Geskiedenis Podcasts

Howard D. Crow DE -252 - Geskiedenis

Howard D. Crow DE -252 - Geskiedenis

Howard D. Crow DE-252

Howard D. Crow

(DE-252: dp. 1,200; 1,306 '; b. 30'7 "; dr. 8'7"; s. 21 k; cgl. 186; a. 3 3 ", 2 40 mm., 8 20 mm ., 2 dct., 8 dcp., 1 dcp. (Hh), 3 21 "tt .; cl Edsall)

Howard D. Crow (DE-252) is van stapel gestuur deur Brown Shipbuilding Co., Houston, Tex., 26 April 1943; geborg deur juffrou Viola Elaine Warner; en in opdrag van 27 September 1943 het luitenant -koms. D. T. Adams, USCG, in bevel.

Bestuur deur die kuswag, het Howard D. Crow gedurende Oktober en November shakedovm -opleiding uit Bermuda uitgevoer en by Norfolk aangemeld vir konvooi -diens 1 Desember. Die verwoester -begeleier vaar met haar eerste konvooi op 15 Desember, sien dit veilig na Casablanca en keer terug na New York op 24 Januarie 1944. In die daaropvolgende maande het Howard D. Crow 10 moeilike begeleide reise na Britse hawens onderneem om die voorraad te beskerm wat die groot landaanval wat die oorlog met Duitsland sou beëindig.

Die verwoester -begeleiding is in New York aangelê toe Duitsland op 8 Mei 1946 oorgegee het, en na uitgebreide opknappingsopleiding in die Karibiese Eilande van Guantanamobaai afgevaar het vir die Stille Oseaan -oorlog op 2 Julie. By Pearl Harbor aangekom via die Panamakanaal, 25 Julie, het Eoward D. Crow die westelike Stille Oseaan binnegedring vir 'n toer deur belangrike weerberigte, so belangrik vir die werking van die groot vloot. Sy vaar vanaf Midway 13 Desember 1945, en nadat sy by die Panamakanaal en New York gestop het, het Green Cove Springs aangekom, 15 Maart 1946. Sy het 22 Mei 1946 uit diens geneem en die Atlantic Reserve Fleet binnegegaan.

Met die Koreaanse konflik het groter eise aan die verafgeleë vloot gekom, en Howard D. Crow het 6 Julie 1951 weer met 'n vlootbemanning begin. Na afloop van opleiding het sy by Key West aangemeld as 'n Sonar ~ School -opleidingsskip, wat help met die ontwikkeling van nuwe toerusting en taktieke in oorlogsbestryding teen duikboot. Die skip het in 1952 noordwaarts na Newport gegaan en aan die kus deelgeneem aan vloot -antisubmarine -oefeninge. Gedurende die volgende 6 jaar het Howard D. Crow hierdie operasiepatroon gevolg - antisubmarine -opleiding, oefeninge in die Atlantiese Oseaan en Carthean, en periodieke opknapping. In 1957 het sy deelgeneem aan belangrike NAVO-oefeninge met byna 50 skepe uit 'n dosyn lande, en in 1958 het die veelsydige skip as kommunikasieskip gedien tydens 'n suksesvolle herstel van die Jupiter-kegel van Puerto Rico.

Howard D. Crow is in September 1958 in Galveston, Texas, as 'n reserwe-opleidingsskip gestuur. . Haar gereelde opleidingsvaart het die begeleide vaartuig na Key West en die Karibiese Eilande geneem. In Augustus 1961 het die situasie in Berlyn egter versleg, en Howard D. Crow was een van verskeie reservaatskepe wat teruggekeer het na aktiewe diens om die land se gereedheid te verhoog. Sy het opknappingsopleiding by Guantanamo Bay aangebied en tot Augustus 1962 saam met die vloot in die Atlantiese Oseaan en die Karibiese Eilande gewerk.

Die skip het op 1 Augustus 1962 teruggekeer na die opleidingsdiens, weer gebaseer in Galveston. Sy het tot 1963 tot in 1967 voortgegaan met opleiding op see vir reservate wat so belangrik was om Amerika se verdediging op die hoogste moontlike vlak van opleiding en vaardigheid te hou.


Howard D. Crow DE -252 - Geskiedenis

USS HOWARD D. CROW DE 252

'N Ou oorlogsverhaal met 'n nuwe einde.
'N Duitse duikboot wat in 1991 aan die kus van New Jersey ontdek is, het 'n boek en 'n hersiene geskiedenis geïnspireer.


Deur BRUCE A. SCRUTON, skrywer van personeel
Eerste publikasie: Woensdag 14 September 2005

ALBANIE-Die grys hare sit met bekers koffie en vertel 'n oorlogsverhaal. Dit is 'n ou verhaal, maar hulle vertel nou 'n nuwe einde-hoe hul skip meer as 60 jaar gelede 'n Duitse U-boot gesink het.

Danksy 'n toevallige ontmoeting deur 'n paar duikers in 1991 en die volharding van 'n paar daarvan, kom die geskiedenis van hoe twee vaartuie in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog met noodlottige gevolge te staan ​​gekom het, nou aan die lig.

Die obsessie oor die USS Howard D. Crow - wat in die laat sewentigerjare na die skrootwerf gestuur is - en duikboot U -869 - wat in 1945 na die onderkant van die Atlantiese Oseaan gestuur is, aan die kus van New Jersey - het die topverkoper geword van Shadow Divers, & quot verlede jaar gepubliseer.

Terwyl die boek fokus op die duikers en tot 'n mate die bemanning van die noodlottige duikboot, is hierdie groep koffiedrinkers-sommige van die kuswagters wat die kraai beman het-in Albany as deel van 'n herontmoeting van verwoestersbeamptes . Een keer was 'n besoek op Dinsdag aan die USS Slater, die enigste oorlewende verwoester -begeleier uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

Die mans onthou dat dit laatmiddag op daardie 11 Februarie 1945 was toe die kraai 'n konvooi voorraadskepe oor die Atlantiese Oseaan na Engeland vergesel het.

Ted Sieviec was aan diens in 'n geweertoring. Howard Denson was die sonar -operateur. Harold Muth, wat 34 jaar in die kuswag sou dien en as kaptein uittree, was 'n vaandel by die skip se veginligtingsentrum.

Denson, nou 82, het die sonar hoor & quotping & quot van 'n metaalvoorwerp - 'n duikboot, het hy by die sonaroffisier aangemeld. Die oortuiging was sterk genoeg dat die bemanning na gevegstasies gegaan het. Sieviec, nou 81, het van sy geweer-rewolwer af beweeg om 'n 'quothedgehog' af te vuur, so genoem, omdat die patroon van 24 voorwaartse vuurpyle dit soos die dier laat lyk het.

Denson, 'n plank -eienaar, of 'n oorspronklike bemanningslid van die kraai, het aanhou luister na die geluid wat voor die skip loop en sy rigting en reikafstand meld. In die CIC is die rigting van die teiken bepaal.

Die krimpvarkie skiet en borrel en 'n olievlek styg uit die diepte. Dieptekoste is laat vaar. Nog borrels. Meer olie.

Met die vertroue dat 'n duikboot onder was, het die kaptein van die skip hulp ontbied van 'n ander verwoester -begeleier, die USS Koiner, en 'n taakspan wie se enigste plig was om die vyand te jag en te vernietig. Die Koiner het ook dieptekoste laat val.

Maar toe die duisternis val, was daar geen ander puin nie. Die teiken het nie beweeg nie. Die konvooi het weggetrek en beskerming nodig gehad. Die Koiner se kaptein, die hooggeplaaste beampte op die toneel, het vasgestel die & quotsubmarine & quot was waarskynlik 'n gesinkte wrak en het die aanval afgelas. Die taakspan is gekanselleer. Die twee skepe het weer by die konvooi aangesluit.

& quot; Baie van ons was seker dat ons 'n duikboot het, & quot onthou Muth, terwyl hy en sy skeepsmaats die gebeure vertel. & quotJy kry nie borrels van 'n ou versinkte vistreiler nie. & quot

Maar die oorlog het voortgegaan. Ander missies - 'n dosyn konvooi -escorts tydens die oorlog vir die kraai - is uitgevoer. Muth het gesê & quotin twee jaar, ons het vyf, ses aanvalle gemaak op wat ons gedink het onderzeeërs was. & Quot

Maar daar was geen bevestigde insinkings nie.

Gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog was 'n Duitse duikboot een van die gevaarlikste beroepe in die konflik. Na raming het 80 persent van die mans wat in U-bote see toe gegaan het, nie teruggekeer nie.

Ek dink die grootste matrose was die duikbote aan beide kante, "het Muth gesê.

& quot Ag, ja. U kon my nie in een daarvan laat sak nie, 'het Denson gesê.

Maar vir al die verliese is slegs ongeveer 40 persent van die verlore U-bote ooit amptelik erken. Baie het uitgelok, een of twee radiokontakte met die Duitse vloothoofkwartier gemaak en deur die see ingesluk.

Die U-869 was egter een van die onderstaande krediete. Op grond van die Duitse rekords wat ná die oorlog vasgelê is, het die Amerikaanse vlootbeamptes vasgestel dat die sub van die oorspronklike bestemming aan die kus van New Jersey beveel is om naby Gibraltar te patrolleer. 'N Sub is in die gebied ingesink omtrent die tyd dat die U-869 daar sou gewees het. Die logika pas.

In 1991 het duikers die onverwagte ontdekking gemaak - 'n Duitse duikboot in 230 voet water, 60 myl van die kus van New Jersey af. Opeenvolgende duike oor ses jaar het bewyse gevind dat dit die U-869 was.

So het die raaisel verdiep. Hoe sou 'n duikboot, wat vermoedelik in Gibraltar gesink is, duisend kilometer ver op die seebodem kom lê? En, nog belangriker, wat het veroorsaak dat sy gesink het?

Die duikers ontdek twee gate in die sub, een in die toring en een oor die agterste torpedokamer. Die eerste teorie dat die sub deur een van sy eie torpedo's teruggesink is, het nie gewerk nie. Torpedo's tref nie die bokant van 'n skip nie, selfs nie 'n duikboot nie.

Die gate het tot nog 'n verduideliking gelei: 'n aanval van 'n oppervlakskip. Uitputtende soektogte het die log van die kraai gevind waarin die aanval op 11 Februarie uiteengesit is. Die koördinate van die aanval plaas dit minder as vyf kilometer van waar die U-869 ontdek is.

Die kaptein van die sub was 'n vlieënier in die Duitse vloot, maar is oorgeplaas na die duikbootdiens. Hy het net 'n paar maande opleiding gekry, waarna hy onder bevel was van een van die nuutste duikbote van die Ryk.

Hy het waarskynlik nooit gekry dat die radiobestellings van koers verander nie. Die jeug het geen ervaring gehad om te ontsnap nie.

Die bemanning van die Kraai het sy eerste reünie in 1984 gehou en volgens Sieviec was daar 'n paar herinneringe aan die aanval.

& quot Maar daar was nie 'n groot probleem nie. Dit was nie die onderwerp nie, "het Basil Philippy (80), 'n seeman in 1944, gesê.

Tydens die duik in 1991 het PBS 'n dokumentêr oor die ontdekking geskep en daarna uitgesaai. Sommige bemanningslede van die Crow het die vertoning gesien en die telefone het begin lui. Baie in die bemanning het geweet dat hul oortuigings geverifieer sou word.

Alhoewel die getuienis sterk en mondelinge verseker is, aangesien Crow se geskiedenis herskryf moet word, is dit nie amptelik voordat dit neergeskryf is nie, 'het Philippy gesê.

"Ek hoop dit word gou geskryf," het hy bygevoeg. & quot Daar is elke jaar al hoe minder van ons. Volgende jaar is dalk die laaste. & Quot


Lêer: Personeeloordrag tussen USS Rankin (AKA-103) en USS Howard D. Crow (DE-252), in 1960.jpg

Klik op 'n datum/tyd om die lêer te sien soos dit destyds gelyk het.

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Die rassistiese diplomatieke voorvalle wat JFK in die buiteland in die verleentheid gestel het

William Fitzjohn en sy bestuurder ry met roete 40 deur Maryland, in die hoop om 'n warm maaltyd te vind voor die ontmoeting van die Afrikaanse diplomaat in die Withuis. Dit was April 1961, en segregasie was die status quo in groot dele van die Verenigde State. Fitzjohn, die aanklag van sake in die land Sierra Leone, het geweet dat hy, ondanks sy diplomatieke elite, van die hand gewys kan word as hy probeer eet by 'n onderneming wat swart mense diskrimineer.

Fitzjohn het vroeër gehoor dat die restaurantketting Howard Johnson oop was om swart kliënte te bedien, en sy bestuurder het na een van hulle gegaan. Maar toe hy in Hagerstown, Maryland, Howard Johnson, inkom, het 'n nors kelnerin vir Fitzjohn gesê dat sy hom nie sou bedien nie. Selfs toe hy sy diplomatieke geloofsbriewe toon, wou sy nie afwyk nie. Dit was baie emosioneel ontstellend, het Fitzjohn daarna aan 'n verslaggewer van Associated Press gesê.

Fitzjohn se ervaring het 'n internasionale voorval geword, wat 'n presidensiële verskoning en groot publisiteit tot gevolg gehad het. Maar hy was verreweg die enigste buitelandse hoogwaardigheidsbekleër wat in die Verenigde State die vernedering van segregasie ondervind het. Gedurende die 1950's en 1960's is Afrikaanse hooggeplaastes en diplomate herhaaldelik gegryp, verbaal mishandel en gediskrimineer toe hulle tyd in die VSA deurgebring het. die VSA het nie die burgerregte van kleurlinge erken of gehandhaaf nie.

Die onrusbarende werklikheid van rassediskriminasie het die uitreiking van die Verenigde State na nuwe onafhanklike Afrika -lande bemoeilik. En, sê historikus Renee Romano, dit het gehelp om die regering te druk om uiteindelik sy gewig agter burgerregte -wetgewing te werp. Dit het regtig sleg gelyk op die wêreldverhoog, sê Romano, professor in geskiedenis aan die Oberlin College.

Namate die Koue Oorlog in die 1960's kouer geword het, het rassisme en diskriminasie 'n deurslaggewende probleem geword vir president John F. Kennedy se buitelandse beleid. Die nuutverkose president het kragtige pogings aangewend om die Verenigde State as 'n demokratiese ideaal te beskou vir die res van die woord se pogings wat bedreig word deur die wreedheid van partydigheid en diskriminasie tuis.

Destyds het Afrika 'n dramatiese verskuiwing ondergaan toe ontluikende state hul koloniale bande afgeskud het. In 1960 het sewentien Afrika -nasies hul onafhanklikheid verklaar. Dit was 'n opwindende en benarde oomblik in internasionale betrekkinge, en Kennedy moes sy benadering tot die nuut gesmoorde lande bepaal. Hy het Afrika beskou as 'n moontlike broeikas vir demokrasie in Amerikaanse styl, en het moeite gedoen om diplomate van die nuwe nasies te verwelkom en te huisves.

Maar toe hulle saam met hul personeel na die Verenigde State gekom het, het baie Afrikaanse hooggeplaastes rassediskriminasie beleef. Eienaars en werknemers van restaurante, kapperswinkels, motelle en ander ondernemings in gesegregeerde state het mense gediskrimineer op grond van hul velkleur, nie hul diplomatieke status nie, en Afrika -diplomate en hul personeel was vasgevang in rassistiese voorvalle.

Roete 40, wat Washington, DC met New York verbind het, was 'n besondere probleem vir die diplomate. Toe hulle van die setel van die Amerikaanse regering na die Verenigde Nasies se hoofkwartier in Manhattan reis, het hulle die soort rassisme teëgekom wat swart mense in die alledaagse lewe besmet het. Hoogwaardigheidsbekleërs is uit restaurante uitgestoot, onderworpe aan rassisme, beddens in motels geweier en van privaat klubs afgewyk wat deur lede van die Kennedy -administrasie beskerm is.

“Mense het besef dat die oë van die wêreld op ons was, ”, sê Romano. Ons moes sommige van hierdie ideale [van demokrasie en burgerregte] nakom om ons internasionale statuur te behou en ons ideologiese stryd in die Koue Oorlog te handhaaf. ”

Die voorvalle het nie net probleme vir die diplomate veroorsaak nie: toe die nuus bekend word dat nog 'n Afrikaanse hooggeplaaste koffie geweier word of deur 'n kelnerin vervloek word, word dit voer vir die vyande van die Koue Oorlog in Amerika. Fitzjohn se ervaring by Howard Johnson, byvoorbeeld, is in die Sowjetunie verwerp, wat dit as 'n voorbeeld van Amerikaanse skynheiligheid bevestig het. Die USSR het selfs gepoog om die Verenigde Nasies te oorreed om sy hoofkwartier uit die Verenigde State te verwyder in reaksie op die land en om rassistiese wette teen te staan.

President John F. Kennedy ontmoet dr.William H. Fitzjohn, Charge d & aposAffairs of Sierra Leone, in die Oval Office op 27 April 1961.

Cecil Stoughton, White House Photographs/John F. Kennedy Presidensiële Biblioteek en Museum

In reaksie op 'n dreigement deur Afrika -diplomate om die land te verlaat, het die Amerikaanse ministerie van buitelandse sake selfs die afdeling vir spesiale protokoldiens geskep, 'n afdeling wat ontwerp is om Afrika -diplomate teen diskriminasie te beskerm. Sy leier, Pedro Sanjuan, het vinnig besef dat die probleem nie 'n kwessie van protokol was nie en dat dit 'n kwessie van rassisme was. Maar sy pogings om die staatsdepartement se pogings om Afrika -diplomate verder uit te brei om swart Amerikaners ook te help, was grootliks tevergeefs.

Hulle het begin in 'n plek met baie min krag, ”, sê Romano. Die groep het sake -eienaars langs Route 40 probeer oorreed om swart klante en eiendomsrade te bedien om huisvesting aan swart diplomate en hul personeel te verskaf. Terwyl Sanjuan probeer het om Route 40 meer welkom by Afrika -diplomate te maak, het hy toenemend daarvan oortuig dat slegs 'n regsoplossing sakeondernemings kan verhinder om teen alle swart mense te diskrimineer.  

Terwyl Freedom Riders en ander betogers sit-ins langs Route 40 plaas, het die SPSS 'n druk op staatsregerings en Kennedy se administrasie geplaas om die wet te gebruik om segregasie te verbied. , dit het die kwessie nog dringender laat voel.   �r was 'n internasionale diplomatieke belang op die spel, ” sê Romano.  

Uiteindelik het die Burgerregtewet van 1964 openbare segregasie verbied, en die SPSS is ontbind. Maar die agentskap en die kwessies waarmee besoekende diplomate te kampe het, wie se velkleur 'n yskoue welkom in die Verenigde State verseker het, het 'n verskil gemaak, hoe klein ook al.

Massaprotes en aktivisme het uiteindelik baie belangriker geblyk om onwillige wetgewers te dwing om diskriminerende wette op te skort as om deur die staatsdepartement te pleit, ” sê Romano. Maar, sê sy, die agentskap het wel gehelp om die regering van Kennedy te druk om te verander. Die diplomate en vernederende en skrikwekkende ervarings met Amerikaanse diskriminasie het gehelp om aandag te gee aan die bedreigings en verontwaardighede wat swart mense onder die segregasie- en#x2014a -stelsel ondervind, wat die velkleur uitgesluit het van alle ander menslike eienskappe.  


Ons nuusbrief

Produk Beskrywing

USS Howard D Crow DE 252

'Persoonlike' doekskipafdruk

(Nie net 'n foto of plakkaat nie, maar 'n kunswerk!)

Elke matroos was mal oor sy skip. Dit was sy lewe. Waar hy 'n geweldige verantwoordelikheid gehad het en saam met sy naaste skipmaats gewoon het. Namate 'n mens ouer word, word sy waardering vir die skip en die vloot se ervaring sterker. 'N Persoonlike afdruk toon eienaarskap, prestasie en 'n emosie wat nooit verdwyn nie. Dit help om u trots te toon, selfs al is 'n geliefde nie meer by u nie. Elke keer as u by die afdruk loop, voel u die persoon of die vlootervaring in u hart (gewaarborg).

Die beeld word op die waters van die see of die baai uitgebeeld met 'n vertoning van haar kuif, indien beskikbaar. Die naam van die skip word onderaan die afdruk gedruk. Wat 'n wonderlike doekafdruk om jouself of iemand wat jy ken te herdenk wat moontlik aan boord van haar gedien het.

Die gedrukte prentjie is presies soos u dit sien. Die doek grootte is 8 "x10" gereed vir die raamwerk soos dit is, of u kan 'n ekstra mat van u keuse byvoeg. As u 'n groter prentjie (11 "x 14") op 'n 13 "X 19" doek wil hê, kies die opsie. Die afdrukke word op bestelling gemaak. Hulle lyk ongelooflik as hulle gematteer en omraam is.

Ons PERSONALISEER die afdruk met "Naam, posisie en/of jare gedien" of enigiets anders wat u wil hê dit moet vermeld word (GEEN Bykomende koste nie). Dit is net bokant die foto van die skip geplaas. Nadat u die afdruk gekoop het, stuur 'n e -pos aan ons of dui in die aantekeninge -gedeelte van u betaling aan wat u daarop wil druk. 'N Paar van Voorstelle:

Amerikaanse seevaarder
JOU NAAM HIER
Trots bedien Sept 1963 - Sept 1967

My seun of dogter dien tans in die Amerikaanse vloot
Hulle NAAM en RANK

Dit sal 'n goeie geskenk wees en 'n uitstekende toevoeging tot enige historiese militêre versameling. Sal fantasties wees om die huis- of kantoormuur te versier.

Die watermerk "Great Naval Images" sal NIE op u druk verskyn nie.

Hierdie foto is gedruk op Argief-veilige suurvrye doek gebruik 'n hoë resolusie drukker en behoort baie jare te hou.

As gevolg van sy unieke natuurlike geweefde tekstuur bied doek 'n spesiale en kenmerkende voorkoms wat slegs op doek vasgelê kan word. Die doekafdruk benodig nie glas nie, wat die voorkoms van u afdruk verbeter, glans elimineer en u totale koste verlaag.

Ons waarborg dat u nie teleurgesteld sal wees met hierdie item of u geld terug nie. Boonop sal ons die doekafdruk onvoorwaardelik vervang vir VRY as u u afdruk beskadig. U word slegs 'n nominale fooi plus gestuur en hantering in rekening gebring.


“Spring, Jim Crow”

Thomas Dartmouth Rice, 'n wit man, is gebore in New York in 1808. Hy het hom in die twintigerjare toegewy aan die teater, en in die vroeë 1830's het hy begin optree wat hom beroemd sou maak: hy het sy gesig swart geverf en 'n liedjie en dans wat hy beweer is geïnspireer deur 'n slaaf wat hy gesien het. Die daad is 'Jump, Jim Crow' (of 'Jumping Jim Crow') genoem.

"Hy sou nie net 'n swart gesigsmake -up aantrek nie, maar ook 'n sjofele rok wat in sy gedagtes - en die blanke mense se destydse gedagtes - die rok en aspek van die suidelike slaaf van swart persoon nageboots het," sê Eric Lott, skrywer van Liefde en diefstal: Blackface Minstrelsy en die Amerikaanse werkersklas en professor in Engelse en Amerikaanse Studies aan die City University of New York Graduate Center.

Rice se roetine was 'n treffer in New York, een van die vele plekke in die noorde waar blankes uit die werkersklas swart gesig kon sien, wat vinnig 'n dominante vorm van teater en 'n toonaangewende bron vir populêre musiek in Amerika geword het. Rice het op toer gegaan, selfs tot in Engeland gegaan, en namate sy gewildheid toeneem, het sy verhoognaam die kultuur ingesypel.

'' Jumping Jim Crow 'en net' Jim Crow 'het in die algemeen 'n afkorting geword - of in elk geval 'n afkorting - vir die beskrywing van Afro -Amerikaners in hierdie land, "sê Lott.

'Soveel so,' sê hy, 'teen die tyd van Harriet Beecher Stowe Oom Tom se kajuit, wat twintig jaar later in 1852 was, ”verwys die een karakter na die ander as Jim Crow. (In 'n vreemde volsirkel speel Rice later vir oom Tom in die blackface-verwerkings van die roman, wat die boek se afskaffingsboodskap dikwels omgekeer het.)

Ongeag of die term "Jim Crow" bestaan ​​voordat Rice op die planke kom, het sy daad gehelp om dit as 'n neerhalende term vir Afro -Amerikaners te populariseer. Om iemand "Jim Crow" te noem, was nie net om sy of haar velkleur aan te dui nie: dit was om die persoon te verminder tot die soort karikatuur wat Rice op die verhoog uitgevoer het.


Vyf redes waarom die Republikeine in Georgië stemme beperk

Die nuwe wet herstruktureer ook die gesag van die staatsverkiesingsraad. Onthou u nog toe die Republikeinse minister van buitelandse sake, Brad Raffensperger, geweier het om toe te gee aan die voormalige president Donald Trump se eis en meer 'Republikeinse stembriewe' te vind '? Hierdie wet verlaag Raffensperger in wese van die voorsitter van die direksie tot 'n ex officio-lid, terwyl die wetgewer onder leiding van die Republikein die voorsitter van die raad kies. Die wet laat die wetgewer onder leiding van die Republikein ook toe om plaaslike verkiesingsbeamptes tydelik te skors in afwagting van 'n formele hersiening van hul optrede. Om die saak reguit te stel, laat die wet die wetgewer wat deur die Republikeinse regering gehou word, meer beheer oor die telling van die stembriewe in demokratiese gebiede toe.

Die vreemdste bepaling is dat vrywilligers nou verbied word om items soos kos, water en klapstoele aan kiesers te lewer wat in lang rye wag. In die vorige verkiesings, toe kiesers in grootliks demokratiese gebiede ure lank tougestaan ​​het om te stem, het vrywilligersgroepe genaamd 'lynwarmers' gereël en water en ander verversings gebring aan mense wat in lang rye vasgesteek het. Hierdie items is aan alle kiesers uitgedeel. Die regverdiging vir die verbod op hierdie praktyk was die moontlikheid van misbruik (probeer om kiesers te beïnvloed), maar daar was nooit bewyse dat lynverwarmers iets gedoen het nie, behalwe om gratis water aan alle kiesers uit te deel, nooit vrae te stel of verkiesings te maak nie.

Kemp regverdig die wet deur te sê: "Beduidende hervormings aan ons staatsverkiesings was nodig. Daar is geen twyfel dat daar baie kommerwekkende kwessies was oor die hantering van die verkiesing nie, en hierdie probleme het, te verstane, tot 'n krisis van vertroue gelei."

Die probleem is dat hierdie 'vertrouenskrisis' hoofsaaklik gebaseer was op die leuen dat daar massiewe kiesersbedrog in die verkiesing in 2020 was. Bewerings van wydverspreide kiesersbedrog is herhaaldelik in die hof neergelê en ontken deur Republikeinse lojaliste soos die voormalige prokureur -generaal William Barr. In Georgië is stembriewe drie keer getel, een keer met die hand, en daar is geen bewyse gevind van sekuriteitsbreuk of stelselmatige kiesersbedrog by stemlokale of by afwesige stembriewe nie.

In November, toe dit duidelik word dat Republikeinse leiers 'n leuen versprei oor massiewe kiesersbedrog, het die verkiesingskenner, Rick Hasen, akkuraat voorspel dat selfs die Republikeine wat Trump se leuen verwerp het, die gebrek aan vertroue wat dit geïnspireer het, sou gebruik om ''n vals verhaal te verskaf' en "Dien as 'n predikaat vir nuwe beperkende stemwette in Republikeinse state."

Gelukkig is daar maniere om terug te veg.

Verwante

Mening 'n Republikeinse burgeroorlog kom. Rudy Giuliani se kruistog in Georgië is net die begin.

Die bepalings wat dit moeiliker maak vir mense om te stem en die onsinnige bepalings kan deur federale wetgewing oorskry word. Die Grondwet gee die Kongres spesifiek die bevoegdheid om federale verkiesings te reguleer: artikel I, afdeling 4, gee hom die bevoegdheid om reëls vir die uitvoering van federale verkiesings op te stel of te verander. Die 14de wysiging en 15de wysiging verhoed dat state diskrimineer op grond van ras.

Omdat soveel van hierdie beperkende bepalings minderheidskiesers buite verhouding beïnvloed, word daar reeds regsgedinge ingedien wat die wet betwis.

Daar is ook die kans dat hierdie wet op die onderdrukking van kiesers 'n terugslag kan hê vir Republikeine. Soos ons in die voorverkiesings in April gesien het, toe Republikeine in Wisconsin dit vir mense moeiliker probeer maak het om te stem, hou mense nie daarvan as hulle voel dat hul stem onderdruk word nie. Die Republikeine van Wisconsin het 'n terugslag gekry van kiesers, wat in groot getalle opgedaag het, en beskou die struikelblokke wat die Republikeine stel as 'n uitdaging. As gevolg hiervan behaal die Demokrate 'n belangrike oorwinning toe uitdager Jill Karofsky die konserwatiewe posbekleër Daniel Kelly uit die hooggeregshof in Wisconsin verdryf het.

Met die Republikeine se voorneme om die stem moeiliker te maak, moet die Demokrate voortgaan om te organiseer en maniere om die hindernisse te vind. Georgia het reeds 'n goed georganiseerde kiesersondersteuningspan, Fair Fight, onder leiding van Stacey Abrams. Staatswet maak voorsiening vir die uitbrenging van stembriewe en die opstel van stembriewe deur lede van beide partye. Amerikaanse howe het in 2020 bewys dat selfs diegene met uiters konserwatiewe regters nie bereid is om die wil van die mense in 'n verkiesing om te keer nie. Groot opkoms en 'n duidelike oorwinning is die beste teenmiddel vir pogings om die stemming te onderdruk.


Howard D. Crow DE -252 - Geskiedenis

SWART AMERIKANE IN DELAWARE: 'N OORSIG

James E. Newton
Universiteit van Delaware

Die geskiedenis en lewenservarings van swart Amerikaners is lank afgeskeep en bied steeds belangrike geleenthede vir navorsing. In sy baanbrekerswerk oor swartes in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis, skryf George Washington Williams, 'n predikant en Amerika se eerste belangrike swart historikus, in 1882, en ek het my bloedende landgenote opgevolg deur die wyd verspreide dokumente van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. . . . & quot Enigiemand wat navorsing wil doen oor die geskiedenis van swart Amerikaners in Delaware en die oostelike oewer, sal Williams se kommentaar beslis gepas vind. Die doel van hierdie opstel is om 'n algemene oorsig te gee van die historiese ervaring van Afro -Amerikaners in Delaware. 'N Chronologiese patroon het die bespreking in vier historiese periodes verdeel: 1639-1787 1787-1865 1865-1930 en 1930-hede.

In die begin: 1639-1787

Die geskiedenis van die swart bevolking in die Engelse kolonies in Noord -Amerika het in 1619 begin met die verkoop van 20 bediendes aan setlaars in Jamestown. Die eerste setlaars van Delaware was die Swede en die Nederlanders. In hul soeke na mag het die Nederlanders by die Swede oorgeneem, maar in 1664 is hul koloniale mededingers, die Engelse, uit Delaware verdryf. Historiese dokumente bevat die eerste swart in Delaware -gebied, Anthony, wat in 1638 deur die kaptein van die Grip gevange geneem is. In 1639 is Black Anthony aan Fort Christina afgelewer en nege jaar later as spesiale assistent van goewerneur Printz.

In 1721 het 'n geskatte 2.000-5.000 slawe in Pennsylvania en die drie onderste graafskappe aan die Delaware (New Castle, Kent en Sussex) gewoon. Miskien was 500 van hierdie getal in die drie onderste graafskappe. Die meeste slawe en vryswartes in die drie onderste graafskappe het as plaasarbeiders of as huishoudelike werkers gewerk. Europese bediendes kon nie in die vraag na arbeid voorsien nie, en daarom het slawe die verskil gemaak. Goedgesinde planters in Kent County (bv. Nicholas Loockerman, John Vining en dr. Charles Ridgely) het 'n groot aantal slawe besit.

Sommige slawe is opgelei vir ander werk as boerdery of huishoudelike diens. In 1762 het John Dickinson, een van Delaware se mees prominente revolusionêre staatsmanne en 'n kwaker, in die advertensie van sy plantasie te huur gesê dat die huurder die dienste van slawe, skoenmakers, timmermanne en kleermakers sowel as in plaaswerk kan bekom, met dien verstande dat hulle vriendelik behandel word. Ander slawe is opgelei as gietermanne. In advertensies van weggeloopte slawe uit die laer graafskappe is gerapporteer dat sommige weet wat viool speel en lees en skryf.

Die sosialisering van swartes is in Delaware beheer deur 'n wet van 1700 getiteld "Vir die verhoor van negers." Hierdie beleid het 150 jaar diskriminerende wetgewing beteken. Swartes is swaarder strawwe opgelê as blankes vir sekere misdade, wat verbied is om wapens te dra of in groot getalle bymekaar te kom, en is onderworpe aan spesiale hofprosedures. Latere wette het hulle nog groter beperkings opgelê deur te stemverbod, ampte te beklee, getuienis teen blankes te gee en gemengde huwelike te verbied. Aan die vooraand van die Amerikaanse rewolusie het soveel slawe in die kolonie gewoon dat sommige inwoners bang was vir 'n opstand. Die Algemene Vergadering het in 1773 'n wet uitgevaardig wat die plig tot 20 pond verhoog het om 'n individuele slaaf na die onderste graafskappe te bring met die verduideliking dat talle erwe en opstande op die vasteland van Amerika die moorde op verskeie inwoners tot gevolg gehad het.

Die beste skattings is dat die drie laer graafskappe in 1775 2000 swartes bevat het, met elke land ongeveer 'n derde van die totaal. As gevolg van die groot toename van swart inwoners teen 1790, kan die syfer onderskat word.

Die Algemene Vergadering het in 1775 probeer om die invoer en uitvoer van slawe te verbied, maar goewerneur John Penn het 'n veto teen die maatreël ingestel. Die Grondwet van 1776 het bepaal dat niemand hierna in Afrika in hierdie staat ingevoer moet word nie, onder geen voorwendsel in slawerny gehou mag word nie, en dat geen neger, Indiër of mulatto slaaf na hierdie staat gebring moet word om te verkoop uit enige wêrelddeel nie. & quot. Ten spyte van hierdie klousule is sommige swartes onwettig verkoop of ontvoer, en boere wat grond aan die oostelike oewer van Maryland besit het, kon met toestemming van die hof slawe oor die grens neem. Later wetgewing het ontvoerders swaar gestraf en probeer verseker dat slawe nie uit die staat verkoop of daarin gebring word nie.

Tydens die Amerikaanse rewolusie het die swart bevolking van Delaware 'n groot bydrae gelewer tot die Amerikaanse oorwinning as swoegers van die grond en in die algemeen. Swartes in Delaware het gedien as snelryers, toesighouers vir perde en spansters. Ander het hul lojaliteit getoon deur belasting in bossies koring te betaal vir die ondersteuning van die weermag, net soos hul blanke bure.

In sy vormingsjare het die Afrikaanse Metodiste Biskop Richard Allen van Kent County die Amerikaanse saak gehelp deur 'n soutwa uit Lewes te ry. Miskien het sommige van sy vragte die weermag van Washington bereik.

Delaware Quakers, geïnspireer deur Warner Mifflin van Kent County, het hul slawe in 1775 begin bevry. Baie het hulle voorbeeld gevolg. John Dickinson het meer as 'n aantal slawe van sy St. Jones 'Neck -landgoed in Kent County in 1777 toegestaan. Dickinson het ook onderrig vir sy slawe se kinders gegee.

'N Ander revolusionêre leier van Kent County, Caesar Rodney, het gereël dat sy slawe in sy testament by sy dood in 1784 toegelaat word. Ten spyte van sulke pogings, het die sensus van 1790 8 887 slawe en 3 899 gratis swartes gelys.

Staatskap aan die burgeroorlog: 1787-1865

Toe die nuwe federale grondwet in September 1787 voltooi is, is dit vir goedkeuring aan die state gestuur. Delaware was die eerste staat wat opgetree het. Op 7 Desember 1787, tydens 'n staatsbyeenkoms in Dover, is die nuwe grondwet eenparig bekragtig, wat Delaware die eerste staat was wat by die Unie aangesluit het.

Die staatskaping in Delaware het, net soos ander state, verskeie ernstige vrae laat ontstaan ​​oor slawerny, kolonisasie, ontbinding en die wetlike status van vrye swartes in die staat. Alhoewel die staatswet die verkoop van slawe uit die staat verbied het, is pogings om dit vir hierdie doel onwettig te vervoer aan die einde van die 18de eeu voortgesit. Soms is gratis swartes ontvoer en as slawe verkoop. Freedmen het dit verstandig gevind om leerling- en vryheidspapiere by die Pennsylvania Abolition Society in Philadelphia te deponeer.

Sommige Delawareërs was geïnteresseerd in die vrystelling, maar slegs as die vrymanne na Afrika terugkeer. In 1827 versoek die Wilmington Union Colonization Society die wetgewer om goedkeuring vir so 'n doelwit. Die Vergadering het 'n resolusie aangeneem waarin die doelstellings van die Genootskap goedgekeur word.

Swart Wilmington het 'n ander siening van kolonisasie gehad. Tydens 'n vergadering in 1831 het hulle die mening uitgespreek dat kolonisasie nie in die beste belang van die swart ras was nie en in stryd was met die beginsel van burgerlike en godsdiensvryheid. Hulle het dit ook as onverenigbaar met die gees van die Onafhanklikheidsverklaring en die Grondwet beskou.

Delawareërs, meestal Quakers, het die Delaware Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery in 1788 georganiseer. Ongeveer dieselfde jaar is ook die Delaware Society for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery gestig. Hierdie samelewings het uitstekende werk verrig om vrye swartes teen ontvoering te beskerm en slawe -eienaars aan te moedig om hul slawe te bevry. Daar was egter ander magte wat probeer het om slawe in slawerny te hou. Die bekendste slavenapper was Patty Cannon, wat saam met haar skoonseun Joe Johnson 'n taverne op die Delaware-Maryland-lyn in Sussex County bedryf het. Sy is daarvan beskuldig dat sy swart mense ontvoer het om te verkoop aan slawehandelaars en van moord. Sy was beskuldig van haar berugte aktiwiteite toe sy in 1829 in die tronk in Georgetown sterf.

Support for Delaware's black populace was best exemplified through Thomas Garrett , a Wilmington businessman and Quaker. In a letter to a New York state abolitionist in 1858, he claimed to have aided 2,152 blacks escape (by the time of the Civil War, the figure was over 2,700). In 1848, he was fined $5,400 for assisting runaway slaves. His property was sold at a sheriff's sale. Later, with the aid of friends, he successfully re-established himself in business.

Black abolitionists also aided members of their race in escaping. Abraham D. Shadd , a Wilmington shoemaker, was active in the Underground Railroad and in working for black rights. Samuel Burris , of Kent County, was a black conductor on the Underground Railroad. Jailed in Dover for his activities and sold into servitude, he found--to his pleasant surprise--his Quaker friends had arranged to buy his time. Famed heroine Harriet Tubman , known for her Underground Railroad activities, frequently led slaves to freedom from the Eastern Shore of Maryland. She and Garrett formed one of the most successful teams on the Underground Railroad.

The number of slaves in Delaware decreased rapidly from almost 9,000 in 1790 to half that number in 1820. By 1860, the number had decreased to 1,798. The usual explanation given is humanitarianism and religious feeling, abolitionist efforts, and runaways. In reality, Delaware farmers found it cheaper to hire free black labor than to keep slaves. Furthermore, Delaware, the most northern of the slave states, had no great crop of tobacco or cotton to be looked after during all seasons of the year. The land was wearing out, and state law forbade the sale of slaves out of state. Thus, slave owners could not benefit from breeding slaves as in a state like Virginia.

By 1860, slavery was extinct in Wilmington and disappearing in lower New Castle County. Even in Sussex County, the ratio of free to slave was one to three, but the General Assembly hesitated to take the final step. The Friends of Abolition almost succeeded in 1847, but one vote kept them from success.

How slaves were treated depended upon the whim of their owner. Mary Parker Welch, in her reminiscences of slavery in Delaware, paints mostly a pleasant picture of slave life in Sussex County. She knew of slaves who had purchased their freedom and later owned small farms and cottages. But, even Mrs. Welch told of whippings, illegal sales to slave traders for sale outside of the state, and the separation of families.

Some masters treated their slaves kindly. At the death of his father, John M. Clayton, later a distinguished Senator, brought the family slaves at a sheriff's sale with the understanding that they would be freed as soon as the money he had borrowed for that purpose was repaid.

Such an episode can be counterbalanced with tales of cruelty. John Hawkins, for example, in the 1830s, unsuccessfully petitioned the courts to prevent the sale of his children into the deep South. Solomon Bayley was a Delaware slave sold illicitly to a Virginia owner. He managed to escape and return to Delaware, where he eventually succeeded in buying not only his own freedom, but that of his wife and children. Levin Tilmon was born a slave but later became free and was indentured as an apprentice. He describes vividly hardships of both slaves and free blacks in his narrative published in 1853. William Still's compilation of narratives of the Underground Railroad is full of stories of whippings, separation of families, and mistreatment.

Prior to the Civil War, free blacks suffered from many legal discriminatory practices. They needed passes signed by white men to leave the state, and if they were absent more than six months, they could not return. Free blacks from other states were not permitted to move to Delaware.

Laws became noticeably stricter after the 1831 Nat Turner Insurrection in Virginia. Several petitions requested that the General Assembly provide even stricter regulations on the mobility of free blacks. Although free blacks resented these laws and petitioned against them, their efforts were to no avail.

Free blacks in the decades before the Civil War began to acquire property and gained some degree of economic security. While this was true in all counties, it was especially so in Wilmington, where county tax records show that a number of blacks owned their own homes and occasionally other buildings. While most of the blacks in the state outside of Wilmington engaged in farming or domestic service, those in Wilmington earned their living in a variety of ways. The City Directory of 1845 lists 26 occupations in which blacks found employment (see Dalleo in this volume).

The black population in Wilmington believed that education was an important tool for improving their lives. The Quakers opened a school for blacks in 1798, and in 1816, the African School Society opened another. A survey in 1837 found that this school was the only one in operation at the time. However, a Quaker philanthropist left money in his will for the opening of two schools in Kent county. Three or four Sunday schools provided elementary instruction in reading and writing. Free blacks were frequently apprenticed to learn a trade. Usually the boys were instructed in farming, and the girls in household work. Occasionally, boys were apprenticed to carpenters, blacksmiths, and shoemakers.

Delaware blacks were also attracted to religious observances. In the early part of the 18th century, slaves and freedmen attended white churches but were relegated to sitting in the gallery (as at Barratt's Chapel). Many blacks were attracted by the lively services of the Methodists and attended meetings of that denomination more than any other.

Harry Hosier, known as "Black Harry," was a traveling companion of Francis Asbury. In 1781, he preached a sermon at Barratt's Chapel in Kent County on the barren fig tree: "The circumstance was new, and the white people looked on with attention." Hosier became well-known along the eastern seaboard, preaching for more than 30 years. Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, once declared that allowing for his illiteracy, Black Harry was the greatest orator in America.

The first black church in Delaware was Ezion Methodist Episcopal Church which was established in Wilmington in 1805 when the black members of the Asbury Methodist Church withdrew and erected their own building with the aid of white contributors. Resenting white control of their services, however, the bulk of the members of Ezion Methodist Episcopal Church withdrew in 1813, under the leadership of the Reverend Peter Spencer and William Anderson and formed the Union African Methodist Episcopal Church (UAME). Under the guidance of the Reverend Spencer, the church grew rapidly. By the time of the death of the "patriarch" in 1843, the congregation consisted of more than 1,200 members in several states.

In the decades before the Civil War, humanitarian feelings, the efforts of abolitionists, and the failure of some planters to run their plantations profitably resulted in a great increase in the number of free blacks. On the eve of the Civil War, in a white population of 90,589, black inhabitants were distributed as follows:

COUNTY SLAVES VRY TOTAL
Nuwe kasteel 254 8,188 8,442
Kent 303 7,271 7,474
Sussex 1,341 4,370 5,711
Totaal 1,798 19,829 21,627

When the Civil War began, blacks were not accepted into the Union Army, but this policy changed in 1862. Eventually, 1,400 black men from Delaware served. Some enlisted, some were drafted, and others were hired as substitutes by men who did not wish to serve in the army.

During the War, President Lincoln wished to experiment with compensated emancipation in Delaware as a way to end slavery in the nation. He conferred with Representative George P. Fisher, in 1861, about this possibility. Fisher and Nathaniel B. Smithers of Dover, a Republican politician who later became a Congressman, drew up a plan to compensate owners and to abolish slavery completely in the State by 1872. However, a poll of the members of the Assembly revealed the measure would fail by one vote.

While Lincoln's 1863 Emancipation plan freed the slaves in the rebellious states, those in border states like Delaware were not affected until the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment in December 1865. Delaware slaves were finally free.

Civil War to the Depression: 1865-1930

Following emancipation, the Delaware Legislature began to place even more limitations on African American citizenship. Politicians lost no time in forging an anti-black agenda, especially the Democrats who did not favor emancipation. As Governor Saulsbury said in his inaugural address earlier in the year, the true position of the Negro was as a subordinate race excluded from all political and social privileges. The Democratic legislature, in 1866, resolved that blacks were not the political or social equal of whites. These statements were probably typical of how many white Delawareans felt on the racial issue and were similar to those expressed in the Southern states. The legislature soon found ways to prevent blacks from exercising full citizenship. These measures were so successful that Ku Klux Klan activities in Delaware, during this time were limited.

Freedmen anticipated they would have full rights but soon found the period after the War was a time for frustration and disappointment. "White or black" was the political issue of the Reconstruction period, the Delaware Gazette in Wilmington declared. The Democrats wasted no time using the race card whenever the opportunity arose.

The Republicans fought back with no success. In 1867, a Congressional Committee investigated whether the state had a "Republic." Strong testimonies were presented indicating Sussex and Kent County's opposition to ". . . Negro suffrage, Negro education and Negro political and social equality." In spite of such testimony, the Committee did not recommend that the federal government intervene as it did in some areas of the South.

Fearful that the 1875 Civil Rights Act passed by Congress might establish social equality, Delaware legislators passed a "Jim Crow" law (1875), which virtually made black Delawareans second-class citizens. The law was not appealed until 1963.

Delaware blacks achieved little during the first 10 years of their freedom because of obstacles raised by prejudice and the legislature. The only sign of any progress was in the area of education. Educational opportunities for blacks widened in Delaware during the Reconstruction period, in part aided by the activities of the Freedmen's Bureau. In addition, the work of the Delaware Association for the Moral Improvement and Education of the Coloured People was invaluable.

Nothing was done about higher education until 1891, when the provisions of the federal second Morrill Act resulted in the founding of Delaware State College (now Delaware State University). For many years, it provided opportunities for both secondary and college education. Facilities and support from the state were, at first, inadequate. The dominant personality during the first 25 years of existence was Dr. William C. Jason, its second president, who assumed the task of developing "the college as an instrument for the upgrading of the Negro in Delaware."

Economically, blacks remained at a disadvantage, as studies of Dr. Jerome Holland, former president of Delaware State College, and Dr. Harold Livesay revealed. Dr. Livesay found blacks remained at the bottom of the economic ladder between Reconstruction and World War II, being virtually excluded from white collar jobs. In 1940, 70 percent of all blacks employed were either laborers or domestic servants, compared with 12 percent of the white working force. Blacks held about 75 percent of all menial jobs in the state in 1940. The development of a small middle class in Wilmington, including an increasing number of black teachers was the only encouraging sign. But, such factors as discriminatory hiring practices, segregated labor unions, and an inadequate school system made progress difficult.

Social and political discrimination against blacks seriously restricted any advancement. A famous U.S. Supreme Court decision in 1880 ruled that William Neal could not stand convicted of rape and murder because blacks were excluded from jury duty. As a result, Moses America, a black man, was summoned to jury duty in 1881, but blacks were not freely called thereafter. Blacks were also excluded from the practice of law. Black firemen and policemen were still not hired. In 1893, George Tilghman, a grocer, became a bailiff in the City Council.

A political breakthrough came in 1901, when Thomas E. Postles, a Wilmington laborer and small businessman, became a member of City Council. To Wilmington blacks he was a hero, and a political club was named after him. He was re-elected in 1905. At a political rally at Bavarian Park on Dupont Street in 1906, William T. Trusty, President of the Postles Club, said, "This organization intends to battle for the benefit of the Negro until the last Negro in Delaware dies, if need be." Postles' successor was John O. Hopkins, a druggist, who served on the Council for 32 years.

Downstate a breakthrough came in 1901, the same year that Postles began to serve on the City Council, when John Barclay was appointed by Governor Hunn as a janitor in the State House. Although it was a menial job, it was the first time a black served in any capacity in a state administration.

The climax of this frustrating period of disappointment came in 1903, when under the excitement of a sermon preached by the pastor of Olivet Presbyterian Church, members of the community broke into the workhouse. They dragged out George White for lynching. White was a black man accused of rape and murder. The press was unanimous in denouncing the affair, and the racist minister was later driven out of town.

A chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was organized in Wilmington in 1915. Its first success was in persuading the City Council to pass an ordinance banning moving pictures "likely to stir up bad feelings between the races." This ordinance prevented the showing of "The Birth of a Nation," which presented blacks in an unfavorable light during Reconstruction. Since then, the organization has worked for fair employment, housing, integration of schools, and remains the major agency to fight the battle for civil rights.

Delaware blacks served their country in World War I, though they faced discrimination within the armed services. An estimated 1,400 blacks from the state served, including five officers. The Norman D. Scott post of the American Legion was named for a black casualty who belonged to the James Reese European band.

Although he fought to make the world safe for democracy, the returning veteran did not find a different world than he had left. During the next 20 years, he faced economic, social, and political discrimination. When the Works Progress Administration (WPA) studied blacks in the 1930s, writers found that a "color line" existed, especially in the southern part of Delaware. White Delawareans below Wilmington claimed they had no objection to associating with blacks as long as they "stayed in their place," but, in reality, there was little association between the races except at the bottom levels of both groups or by wealthy whites who employed servants.

In northern Delaware, blacks were granted theoretical equality, though there was little intimate or general association with whites. Blacks could sit anywhere in public conveyances and patronize public libraries and parks, but they were excluded from theaters, restaurants, and hotels. They had their own schools and usually attended services in their own churches. Overall, black Wilmingtonians had more freedom than fellow blacks in southern Delaware.

When Mrs. Dunbar-Nelson wrote "Delaware: A Jewel of Inconsistencies," in 1924, she saw some encouraging signs such as the appearance of black physicians, dentists, pharmacists, and members of the Wilmington Board of Education, Board of Health, and City Council. Blacks also served on the Republican State Committee. She was disappointed that practically all state and county offices were closed to blacks, except in a menial capacity.

Modern Times: 1930 to the Present

During the Depression, blacks were in a desperate plight. The old adage--the last to be hired, and the first to be fired--applied. WPA investigators estimated that 60 percent of employable blacks lacked visible means of support, another 20 percent were employed on work relief, and the remaining 20 percent worked as farm laborers and domestics. Small businessmen suffered greatly from the Depression. The only bright feature was the gains made by the professional classes.

During this time, blacks rarely advanced politically. An exception was William W. Coage, son of a businessman who operated a stage line from New Castle to Wilmington. A graduate of Wilberforce University in 1899, he received an appointment as a clerk in the Census Bureau in Washington, D.C., in 1900, with the aid of Senator Henry A. DuPont. Coage was the first Delaware black ever to receive such a federal post. From 1902 to 1924, he followed a business career, but in 1924, he was appointed a member of the U.S. Commission to investigate conditions in the Virgin Islands. A year later, he became Second Deputy Recorder of Deeds in Washington, D.C. In 1930, he was appointed Recorder.

In 1930, 60 out of 100 blacks were gainfully employed. Of these, 21 of each 100 were in agriculture, 20 in manufacturing and mercantile industries, 12 in transportation, six in fishing, one in mining, one clerical and 33 in personal and domestic service. Blacks owned or were tenants of 827 farms. The two largest classes in which blacks worked were in domestic service or road construction. Few labor unions admitted blacks, and their wages as laborers or domestic servants were low.

Because of the Depression, it is not surprising that black residents began to support Democratic candidates rather than those of the "party of Lincoln." Numerous black children bore the given name of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

In World War II, more than 4,000 blacks served in the armed forces and a few received commissions as officers: Five in the Army, one in the Air Corps, and three as warrant officers. Blacks were not yet admitted to the Delaware National Guard. Four young women served in the Women's Army Corps. Later, black inhabitants served in the Korean and Vietnam Wars.

The returning veterans from World War II found no warmer welcome than after World War I. Although 15,000 blacks could vote, they did not organize and made little impact on legislation or in receiving jobs. When Pauline Young wrote her pioneer history of blacks in Delaware in 1947, she found few black officeholders except in menial jobsÛnone in the legislature or in white collar jobs in county or state offices, and practically none on state boards. Two blacks served on Wilmington City Council, but few were employed in city offices. The same kind of social discrimination that prevailed in the 1920s and 1930s continued to be practiced, but eventful changes were anticipated.

Strong national leadership under Dr. Martin Luther King and others, along with an energized local leadership, provided the impetus for black socialization in Delaware. In 1950, Who's Who in Colored America included 10 Delawareans: from Wilmington, Dr. Conwell Banton, well-known physician in the fight against tuberculosis Reverend A. R. James, clergyman Dr. T. F. Jamison, dentist G. A. Johnson, school principal Pauline A. Young, librarian and author and from Delaware State College, Miss T. E. Bradford, T. R. Moses, C. W. Pinckney, and H. D. Weaver, college professors, and from Laurel, J. R. Webb, school principal. This list was far from inclusive. It might have mentioned Dr. Jerome Holland, former head of Delaware State College in the 1940s, who went on to become the head of Hampton Institute (VA), a representative to the United Nations and Ambassador to Sweden, or Mrs. Dorothy Banton, wife of the distinguished physician Conwell Banton, who did so much for teenagers at the Kruse School, or members of the Henry family in Dover, distinguished in medicine, dentistry and pharmacy. Dr. William Henry served on the Dover School Board and as a trustee of Delaware State College. It might have included the distinguished lawyer, Louis Redding, who began his battle on behalf of desegregation in the schools in 1950, or his brother, J. Saunders Redding, who wrote the widely known book, On Being Black in America , in which he described in a moving way his childhood in Wilmington, or Edward Loper, an outstanding artist and interpreter of the Delaware scene.

Changes influenced by black leaders began to occur about the time of World War II. The first basketball game between a white and black school took place in 1942, when Wilmington Friends School played Howard High School. The first black member of the legislature, William J. Winchester, a Republican, was elected in 1945. Paul Livingstone became the second member in 1952. Salesianum High School opened its doors to five black students in 1950. In the next few years, the integration of the YMCA (1951), black members of the National Guard (1951), and the opening of the Hotel DuPont to black citizens (1953) occurred.

In education, the University of Delaware opened its doors to black students in 1948. Louis Redding filed a suit on behalf of black children in Claymont and Hockessin in 1950 for admission to the white public schools on the grounds that facilities for black children were inferior. As a result, Chancellor Collins J. Seitz ordered desegregation. The case was then appealed to the United States Supreme Court. Delaware was one of five defendants in Brown v. Board of Education . In 1954, the Supreme Court ordered desegregation. Wilmington schools began to comply in that year as did Dover, but in other parts of state, progress was slow. In Milford, efforts by the National Association for the Advancement of White People headed by Bryant W. Bowles, an ardent desegregation opponent, along with others, hindered the process of desegregation. Louis Redding filed suit in 1957 for the admission of black children in seven downstate schools, and Chief Justice Leahy of Delaware ordered desegregation to begin by fall. Through appeal, the decision was not put into effect until 1959. Since then, all schools have become integrated, but in 1975, a court order provided that New Castle County schools should be integrated on a county-wide basis, as the Wilmington schools were mostly attended by black students and county schools by white students.

Peaceful progress in solving problems relating to civil rights was rudely checked in 1968 by riots and disturbances in Wilmington. The nation was shocked in April 1968 by the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King. As a result, disturbances broke out in many cities, including Wilmington. Rioting, looting, and sniping occurred in an area bound by Fourth Street, Washington Street, Ninth Street, and Interstate 95. Mayor John Babiarz placed the city under a 6:00 p.m. curfew and banned the sale of liquor and firearms. Governor Charles Terry called in the National Guard to keep order. Scores of people were injured, and many were arrested for violating the curfew, looting, and sniping. This outbreak lasted about 10 days before calming down. Governor Terry was criticized for keeping the National Guard on duty in the city for months, and this decision contributed to his defeat in the November election.

This affair merely pointed out that blacks in Wilmington were so frustrated by the slow pace of progress that they struck out in blind rage at the loss of Dr. King--the national leader who had offered hope. Four New Castle County representatives in the General Assembly reflected this attitude in a statement issued at the time, saying that "Not enough has been done to alleviate causes of poverty, despair, discrimination or unrest." They recommended the Assembly prohibit discrimination in the sale and rental of homes, establish a State Department of Housing, and improve recreational facilities. Within a few years, federal funds were provided for improved housing, though many problems remained unsolved.

Since World War II, Wilmington has increasingly become a black city. In 1970, 40 percent of the population was black, a significant increase (40 percent) in the number of blacks residing in the city since 1960, while the white population in that decade decreased by 36 percent. Wilmington had a population of 80,000, consisting of 45,000 whites, 35,000 blacks, and 1,300 Hispanics. In 1940, the city reached an all- time high total population of 112,000, which has declined since that time. These changes were accompanied by the movement of many white inhabitants to the suburbs, making New Castle County one of the most rapidly growing counties in the nation by the majority of black students in public schools by an increasing number of employees of the city, county, and industry being black, and by the struggle of the downtown area to improve its facilities in view of the competition with suburban shopping centers and malls.

From the 1970s to the present, blacks in Delaware have made moderate progress. While much can be attributed to individual successes, it nonetheless provides the stimulus for group advancement. The history of the group has been like a seesaw, a host of highs and lows. However, as economic gains increase and opportunities are presented, there are hints of optimism for Delaware's black populace. The inauguration of Wilmington's first black mayor, James Sills, in January 1993 served as one of the biggest signs of hope.

The black contribution to the state has been phenomenal and most recognize that the ebony inhabitants have come a long way since "Black Anthony" first arrived on the shores of the Delaware River in 1639.


Hitler on the Mississippi Banks

Hitler and Hitlerism: A Man of Destiny

A Better Way to Look at Trees

Whitman, a professor at Yale Law School, wanted to know how the United States, a country grounded in such liberal principles as individual rights and the rule of law, could have produced legal ideas and practices “that seemed intriguing and attractive to Nazis.” In exploring this apparent incongruity, his short book raises important questions about law, about political decisions that affect the scope of civic membership, and about the malleability of Enlightenment values.

Pushing back against scholarship that downplays the impact in Nazi Germany of the U.S. model of legal racism, Whitman marshals an array of evidence to support the likelihood “that the Nuremberg Laws themselves reflect direct American influence.” As race law’s global leader, Whitman stresses, America provided the most obvious point of reference for the September 1933 Preußische Denkschrift, the Prussian Memorandum, written by a legal team that included Roland Freisler, soon to emerge as the remarkably cruel president of the Nazi People’s Court. American precedents also informed other crucial Nazi texts, including the National Socialist Handbook for Law and Legislation of 1934–35, edited by the future governor-general of Poland, Hans Frank, who was later hung at Nuremberg. A pivotal essay in that volume, Herbert Kier’s recommendations for race legislation, devoted a quarter of its pages to U.S. legislation—which went beyond segregation to include rules governing American Indians, citizenship criteria for Filipinos and Puerto Ricans as well as African Americans, immigration regulations, and prohibitions against miscegenation in some 30 states. No other country, not even South Africa, possessed a comparably developed set of relevant laws.

Especially significant were the writings of the German lawyer Heinrich Krieger, “the single most important figure in the Nazi assimilation of American race law,” who spent the 1933–34 academic year in Fayetteville as an exchange student at the University of Arkansas School of Law. Seeking to deploy historical and legal knowledge in the service of Aryan racial purity, Krieger studied a range of overseas race regimes, including contemporary South Africa, but discovered his foundation in American law. His deeply researched writings about the United States began with articles in 1934, some concerning American Indians and others pursuing an overarching assessment of U.S. race legislation—each a precursor to his landmark 1936 book, Das Rassenrecht in den Vereingten Staaten (“Race Law in the United States”).

Whitman’s “smoking gun” is the transcript of a June 5, 1934, conference of leading German lawyers gathered to exchange ideas about how best to operationalize a racist regime. The record reflects how the most extreme among them, who relied on Krieger’s synoptic scholarship, were especially drawn to American legal codes based on white supremacy. The main conceptual idea was Freisler’s. Race, he argued, is a political construction. In both America and Germany, the importance and meaning of race for the most part had been determined less by scientific realities or social conventions than by political decisions enshrined in law.

But even indisputable evidence of the Germans’ intense interest in American models doesn’t clinch a formative role for U.S. racial law, as Whitman himself is careful to acknowledge. After all, Nazism’s intellectual and political leaders may well have utilized American examples merely to make more legitimate the grotesque designs they already planned to pursue. In any case, answering the question of cross-national influence is ultimately less important than Whitman’s other goal, which is to examine the status of racial hierarchy in the United States through Nazi eyes. “What the history presented in this book demands that we confront,” he writes, “are questions not about the genesis of Nazism, but about the character of America.”

His disturbing report thus takes its place within the larger history of the United States as a polity founded on principles of human equality, Enlightenment reason, and constitutional limits on state power, yet molded by the prodigious evil and long-term consequences of chattel slavery based on race. To read Hitler’s American Model is to be forced to engage with the stubborn fact that during the 1933–45 period of the Third Reich, roughly half of the Democratic Party’s members in Congress represented Jim Crow states, and neither major party sought to curtail the race laws so admired by German lawyers and judges.

How to understand the relationship between race and democracy has been a pressing question ever since the United States was founded. The deep tension between the two—summed up in the irony of a plantation named Equality in Port Tobacco, Maryland, filled with slaves and owned by Michael Jenifer Stone, one of the six members of that state’s delegation to the House of Representatives in the First Federal Congress—puzzled the great student of American equality Alexis de Tocqueville. In Demokrasie in Amerika, published precisely a century before the Nuremberg Laws, he began a discussion of “the three races that inhabit the territory of the United States” by announcing that these topics “are like tangents to my subject, being American, but not democratic, and my main business has been to describe democracy.”

Whitman invokes the work of political scientists who, in the separate-spheres spirit of Tocqueville, distinguish what they call a white-supremacist order from a liberal and egalitarian order. But his own book shows that such a division is too clear-cut. We must come to terms with race in America in tandem with considerations of democracy. Whitman’s history does not expose the liberal tradition in the United States as merely a sham, as many of the Third Reich’s legal theorists intimated when they highlighted patterns of black and American Indian subordination. Rather, he implicitly challenges readers to consider when and how, under what conditions and in which domains, the ugly features of racism have come most saliently to the fore in America’s liberal democracy. Conversely, we might ask, when and why have those features been repressed, leading to more-equal access for racial minorities to physical space, cultural regard, material life, and civic membership?

Liberal-democratic ideas and institutions in America, unlike in Hitler’s regime, have always been both vulnerable and resistant to racist exclusions. Although the United States entered the 1930s as the globe’s most established racialized order, the pathways from Nuremberg and Jim Crow unfolded very differently, one culminating in mass genocide, the other, after much struggle, in civil-rights achievements. Yet none of these gains, not even the presidency of an African American, has taken issues of race and citizenship off the political agenda. Current debates over both sharply remind us that positive outcomes are not guaranteed. The very rules of the democratic game—elections, open media, and political representation—create persisting possibilities for racial demagoguery, fear, and exclusion. As Freisler and other Third Reich jurists understood all too well, racial ideas and racist policies are profound products of political decisions.


Jim Crow laws created ‘slavery by another name’

After the Civil War, the U.S. passed laws to protect the rights of formerly enslaved people. Jim Crow was designed to flout them.

George White was critically injured. But when surgeons in his Atlanta hospital found out he had black ancestry, they kicked him out mid-examination, shipping him across the street to a black hospital despite the pouring rain. He died in the overcrowded, underfunded hospital days later. The year was 1931, and like hundreds of thousands of other black people in the segregated South, White was a victim of Jim Crow segregation laws.

Between the 1870s and the 1960s, Jim Crow laws upheld a vicious racial hierarchy in southern states, circumventing protections that had been put in place after the end of the Civil War—such as the 15th Amendment, which gave black men the right to vote 150 years ago this week. The discriminatory laws denied black people their rights, subjected them to public humiliation, and perpetuated their economic and educational marginalization. Anyone who challenged the social order faced mockery, harassment, and murder.

The term has origins in the 1820s, when white comedian Thomas Rice created the character “Jim Crow.” The stereotypical character became both a stock figure in minstrel shows and a widely used nickname for black people.

After the Civil War ended, the 13th Amendment formally abolished slavery in the United States. But white citizens in the former Confederacy resisted emancipation and quickly acted to deny black people their new freedoms. Using former slave laws as their template, they enacted “black codes” that denied black people everything from property ownership to free movement to business ownership. Historian Daniel A. Novak describes the codes as “intended to produce…a close approximation of the now forbidden master-slave relationship.”

In response to northern outrage about these codes, Congress passed constitutional amendments, now known as the Reconstruction Amendments, designed to guarantee the freedom and civil rights of formerly enslaved people. The 14th Amendment guaranteed citizenship and equal protection under the law, and the 15th Amendment prohibited denying voting rights based on “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”

Southern states had to ratify the amendments to be readmitted to the Union. But though states grudgingly complied with federal law, they undid as few black codes as possible. Meanwhile, groups like the Ku Klux Klan intimidated and killed black people who challenged the now-unwritten laws of conduct.

In 1877, new president Rutherford B. Hayes followed through on a promise to stop federal intervention in the South. Swiftly, southern states reversed Reconstruction-era laws and established new segregation laws in their place. After the Supreme Court ruled “separate but equal” facilities legal in Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, the floodgates opened. Southern states implemented hundreds of laws mandating different treatment for black and white citizens.

Though the laws hypothetically guaranteed equality to black people, the reality was anything but. The separate facilities black people were forced to use were inferior and in poor repair. Social interaction between black and white people was all but forbidden. And despite the 15th Amendment’s guarantees, Jim Crow kept black people from the polls with taxes, literacy tests, and all-white primaries.

Upheld by discriminatory law enforcement and lynching, the laws came to dominate every facet of southern life, creating what historian Douglas A. Blackmon has called “slavery by another name.” Only with Brown v. Onderwysraad in 1954 would the “separate but equal” doctrine be found unconstitutional. A decade later, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 did away with overt Jim Crow laws for good. But though the laws have disappeared, their effects still reverberate—and current practices of racial bias in law enforcement and other social arenas resound with echoes of Jim Crow.