een man, Juan Domingo Perón.

Die man na wie die beweging vernoem is, Juan Domingo Perón (1895-1974) was 'n generaal en diplomaat wat drie keer tot die presidensie verkies is, 1946, 1951 en 1973. Hy was 'n ongelooflike bekwame politikus wat miljoene ondersteuners gekry het, van verskillende politieke sienings en het die vermoë gehad om groot sektore van die Argentynse bevolking in te bring.

Sy beleid het oor die algemeen gegaan oor 'n groter inklusiwiteit tussen al die klasse en die produksiemetodes. Dit was 'n sosiale winskopie tussen vakbonde, korporasies, werkers en die staat om bedrywe met insette van alle kante te ontwikkel.

 Argentinië Voor Perón 

Voor die opkoms van Perón was Argentinië internasionaal verbonde aan die weste, die sterkste Groot -Brittanje. Dit was 'n land van immigrante wie se ekonomie gebaseer was op landbou -uitvoer, veral na die oplewing in vleis en wol tydens en na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Die land is oorheers deur 'n klein, baie welgestelde oligargie van grondbesit wat in wese beheer oor die regering was wat ten gunste van hul belange regeer het, uitgesluit groot dele van die bevolking.

Na die eerste wêreldoorlog was die 'berugte dekade', eintlik 13 jaar tussen 1930 en 1943, onder die bewind van 'n konserwatiewe en pro-aristokratiese koalisie, bekend as die Concordancia. Tegnies was daar demokratiese instellings, maar in die praktyk is die laer klasse uitgesluit van die politiek en die arbeidersbeweging wat tradisioneel sterk was, is verswak.
'N Militêre junta het in 1943 oorgeneem, en 'n jong generaal Juan Perón was in beheer van die nasionale departement van arbeid. Perón het die nood van die werkersklas -Argentyne opgemerk, en hoewel die meeste ander politieke leiers nie in die laer klasse geïnteresseerd was nie, het Perón dit erken en daaruit kapitaliseer. In sy rol het hy 'n reeks hervormings ingestel, waaronder nasionale versekering, betaalde vakansiedae en 'n pensioenskema.

Intussen het die belangrikste vakbondfederasie, die CGT in 1942 verdeel tussen een faksie, onder leiding van die kommuniste en sommige sosialiste, en 'n ander onder leiding van Anarcho-sindikaliste, laasgenoemde insluitend die spoorwegwerkers. Beide afdelings was gefrustreerd en ontnugter oor die vorige konserwatiewe regering, wat hulle heeltemal geïgnoreer het, en hulle was gevlei oor die aandag wat Perón hulle gegee het. Deur die een teen die ander te speel, het hy daarin geslaag om die kommuniste te marginaliseer en hul teenstanders te ondergeskik, terwyl hy tegelykertyd 'n beroep op die massa werkers doen oor die hoof van die vakbond se burokrasie. Terselfdertyd het hy in die weermag aangevoer dat 'n sterk staat 'n sosiale wanorde moet weerstaan, en spreek hy groot ondernemings aan met die noodsaaklikheid om die werkersklas op te neem.

In Maart 1945 het die leiers van die nasie by die Verenigde Nasies aangesluit en oorlog teen Duitsland verklaar, met die rede waarom hulle in die eerste plek die staatsgreep gemaak het. In September was daar 'n massiewe, oorweldigend middelklas "March for Freedom and the Constitution". Die weermag het probeer om hierdie opposisie te akkommodeer en het Perón op 8 Oktober afgedank en toe in hegtenis geneem.

Die werkersklas en die groot vakbonde beskou dit as 'n aanval op hul politieke invloed en hul lewenstandaard, en 'n golf van stakings het die land oorval en 'n enorme, grotendeels werkersklasbetoging op die Plaza de Mayo in die middel van Buenos Aires gee genoeg krag en vertroue aan Perón se ondersteuners in die weermag om sy vrylating af te dwing. Dit was die werklike opkoms van die werkersklas op die Argentynse politieke toneel eerder as 'n onafhanklike mag onder die beheer van Perón.

Ondersteun deur die weermag, die kerk en die CGT, word Perón die amptelike kandidaat in die presidentsverkiesing. Hy is behoorlik verkies tot president, met 'n meerderheid van 10 persent en 56 persent van die stemme op 24 Februarie 1946.

Perón se Eerste Presidensie

Die tydperk 1946-1955 was 'n keerpunt in die ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die land. Voor dit is die land oorheers deur groot grondeienaars en landbou -uitvoer, sterk beïnvloed deur buitelandse kapitaal. Maar hierdie model het gedurende die dertigerjare begin verswak, maar eers in die middel van die veertigerjare is dit vervang deur wat bekend gestaan ​​het as 'import substitution industrialization' (ISI).

Peron se nuwe ekonomiese paradigma was gebaseer op die ontwikkeling van 'n arbeidsintensiewe, ligte bedryf om werk te skep en huishoudelike goedere vir die interne mark te produseer. Die staat het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die kanalisering van inkomste uit landbou-uitvoer na die nywerheid, die verhoging van invoertariewe en die nasionalisering van maatskappye in buitelandse sake, soos die spoorweë, gas, telefoon en elektrisiteit.

Hierdie model sou gebaseer wees op klasalliansies en ook alliansies tussen die gewapende magte en die Katolieke Kerk onder Peron se eie vorm van 'derde weg', nie links of regs nie. Hierdie alliansie het egter die ou grondeienaars uitgesluit - "die oligargie" - wat die vyand nommer een van die nuwe regering sou word.

Die nuwe rol van die staat en die regte wat gedurende hierdie tydperk verkry is, word verwoord in 'n nuwe grondwet wat in 1949 aangeneem is, wat sosiale geregtigheid en die "algemene belang" in die middelpunt van alle politieke en ekonomiese aktiwiteite plaas. Die nuwe grondwetlike teks bevat 'n reeks "sosiale regte" (die sogenaamde tweede generasie regte) wat verband hou met werkers, gesinne, bejaardes, onderwys en kultuur.

Tydens sy eerste presidentskap het Perón se charismatiese vrou, Eva Perón (of "Evita" soos haar volgelinge haar genoem het) 'n prominente rol gespeel, en daar word algemeen erken dat sy die belangrikste skakel tussen die president en die arbeidersbeweging was. Evita also had an active role in the development of women's rights, such as the right to vote (1947) and the equality of men and women in marriage and in the care of children -even fighting internal opposition to achieve these goals.

Second Government (1951-1955)

Perón was re-elected in 1951, obtaining a massive 62% of the vote (which, for the first time, included the female voters). But this term was much more problematic for the president. His wife, Evita, died of cancer a month after his reelection, and the economic situation worsened after a drop in the international price of agricultural products and severe droughts.

Perón was forced to introduce some austerity measures and improve poor relations with foreign companies. All these measures contradicted the model that Perón himself had implemented, and divided opinion among his followers.

This was in addition to Perón beginning to lose support with some unions, and his relationship with the Church was essentially an open conflict in 1954.

On June 16th, 1955, the political opposition (conservative, radicals and socialists) together with the Navy and with the support of the Church, carried out a botched coup d’etat against Perón. Navy planes bombed the Plaza de Mayo, where a rally was taking place, killing more than 300 people. Perón's attempt to appease the crowd failed and that very night groups of Peronist activists took to the streets of Buenos Aires and burnt several churches.

After the failed coup, Perón tried to keep the situation under control and called for a truce with the opposition. However on 31st August, after talks with the opposition failed, the president hardened his position when, during a public speech, he pronounced the now famous phrase: “for each one of us who fall, five of them will follow”. Seventeen days later, on the 16th September, a new military uprising -led again by the Navy- succeeded in deposing Perón, who asked for political refuge in Paraguay and left the country on the 20th of September. It would be 17 years until he stepped on Argentine soil again.

While Perón was in exile, the disparate groups that made up the Peronist movement fractured without his leadership. The new government also dissolved the Peronist party, and banned all of its members from running for office. Even mentioning the names of Perón or Evita was prohibited. The subsequent weakening of the Peronist unions left many workers once again unprotected and exposed to the abuses of some employers.

Perón's Brief Return

In 1972 Perón was finally able to return to Argentina, where he chose Héctor Cámpora to be the presidential candidate. The plan was for Campora to win the election, and lift the ban on Perón running so he could run the following year, the plan worked.
On June 20, 1973 Perón made his final return to Argentina, where a huge welcome was planned at the airport. But as he was due to land, the contradictions within his movement were exposed.

At the airport, the right wing groups, including the CGT union and the left including the militant Montoneros groups showed up, but a battle soon developed and the unionist right opened fire on the leftist tendencies killing at least 13 and wounding hundreds.
The next month, in July Cámpora resigned from the presidency and Perón, who was now 78 years old won the election with 62 percent of the vote. He called for both the right and left wing factions to unite in his speech, but after the killing of the CGT leader Jose Igancio Rucci, Perón gave more support to the right wing factions.

Perón died on the 1st of July 1974, and his second wife and vice-president Isabel Martínez de Perón (photo below) took office. In March 1976, she was deposed in an air-force-led coup, and a right-wing military junta took power and brutally ruled Argentina until 1982.

Nalatenskap
Peron's legacy is the most important in ArgentinaPeronism is still Argentina's most potent political force, and survives as a legitimate political philosophy which among others incorporates nationalism, political independence and a strong government supporting the working classes. The current president of Argentina Cristina Fernandez is a member of the Justicialist Party, a Peronist party and considers herself following in the footsteps of Peron and Evita.

The Peronist movement has managed to survive the twists and turns of Argentine history, much of it owed to the fact that from its very origin under Peron it had broad support, not just from the social sectors that benefited from Peron's pro-working class policies. This support continued to expand as the benefited sectors lost much of their original political and social clout.

Peron had established a brand of labor orientated populism that became a model for many politicians and followers of him. He was the first to attack the once powerful agricultural sector, and prioritize the industrial sector in Argentina. Although his personal brand of politics eventually broke down, the policies and institutions he created have paved the way for the economic boom Argentina has experienced since the early years of the 21st century.


Meeting Juan Perón

On January 15, 1944, a massive earthquake struck western Argentina, killing 6,000 people. Argentines across the country wanted to help their fellow countrymen. In Buenos Aires, the effort was led by 48-year-old Army Colonel Juan Domingo Perón, the head of the nation's labor department.

Perón asked Argentina's performers to use their fame to promote his cause. Actors, singers, and others (including Eva Duarte) walked the streets of Buenos Aires to collect money for earthquake victims. The fundraising effort culminated in a benefit held at a local stadium. There, on January 22, 1944, Eva met Colonel Juan Perón.

Perón, a widower whose wife had died of cancer in 1938, was immediately drawn to her. The two became inseparable and very soon Eva proved herself Perón's most ardent supporter. She used her position at the radio station to feature broadcasts that praised Perón as a benevolent government figure.


Argentina: History

Little is known of the earliest inhabitants of the region. Only in NW Argentina was there a native population with a material culture. They were an agricultural people (recalled today by ruins N of Jujuy), but their importance was eclipsed later by the Araucanians from Chile. Europeans probably first arrived in the region in 1502 in the voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. The southern inhabitants at that time primarily hunted and fished, while the northwestern Incas were agricultural and quite advanced, having built a highway before the arrival of the Spanish. The search for a Southwest Passage to Asia and the East Indies brought Juan Díaz de Solís to the Río de la Plata in 1516. Ferdinand Magellan entered (1520) the estuary, and Sebastian Cabot ascended (1536) the Paraná and Paraguay rivers. His delight in native ornaments may be responsible for the names Río de la Plata [silver river] and Argentinië [of silver].

Pedro de Mendoza in 1536 founded the first settlement of the present Buenos Aires, but native attacks forced abandonment of the settlement, and Asunción became the unquestioned leading city of the Río de la Plata region. Buenos Aires was refounded in 1580 by Juan de Garay. His son-in-law, Hernando Arias de Saavedra (Hernandarias), secured the division of the Río de la Plata territories, and Buenos Aires achieved (1617) a sort of semi-independence under the viceroyalty of Peru.

The mercantilist system, however, severely hampered the commerce of Buenos Aires, and smuggling, especially with Portuguese traders in Brazil, became an accepted profession. While the cities of present W and NW Argentina grew by supplying the mining towns of the Andes, Buenos Aires was threatened by Portuguese competition. By the 18th cent., cattle (which were introduced to the Pampas in the 1550s) roamed wild throughout the Pampas in large herds and were hunted by gauchos for their skins and fat.

In 1776 the Spanish government made Buenos Aires a free port and the capital of a viceroyalty that included present Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and (briefly) Bolivia. From this combination grew the idea of a Greater Argentina to include all the Río de la Plata countries, a dream that was to haunt many Argentine politicians after independence was won.

A prelude to independence was the British attack on Buenos Aires. Admiral Sir Home Popham and Gen. William Carr Beresford took the city in 1806 after the Spanish viceroy fled. An Argentine militia force under Jacques de Liniers ended the British occupation and beat off a renewed attack under Gen. John Whitelocke in 1807.

On May 25, 1810 (May 25 is the Argentine national holiday), revolutionists, acting nominally in favor of the Bourbons dethroned by Napoleon (see Spain), deposed the viceroy, and the government was controlled by a junta. The result was war against the royalists. The patriots under Manuel Belgrano won (1812) a victory at Tucumán. On July 9, 1816, a congress in Tucumán proclaimed the independence of the United Provinces of the Río de La Plata. Other patriot generals were Mariano Moreno, Juan Martín de Pueyrredón, and José de San Martín.

Uruguay and Paraguay went their own ways despite hopes of reunion. In Argentina, a struggle ensued between those who wanted to unify the country and those who did not want to be dominated by Buenos Aires. Independence was followed by virtually permanent civil war, with many coups by regional, social, or political factions. Rule by the strong man, the caudillo, alternated with periods of democratic rule, too often beset by disorder.

Anarchy was not ended by the election of Bernardino Rivadavia in 1826. The unitarians, who favored a centralized government dominated by Buenos Aires, were opposed to the federalists, who resented the oligarchy of Buenos Aires and were backed by autocratic caudillos with gaucho troops. The unitarians triumphed temporarily when Argentines combined to help the Uruguayans repel Brazilian conquerors in the battle of Ituzaingó (1827), which led to the independence of Uruguay. The internal conflict was, however, soon resumed and was not even quelled when Gen. Juan Manuel de Rosas, the most notorious caudillo, established a dictatorship that lasted from 1835 to 1852. Ironically, this federalist leader, who was nominally only the governor of Buenos Aires, did more than the unitarians to unify the country. Ironically, too, this enemy of intellectuals stimulated his political opponents to write in exile some of the finest works of the Spanish-American romantic period among the writers were Domingo F. Sarmiento, Bartolomé Mitre, José Mármol, and Esteban Echeverría.

Rosas was overthrown (1852) by Gen. Justo José de Urquiza, who called a constituent assembly at Santa Fe. A constitution was adopted (1853) based on the principles enunciated by Juan Bautista Alberdi. Mitre, denouncing Urquiza as a caudillo, brought about the temporary secession of Buenos Aires prov. (1861) and the downfall of the Urquiza plans. Under the administrations of Mitre (1862–68), Sarmiento (1868–74), and Nicolás Avellaneda (1874–80), schools were built, public works started, and liberal reforms instituted. The War of the Triple Alliance (see Triple Alliance, War of the), 1865–70, brought little advantage to Argentina.

In 1880 federalism triumphed, and Gen. Julio A. Roca became president (1880–1886) Buenos Aires remained the capital, but the federal district was set up, and Buenos Aires prov. was given La Plata as its capital. Argentina flourished during Roca's administration. The conquest of the indigenous peoples by General Roca (1878–79) had made colonization of the region in the south and the southwest possible. Already the Pampa had begun to undergo its agricultural transformation. The immigration of Europeans helped to fill the land and to make Argentina one of the world's granaries.

Establishment of refrigerating plants for meat made expansion of commerce possible. The British not only became the prime consumers of Argentine products but also invested substantially in the construction of factories, public utilities, and railroads (which were nationalized in 1948). Efforts to end the power of the great landowners, however, were not genuinely successful, and the military tradition continued to play a part in politics, the army frequently combining with the conservatives and later with the growing ranks of labor to alter the government by coup.

The second administration of Roca (1898–1904) was marked by recovery from the crises of the intervening years a serious boundary dispute with Chile was settled (1902), and perpetual peace between the two nations was symbolized in the Christ of the Andes. Even before World War I, in which Argentina maintained neutrality, the wealthy nation had begun to act as an advocate for the rights and interests of Latin America as a whole, notably through Carlos Calvo, Luis M. Drago, and later Carlos Saavedra Lamas.

Internal problems, however, remained vexing. Electoral reforms introduced by Roque Sáenz Peña (1910–14) led to the victory of the Radical party under Hipólito Irigoyen (1916–22). He introduced social legislation, but when, after the presidency of Marcelo T. de Alvear, Irigoyen returned to power in 1928, his policies aroused much dissatisfaction even in his own party. In 1930 he was ousted by Gen. José F. Uriburu, and the conservative oligarchy—now with Fascist leanings—was again in power.

The administration (1932–38) of Agustín P. Justo was opposed by revolutionary movements, and a coalition of liberals and conservatives won an election victory. Radical leader Roberto M. Ortiz became president (1938), but serious illness caused him to resign (1942), and the conservative Ramón S. Castillo succeeded him. In 1943, Castillo was overthrown by a military coup. After two provisional presidents a palace revolt in 1944 brought to power a group of army colonels, chief among them Juan Perón. After four years of pro-Axis neutrality, Argentina belatedly (Mar., 1945) entered World War II on the side of the Allies and became a member of the United Nations. A return to liberal government momentarily seemed probable, but Perón was overwhelmingly victorious in the election of Feb., 1946.

Perón, an admirer of Mussolini, established a type of popular dictatorship new to Latin America, based initially on support from the army, reactionaries, nationalists, and some clerical groups. His regime was marked by curtailment of freedom of speech, confiscation of liberal newspapers such as La Prensa, imprisonment of political opponents, and transition to a one-party state. His second wife, the popular Eva Duarte de Perón, helped him gain the support of the trade unions, thereafter the main foundation of Perón's political power. In 1949 the constitution of 1853 was replaced by one that permitted Perón to succeed himself as president the Peronista political party was established the same year.

To cure Argentina's serious economic ills, Perón inaugurated a program of industrial development—which advanced rapidly in the 1940s and early 50s, although hampered by the lack of power resources and machine tools—supplemented by social welfare programs. Perón also placed the sale and export of wheat and beef under government control, thus undermining the political and economic power of the rural oligarchs. In the early 1950s, with recurring economic problems and with the death (1952) of his wife, Perón's popular support began to diminish. Agricultural production, long the chief source of revenue, dropped sharply and the economy faltered. The Roman Catholic church, alienated by the reversal of close church-state relations, excommunicated Perón and, finally, the armed forces became disillusioned with him. In 1955, Perón was ousted by a military coup, and the interim military government of Gen. Pedro Aramburu attempted to rid the country of Justicialismo (Peronism). Perón fled to Paraguay and in 1960 went into exile in Spain.

In 1957, Argentina reverted to the constitution of 1853 as modified up to 1898. In 1958, Dr. Arturo Frondizi was elected president. Faced with the economic and fiscal crisis inherited from Perón, Frondizi, with U.S. advice and the promise of financial aid, initiated a program of austerity to stabilize the economy and check inflation. Leftists, as well as Peronistas, who still commanded strong popular support, criticized the plan because the burden lay most heavily on the working and lower middle classes.

Frondizi later fell into disfavor with the military because of his leniency toward the regime of Fidel Castro in Cuba and toward Peronistas at home, who, in the congressional elections of 1962, scored a resounding victory. Frondizi was arrested and José María Guido assumed the presidency, but the military was in control. The Peronista and Communist parties were banned before presidential elections were held in 1963. Following the election of the moderate liberal Dr. Arturo Illia, many political prisoners were released and relative political stability returned. The new president was faced, however, with serious economic depression and with the difficult problem of reintegrating the Peronist forces into Argentine political life.

In 1964 an attempt by Perón to return from Spain and lead his followers was thwarted when he was turned back at Rio de Janeiro by Brazilian authorities. The Peronists, however, remained the strongest political force in the country unwilling to tolerate another resurgence of Peronism, a junta of military leaders, supported by business interests, seized power (1966) and placed Gen. Juan Carlos Onganía, a long-time right-wing opponent of Illía, in the presidency. Under Onganía, the new government dissolved the legislature, banned all political parties, and exercised unofficial press censorship Onganía also placed the national universities under government control.

Widespread opposition to the rigid rule of the Onganía regime grew, and the military deposed him (1970), naming Gen. Roberto M. Levingston president. Economic problems and increased terrorist activities caused Gen. Alejandro Lanusse, the leader of the coup against Onganía, to dismiss (1971) Levingston and initiate an active program for economic growth, distribution of wealth, and political stability. His direct negotiations with Juan Perón and his call for national elections and a civilian government led to the return of Perón to Argentina in 1972.

After failing to achieve unity among the various Peronist groups, Perón declined the nomination from his supporters to run for president in the Mar., 1973, elections, which were won by Dr. Hector Cámpora, the Peronist candidate, who subsequently resigned from office to make way for Perón's return. When new elections were held in Sept., 1973, Perón was elected president and his third wife, Isabel Martínez Perón, vice president. Perón died in July, 1974, and was succeeded by his widow. Her government faced economic troubles, labor unrest, political violence, and deep divisions within the Peronista party.

In 1976, Isabel Perón was deposed by a military junta under the leadership of Jorge Rafael Videla, who served as president until 1981. The government suspended political and trade union activity, dissolved the congress, made alterations to the constitution, and removed most government officals. During the military rule thousands of citizens suspected of undermining the government disappeared in what became known as the dirty war. In 1981 Argentina petitioned the United Nations for possession of the Falkland Islands (Islas Malvinas), which had been occupied and claimed by the British since 1832. Tensions escalated until, on Apr. 2, 1982, Argentina, now under the rule of Lt.-Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, invaded and occupied the islands. British forces responded quickly, forcing a surrender by Argentine forces within 6 weeks. The Argentine defeat led to Galtieri's resignation and subsequently to the end of military rule. Retired Gen. Reynaldo Bignone succeeded Galtieri as president and oversaw the return to democracy.

In 1983, Raúl Alfonsín won the presidency, but persistent economic problems plagued his tenure in office. Carlos Saúl Menem was elected president in 1988, bringing the Peronist Justicialist party back into power. A reform-minded leader, he stimulated economic growth and subdued hyperinflation in the early 1990s by instituting a major program of privatization, encouraging foreign investment, and tying the Argentine peso to the U.S. dollar. Constitutional amendments approved in 1994 placed curbs on presidential power and increased opposition power in the senate, while clearing the way for Menem to seek a second successive term as president. He was reelected in 1995. The Justicialists lost legislative elections to the opposition Alianza coalition in 1997, as the country struggled with recession and continuing high unemployment. Argentina's relations with Paraguay soured in 1999 when Menem's government sheltered Paraguayan Gen. Lino Oviedo for eight months Oviedo was wanted for the murder of Paraguay's vice president.

In Oct., 1999, Fernando de la Rúa of Alianza was elected president, soundly defeating the Peronist candidate. De la Rúa's victory was in part a rejection of Menem's perceived flamboyance and tolerance of corruption during his last term. The new president moved quickly to institute austerity measures and reforms to improve the economy taxes were increased to reduce the deficit, the government bureaucracy was trimmed, and legal restrictions on union negotiations were eased. De la Rúa also purged (2000) the army and state intelligence agency of the last suspected participants in the dirty war of the 1970s and 80s.

By late 2000, however, de la Rúa's presidency was under siege on two fronts. Several senators, mainly from the Justicialist party, were accused of taking bribes to vote for the government's labor-code revisions, and two cabinet members were also implicated. When the cabinet members were retained after a reorganization, Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned in protest. The Argentine economy had slipped into recession in late 1999, and Argentina was forced in to seek help from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and private banks to reduce its debt. In Dec., 2000, an aid package of nearly $40 billion was arranged, and the government announced a $20 billion public works program that was designed to help revive the economy.

Further economic measures designed to revived the ailing economy were adopted in 2001, including the pegging of the peso for imports and exports to the average value of the dollar and the euro combined, additional government austerity measures, and additional billions in IMF aid. The economy remained in recession, however, aggravating the problems posed by the debt and by the restrictions that the IMF imposed in return for aid, and unemployment rose to around 20% at the end of 2001. In legislative elections in Oct., 2001, the opposition Justicialist party became the largest party in both houses of the national congress. In November the government began restructuring the debt, putting it essentially in default. Ongoing economic problems led to a crisis of confidence as depositors began a run on the banks, resulting in limits on withdrawals (largely lifted a year later), and the IMF took a hard line, insisting on a 10% cut in the budget before making further payments.

Nationwide food riots and demonstrations erupted in late December, leading the president to resign. A series of interim presidents and renewed demonstrations ended with the appointment of Justicialist senator Eduardo Alberto Duhalde as president in Jan., 2002. Duhalde, who had been a free-spending provincial governor and the Peronists' 1999 presidential candidate, devalued the peso, which lost more than two thirds of its value. The depressed economy, meanwhile, remained in disarray until early 2003, when it showed some signs of slow improvement.

Néstor Carlos Kirchner, the governor of Santa Cruz prov. in Patagonia, won the spring 2003 presidential race when former president Menem withdrew from the runoff election polls indicated that Kirchner would win by a landslide. Congress subsequently repealed two amnesty laws, passed in the 1980s, that had protected military officers accused of human rights offenses, and in 2005 the supreme court upheld the move, overturning the amnesty laws as unconstitutional. Pardons given to several military government leaders were subsequently also overturned by the court, and arrest warrants were issued for Isabel Perón, who was in exile in Spain, and others. A number of former military officers and others were later convicted of human-rights crimes, including former Presidents Bignone and Videla.

Kirchner won favorable terms from from the IMF in Sept., 2003, refusing to make concessions in exchange for refinancing Argentina's debt. Kirchner's government continued into 2004 its policy of aggressively seeking more favorable terms, but was not successful in negotiating new terms for repaying private creditors until 2005, when some three quarters of its bondholders agreed to accept partial repayment. The economy grew strongly in 2003–5, reducing the unemployment rate, but the effects of the 2001–2 economic collapse continued to hurt many Argentines.

In Oct., 2005, the popular Kirchner benefited from the improved economy when his Peronists won control of the senate and a plurality in the lower house. With a strengthened political hand, Kirchner replaced his respected but more conservative economy minister with an ally. Argentina paid off its IMF debt in Jan., 2006, in an effort to regain greater flexibility in its economic policy. Kirchner also used the influence of his office to fight inflation by pressuring Argentinian companies into holding down price increases. His presidency also saw a trend toward renationalization of certain Argentinian businesses, including railroads and telecommunications companies.

In 2006 there were tensions with Uruguay over plans there to build pulp mills along the Argentina border on the Uruguay River. Argentinians fearing possible pollution from the mills blockaded several bridges into Uruguay, and Argentina accused Uruguay of contravening the treaty on joint use of the river. Argentina took the issue to the International Court of Justice, which accepted it but allowed construction of the one mill that Uruguay ended up building to proceed while the court decided the case. The court also refused to order Argentina to halt the protests, which continued until June, 2010. In 2010 the court largely ruled in favor of Uruguay, determining that it had met its environmental obligations under the treat, and it refused to order the mill to close.

Kirchner chose not to run in 2007 for a second term, but his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who had served as a provincial and national deputy and national senator, mounted her own candidacy. Running strongly and promising to continue her husband's policies, she was elected in Oct., 2007, becoming the first woman to be elected president. In a court case in Florida, U.S. prosecutors later (Dec., 2007) alleged that $800,000 found (Aug., 2007) by Argentinian customs officers on a private flight from Venezuela was intended to be a secret Venezuelan government contribution to Fernández de Kirchner's campaign. The Argentinian government denounced the allegation, but two Venezuelans and a Uruguayan arrested in the United States in connection with the money pleaded guilty to acting as unregistered foreign government agents and revealed details of the payment and its coverup and a third Venezuelan was convicted on similar charges in Nov., 2008.

Beginning in Mar., 2008, farmers protested increased export taxes on farm products by striking and blockading roads, leading to some food shortages in major cities at times. The government abandoned the tax increases in July after the Senate narrowly failed to approve them. Tensions between the government and farmers continued, however, into 2009, aggravated by drought and falling demand. In Mar., 2009, both sides reached accords on compensation for several clases of farm products.

In Oct, 2008, the government moved to nationalize 10 private pension plans. The government asserted it was acting to protect them from the global financial crisis, but many viewed it as a repudiation of the privatizations of the 1990s and also possibly as an attempt to secure funds in the face of a looming budget shortfall. The move caused stocks and the Argentinian peso to fall sharply the national airline was also nationalized. The government subsequently used some of the pension assets as part of an economic stimulus package. Congressional elections in June, 2009, resulted in losses for the governing party, which failed to secure majorities in both houses.

In Jan., 2010, a move by the government to use foreign currency reserves to repay some of Argentina's international debt sparked a conflict between the president and the head of the central bank, Martín Redrado, who refused to transfer the reserves. The president sought to remove Redrado by emergency decree, but a court ruled that she could neither remove him nor use the reserves. Redrado, however, subsequently resigned. In Mar., 2010, the president issued new decrees transferring $6.6. billion of the reserves, and an appeals court upheld the decrees when the opposition challenged them. Debt swaps agreed to by June by most of the holders of the remaining bonds that Argentina had defaulted on in 2001 left about 8% of the original bonds outstanding.

The start of oil exploration in the waters surrounding the Falkland Islands in Feb., 2010, led the Argentinian government to impose restrictions on vessels traveling through its waters to the islands. The islands' status became an increasingly contentious issue in Argentina's international relations in subsequent months, leading to strained relations with Great Britain by the time of the 30th anniversary of the Falklands War in Apr., 2012. In Oct., 2011, President Fernández de Kirchner, bouyed by significant economic growth, easily won reelection and her Front for Victory won control of Congress, but high inflation associated with the growth was an increasing concern and led to government regulations designed to control capital flight. Discontent over the economy and other issues led to demonstrations and strikes beginning in 2012. In May, 2012, the Congress approved the nationalization of the former national oil company, which had been privatized in 1999. The Front for Victory retained control of Congress after the Oct., 2013, elections. In December, police strikes over pay in many of the country's provinces led to outbreaks of looting across Argentina.

In Jan., 2014, after the government's long-standing efforts to support the peso had depleted its currency reserves, it abandoned those efforts, which led to a drop in the peso's value, and then relaxed foreign exchange controls. In June, 2014, Argentina lost its appeal against a U.S. court decision that required it to pay the owners of the outstanding bonds that it defaulted on in 2001 if the country paid bond owners who had exchanged their defaulted bonds in the debt swaps of 2005 and 2010. Argentina subsequently refused, and in September the country was declared in contempt of court the case restricted Argentina's access to international credit markets. Also that month, Vice President Amado Boudou was charged with corruption in connection with government aid received by a printing company he was accused of secretly owning he was convicted in 2018.

In early 2015 the president was accused by a prosecutor of shielding Iranians involved in a 1994 terrorist bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires in order to secure a trade deal. The prosecutor's death by a gunshot wound sparked a public crisis. A second prosecutor sought to pursue the charges, but they were dismissed. The president denounced the affair as a plot by Intelligence Secretariat agents to undermine her government, and had the congress vote to reorganize the agency.

Fernández de Kirchner was barred from running in the 2015 presidential election. Although the first round in October was won by the Front for Victory candidate, Daniel Scioli, he did not win by a large enough margin to avoid a runoff. In the November runoff, the candidate of the Let's Change coalition, Mauricio Macri, the center-right mayor of Buenos Aires, won 51% of the vote. In office Macri ended most currency controls and devalued the peso, resolved (2016) the outstanding bond claims that remained from the 2001 default, and moved to reduce government spending that subsidized the price of utilities and other items. In the Oct., 2017, legislative elections Macri's coalition won a plurality of the seats.

The withdrawal of international investments in the first half of 2018, due to changing international conditions and concerns about the Argentinian economy, created a liquidity crisis and led Macri to seek IMF aid, and the IMF approved a $50 billion credit line (later increased to more than $57 billion). Argentina's economy, however continued to be plagued by inflation (which approached 50% in 2018), devaluation, and a contracting economy. Late in 2018 the government adopted an austerity budget.

In Aug., 2019, President Macri placed a distant second in the country's open presidential primary to Alberto Fernández, the candidate of the main opposition coalition, the Peronist Frente do Todos Fernández's running mate was former president Fernández de Kirchner. Macri subsequently announced a number of economic relief measures. In October, Fernández won the presidential election in the first round. In December, the new government's economic emergency package, including tax and spending increases and emergency government powers, was enacted. The subsequent COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 worsened the economic crisis, and the government sought to restructure its foreign debt.

Die Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6de uitg. Kopiereg © 2012, Columbia University Press. Alle regte voorbehou.

See more Encyclopedia articles on: South American Political Geography


Buenos Aires History Facts and Timeline

Around a third of Argentina's population lives in the 'greater' area of this South American nation's capital and most populated city, Buenos Aires. In fact, only Sao Paulo in Brazil boasts a bigger metropolitan population among Latin American cities than Buenos Aires.

The city from where the Tango dance originated has overcome a tumultuous past history filled with wars, coups d'état and dramatically fluctuating economies, to become one of Latin America's most peaceful, prosperous and exciting cities.

Pre-European Peoples

Prior to European arrival, the Guarani and the Diaguita were the area's most prominent inhabitants. Both tribes helped develop maize cultivation, while the Diaguita stopped the Inca from conquering Argentina long before Europeans first set foot on its soil in the early 16th century.

History of European Settlement

In 1516, indigenous tribes killed Spanish explorer Juan Diaz de Solis, the first European to sail into present-day Argentina. The same tribes forced the Europeans to flee their first attempt at a permanent colony and head for Asunción, Paraguay in 1539. The Europeans did not succeed in establishing a permanent settlement in Buenos Aires until 1580, after many indigenous tribes perished from European diseases.

Spanish Colony

By the early 17th century, pirates replaced indigenous tribes as the biggest threats to Buenos Aires. However, smuggling and illicit trade also formed a large part of the overall economy, as the city was prohibited from foreign trade. At this time, Spain paid far more attention to Peru than Argentina, since it was rich in gold and silver.

Buenos Aires finally found a prosperous and legal industry in its surrounding grasslands, where cattle provided beef and treated leather hides, which Europeans used to make clothes, shoes and accessories. Of note, in 1776, Buenos Aires became the base of the new Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata.

British Invasions

When Spain came under Napoleonic French control, the British staged two Buenos Aires invasions, in 1806 and again in the following year. After the city successfully fended off the British without Spanish assistance, it gained in confidence and pride. Shortly after Napoleon Bonaparte's French troops invaded Spain, Argentina declared its independence in 1816.

Independence History

Bloody conflicts between Unitarians wanting a strong national government, and Federalists who desired more provincial power, broke out in Buenos Aires. The much-hated Mazorca secret police persecuted the Unitarians, who formed the majority of the city's population, during the rule of Federalist Juan Manuel de Rosas. The year of 1852 saw Rosas ousted, while Argentina ratified its first constitution just a year later.

Immigration and Prosperity

Following two failed mid-1800s British and French invasions, Buenos Aires entered the most prosperous period in its history, especially after the railroad connected its port with its surrounding cattle ranches.

European immigrants flocked to Buenos Aires during the early 20th century. Although most of these immigrants came from Italy and Spain, Buenos Aires also welcomed many Germans, British, and in more recent years, Asians. Infamy was heaped on the country, however, during and after WWII, when many high-ranking Nazi officers escaped Europe and managed to set up new lives in Argentina.

Perón and Plaza de Mayo Bombing

Argentina's most famous leader, Juan Domingo Perón, first came to power as the Argentinian president in 1946. He was especially popular among the working class, due to his education reforms and pro-union stance.

In June of 1955, Argentina's navy bombed the Plaza de Mayo in a failed coup d'état, but Peron was eventually deposed during another military revolt just three months later. Perón died a year after his 1973 re-election and his wife, Maria Eva Duarte de Perón (often known as simply 'Evita'), succeeded him until another military coup overthrew her in 1976.

The Dirty War

When the military governed Argentina between 1976 and 1983, they cracked down hard on suspected dissidents, many of whom mysteriously disappeared altogether and remain missing to this day. About 30,000 people were believed to have been executed during this 'Dirty War,' which served as part of a larger alliance between South American right wing governments. After the 1983 end of the military dictatorship, many of its leaders received lifetime prison sentences. This was a dark period in Buenos Aires history, as was the bombing of the Israeli Embassy the following decade.

Recession and Recovery

Argentina's economy completely collapsed in 2001, after two years of recession, preceded by many more years of inflation. Numerous businesses went bankrupt and up-to a quarter of Argentina's total population became unemployed before the economy finally stabilised. Buenos Aires, and the rest of Argentina, has once again become a calm and prosperous city.


Peron coming into power in Argentina

It seems to me that Peron came to power as a result of the mixture of the Latin American political/economic culture in existence in Argentina with the European immigrants (particularly Italian) coming to the country and the Great Depression with all its effects. In other words, when the Italian (and other) immigrants came to Argentina, they tended to be anarchist or syndicalist or what have you, and wanted to integrate themselves there and get full rights, etc. They were put down for a long time by the old conservative elites (representative of at least part of Latin American political culture) that engineered the coup of 1930 in the midst of the Depression, and that paved the way for Peron's popularity among the descendants of European immigrants. Is that a fair way of portraying the lead-on to Peronism, and why Argentina's political development was different than with many other Latin American countries (given that not nearly as many immigrants - particularly Italian - proportionally came to those other countries)?

If that's so, then even a scenario where Yrigoyen is dead sooner or where Ortiz is president for longer may merely buy some time in terms of avoiding a coup or what not - by a few to several years. Then, Argentina would have perhaps developed much like in real life anyway - who knows?


History of Argentina - Revolution of '43 (1943-1946)

The civilian government appeared to be close to joining the allies, but many officers of the Argentine armed forces (and ordinary Argentine citizens) objected due to fear of the spread of communism. There was a wide support to stay neutral in the conflict, as during WWI. The government was also questioned by domestic policy reasons, namely, the electoral fraud, the poor labour rights and the selection of Patrón Costas to run for the presidency.

On June 4, 1943, the G.O.U. (Grupo de Oficiales Unidos), which was a secret alliance between military leaders led by Pedro Pablo Ramírez, Arturo Rawson, Edelmiro Farrell and Farrell's protégé Juan Domingo Perón marched to the Casa Rosada and demanded the resignation of president Castillo. After hours of threats their goal was achieved and the president resigned. This event is considered by historians as the official end of the Infamous Decade.

After the coup, Ramírez took power. Although he did not declare war, he broke relations with the Axis powers. Argentina's largest neighbor, Brazil, had already entered the war on the allied side in 1942.

In 1944 Ramirez was replaced by Farrell, an army officer of Irish-Argentine origin who had spent two years attached to Mussolini's army in the twenties. Initially his government continued to maintain a neutral policy. Towards the end of the war, Farrell decided it was in the interests of Argentina to be attached to the winning side. Like several Latin American states, Argentina made a late declaration of war against Germany with no intention of providing any military forces.

Juan Domingo Perón managed the relations with labourers and unions, and become highly popular. He was deposed and detained at the Martín García island, but a massive demonstration on October 17, 1945, forced the government to free Perón and restore him to office. Perón would win the elections shortly afterwards by a landslide. The US ambassador, Spruille Braden, took direct action in Argentine politics supporting the antiperonist parties.