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Robert Menzies - Geskiedenis

Robert Menzies - Geskiedenis

Robert Menzies

1894- 1978

Australiese politikus

Die Australiese staatsman Robert Gordon Menzies het sy loopbaan as advokaat begin. In 1928 tree hy in die provinsiale regering en word in 1934 tot die Australiese parlement verkies.

Van 1934 tot 1939 dien hy as die prokureur -generaal van Australië, en in 1939 word hy premier by die dood van Joseph Lyons, 'n pos wat hy twee jaar lank beklee het.

Van 1943 tot 1949 het hy die parlementêre opposisie teen die liberale regering gelei. Menzies is in 1949 herkies tot premier, terwyl hy tot 1966 in die pos bly.

Hy het sterk bande met die VSA gevestig en was 'n belangrike rol in die ontwikkeling van 'n florerende ekonomie in Australië.


Robert Menzies se kamera is 'n episode uit die reeks Die nasionale skatte van die premier, wat in 2007 vervaardig is.

Die nasionale skatte van die premier
Die bekroonde spotprenttekenaar en garingdraaier, Warren Brown, onthul die emosionele lewens van Australiese premier deur 10 voorwerpe wat hulle elke dag gebruik het of selfs aanbid het - van Robert Menzies se tuisfilmkamera, tot Joseph Lyons se liefdesbriewe, Harold Holt se aktetas en Ben Chifley's pyp. Hierdie skatte onthul die leiers van die land, soos u dit nog nooit gesien het nie.

Die nasionale skatte van die premier is 'n Film Australia National Interest Program wat vervaardig word in samewerking met Old Parliament House en die Australian Broadcasting Corporation.


Die tragiese dood van Robert Urich & Sy vrou

Robert Urich was wêreldwyd bekend as 'n harde man, en het gespeel in televisieprogramme soos VEGA $ en Spenser: te huur. Baie gehoorlede het egter nie besef dat, hoewel Robert Urich beroemd was omdat hy met harde vyande op die skerm geveg het, hy later in sy lewe 'n nog moeiliker stryd sou moes voer. Anders as die opskrifte van die televisieprogramme wat hom bekend gemaak het, was dit 'n stryd wat hy nie sou wen nie. Sluit aan by Facts Verse terwyl ons probeer om die tragiese dood van Robert Urich en sy vrou te ontbloot.

Robert Urich, 'n televisie -akteur, was die gewildste vir 'n speelding in verskillende reekse, insluitend VEGA $ en Spenser: te huur. In 1975 was hy getroud met die aktrise Heater Menzies, wat miskien veral die bekendste is omdat hy een van die Trapp -kinders in die geliefde musiekfilm uit 1965 gespeel het Die klank van musiek. Hulle sou etlike dekades bymekaar bly, en sou nie uitmekaar gedryf word totdat die tragedie plaasgevind het nie. Beide Urich en Menzies sou afsonderlik tragiese eindes bereik.

Ten spyte van sy tragiese einde, het dinge vir Robert Urich nie te erg begin nie. Die Emmy-bekroonde akteur het heelwat roem op sy hoogtepunt beleef, en het steeds daarin geslaag om bestendige werk te ontvang voor sy ontydige afsterwe. Sy heel eerste rol in televisie kom in 1973, met 'n geringe rol in die televisieprogram Bob & amp Carol & amp Ted & amp Alice. Van daar af gaan hy na 'n klein rol in die televisieprogram S.W.A.T.gee hom 'n voorsmakie van die meer aksiegerigte rolle waarvoor hy die bekendste sou word. Kort voor lank het hy 'n meer vleeslike rol in die televisieprogram gekry Seep, 'n primetime -komedie wat bedoel was om destyds as 'n parodie op gewilde sepies te funksioneer. Sy rol in die program sou slegs 'n seisoen duur, waarna hy vir die eerste seisoen doodgemaak is. Daar wag egter groter dinge op die aspirant -televisie -akteur, en dit was bloot die eerste stap.

Na sy rol op Seep eindig, vind Urich 'n nog groter rol vir homself, dié van Dan Tanna, 'n privaat speurder in die reeks VEGA $. Hierdie trefferreeks, wat van 1978 tot 1981 op die ABC -netwerk verskyn het, het die akteur tot 'n huishoudelike naam laat beland en hom in die gedagtes van 'n gehoor versterk as 'n harde man wat weet hoe om 'n saak te bereik. Alhoewel die reeks nie so lank geduur het as wat 'n mens sou verwag nie, het die beeld van Urich as 'n harde man voortgeduur, en uiteindelik het hy 'n soortgelyke rol as die hoofkarakter in die televisieprogram gevind Spenser: te huur. Hierdie reeks, wat gebaseer is op die Spenser -boekreeks deur Robert Parker, word van 1985 tot 1988 uitgesaai, wat 'n redelik suksesvolle dekade vir die televisiestertjie versterk het. Nadat die reeks geëindig het, sou Urich steeds sporadiese werk op televisie vind, hoewel sy moeilikste saak nog sou kom, en dit sou die akteur nie wees nie.

Miskien is die bekendste rol van Urich na sy suksespiek in die vorm van Die Lasarus -man, waarin die akteur 'n dwalende man speel wat aan geheueverlies gely het. Dit was egter op die stel van hierdie vertoning, waar die eerste tekens van die onvermydelike ondergang van Urich eers hul lelike kop sou laat sak. U sien, tydens die produksie van The Lazarus Man, het Urich verneem dat hy aan 'n seldsame tipe kanker ly, bekend as sinosiale selsarkoom. Hy was vooraf met die produksiemaatskappy daaroor en het vir hulle gesê dat hy behandeling sou moes ondergaan, maar dat hy steeds bereid was en kon optree. Hulle het 'n ooreenkoms onderteken wat hom toelaat om voort te gaan werk, maar het die program voor die tweede seisoen kanselleer.

Urich voel dat die vertoning as gevolg van sy diagnose gekanselleer is, maar uiteindelik sou die produksiemaatskappy Castle Rock Television in 2000 'n bedrag van ongeveer $ 1,5 miljoen eis. Selfs te midde van die regsgeding was Urich ongelooflik hartlik, en beland uit die hof vir 'n onbekende bedrag. Volgens hom was dit 'n eenvoudige meningsverskil, en was almal betrokke 'n goeie mens. Ongelukkig sou Urich nie veel langer sy positiewe uitkyk kon skyn nie. As u tot dusver hierdie video geniet, klik dan op die like -knoppie om u ondersteuning te toon vir meer inhoud soos hierdie wat in die toekoms gemaak word. Teken ook in as u die eerste wil wees wat weet wanneer daar meer feite oor die feite is!

Robert Urich is in 2002 aan sy sarkoom oorlede en het sy vrou, Heather Menzies, agtergelaat wat elke stap langs hom geveg het. Die twee het meer as 25 jaar getroud en het saam tot die einde teen die kanker geveg. Urich se dood sou egter nie die einde wees van Menzies en haar eie persoonlike stryd met die demoon bekend as kanker nie. Maar voordat ons daarby ingaan, laat ons maar vinnig na Menzies kyk.

Menzies, ondanks die voorkoms in Die klank van musiek, was nog nooit so 'n groot ster as haar man nie. Sy was egter net so talentvol. Toe haar gesin toe sy nog net 'n tiener van Kanada na Los Angeles was, begin Menzies ernstig belangstel in skouspelondernemings. Die klank van musiek toe sy net 14 was. Alhoewel dit waarskynlik haar grootste rol was, sou sy daarna sporadies werk in die skoubedryf vind, selfs haar toekomstige man ontmoet op die stel van 'n advertensie vir Libby ’s Corned Beef Hash. Sy was beide 'n akteur en 'n ballerina, en sy het hierdie ervaring na die beste van haar vermoëns gebruik in enige werk wat sy kon kry. Ander noemenswaardige rolle waarin sy vertolk het, sluit in klein rolle in die televisieprogramme Bonanza, Dragnet, en Die Bob Newhart Show. Sy het egter ook daarin geslaag om 'n paar speelfilmkrediete onder die knie te kry, insluitend in die films Piranha en Die rekenaar erger tennisskoene.

Ondanks haar talente en vaardighede wat toneelspel en dans betref, het Menzies haar ware passie gevind toe sy haar man ontmoet het, en daarna baie meer gefokus op haar gesin as op haar loopbaan. Heather Menzies en Robert Urich het drie kinders saam gehad en het daarin geslaag om een ​​van die veiligste en gesonde verhoudings in die geskiedenis van Hollywood te behou, ondanks die ontberinge wat die twee uiteindelik sou ondervind. Hul noue band maak dit glad nie verbasend dat Menzies self ongelooflik passievol sou raak oor die onderwerp van kanker nie, en sy sou haar lewe daaraan toewy om die Robert Urich -stigting te stig nadat haar mans oorlede is. Die stigting, wat gestig is om verdere navorsing oor sarkoom te help, was 'n passieprojek vir Menzies, en dit sou haar help om die leemte wat haar oorlede man gelaat het, te vul. Hierdie stryd teen kanker sou egter uiteindelik 'n nuwe betekenis kry vir Menzies, aangesien haar breinkanker in 2017 by haar gediagnoseer is, waarna sy nog net vier weke oor het om te lewe.

Heather Menzies is op Kersaand van 2017 oorlede, omring deur die gesin wat sy en Robert Urich saam geskep het. Hulle drie kinders het tot die einde by haar gebly, net soos Menzies meer as 15 jaar tevore vir haar man gedoen het. Baie sou dit ietwat ironies vind dat die vrou wat volgehou het en haar man deur sy kankerdiagnose gehelp het, net haar laaste lewe aan kankerbestryding sou toewy, veral in die kort tydjie wat sy gedoen het. Dit is 'n ongelooflike tragedie, maar een met baie lig aan die einde van die tonnel. Beide Urich en Menzies sal nie net deur hul dood gedefinieer word nie, maar ook deur die liefde wat hulle agtergelaat het, beide in die vorm van hul kinders en hul passie om die verwoestende siekte te bestry waaraan hulle albei noodwendig toegegee het.

As alles goed gesê is, was Menzies waarskynlik nie bang om hierdie wêreld agter te laat om weer by haar man aan te sluit nie, en ondanks die tragedie, is daar baie wat hierdie hartseer verhaal van 'n dekades lange stryd sou beskou as een met 'n ietwat gelukkige einde, hoe bittersoet ook al. Mense, beroemd sowel as nie-beroemd, sal voortgaan met sukkel met kanker, maar hopelik sal die liefde en werk wat Urich en Menzies agtergelaat het, afsonderlik en saam, die pyn vir toekomstige geslagte help verlig. Die Robert Urich -stigting werk steeds in die hande van die twee sterre se kinders, insluitend hul seun, Ryan Urich. Ryan het ook grootgeword om 'n dokter te word na die ervarings van sy ouers, in die hoop dat hy uiteindelik 'n verskil kan maak vir mense wat bestem is vir 'n soortgelyke lot.

Daar is beslis baie pyn en hartseer in die tragiese verhaal van Robert Urich en sy vrou, Heather Menzies, maar daar is ook baie liefde en hoop. Die twee was lief vir mekaar tot die einde en daarna, met die laat vrou van Urich wat haar hele lewe daaraan toegewy het om die siekte te bestry wat haar man geneem het tot haar eie dood deur 'n soortgelyke lot. In hul huwelik kan ons 'n volharding en liefde sien wat baie skaars is in verhoudings, veral dié wat in die openbare sfeer voorkom. Die twee het saam geduur vir meer as twee dekades se huwelik, en hul liefde het steeds sterk geword nadat albei hul vlamme geblus het. Die sterk liefde kon ook oorgedra word aan hul kinders, wat die vlam lewendig gehou het deur hul eie lewens daaraan toe te wy om diegene wat 'n soortgelyke pyn ervaar, te help. Daar is baie duisternis in die wêreld, maar daar is ook baie lig, en die tragiese verhaal van Robert Urich en Heather Menzies is slegs 'n klein voorbeeld van albei wat uit dieselfde plek blom.

As u 'n fan van Robert Urich of Heather Menzies se skermwerk is, lewer dan 'n opmerking hieronder om te deel wat u gunsteling oomblik uit hul loopbaan was! Of, as u daarvan hou, deel bloot wat u dink die mees inspirerende stuk van hierdie tragiese Hollywood-verhaal is. Soos altyd, hou van die video om meer inhoud soos hierdie wat in die toekoms gemaak word te ondersteun, en teken in en klik op die kennisgewingklok om die eerste te wees wat weet hoe meer inhoud daar is!


Robert Menzies

Robert Menzies (1894-1978) was 'n jare lange premier van Australië, bekend vir sy politieke konserwatisme, sy opposisie teen kommunisme en om 'n alliansie met die Verenigde State te sluit.

Menzies, gebore in die afgeleë westelike Victoria, het die Wesley College en die Universiteit van Melbourne bygewoon. Anders as die meeste jongmanne van sy era, het hy nie in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog vrywillig vir militêre diens gewerk nie, maar die redes hiervoor is 'n kwessie van debat. Menzies het 'n regsgraad behaal en werk toe kortliks in privaat praktyk.

In 1928 betree Menzies die politiek, eers as lid van die Victoriaanse parlement, ses jaar later in die nasionale wetgewer. Menzies was konserwatief en anglofiel, baie lojaal aan Brittanje en die Britse monargie. Hy het ook 'n mate van bewondering uitgespreek vir die prestasies van Adolf Hitler in Duitsland, 'n land wat hy in 1938 besoek het.

In April 1939 word Menzies premier van Australië na die skielike dood van die posbekleër, Joseph Lyons. Hy bly in sy amp tot Augustus 1941 toe die eie party van Menzies ’ sy meerderheid in die parlement verloor.

Menzies is in Desember 1949 in 'n algemene verkiesing teruggekeer na die regering. Hy was 'n onwrikbare anti-kommunis en het onmiddellik stappe gedoen om die kommunistiese bedreiging vir Australië te verminder. Die opkoms van die kommunistiese China, wat veral kommer oor die Domino -teorie veroorsaak het, was veral kommerwekkend.

Menzies en sy regering het 'n standpunt ingeneem van "voorwaartse verdediging" en het troepe in die buiteland ontplooi om kommunisme te stop voordat dit Australiese kus bereik het. Hy wou ook politieke en militêre bande met die Verenigde State vestig.

In 1950 het Menzies Australiese militêre personeel ontplooi vir beide die Maleise noodgeval en die Koreaanse oorlog. In Oktober 1950 aanvaar die Menzies -regering die Kommunistiese Party se ontbindingswet, 'n wet wat die Australiese kommunistiese party verbied, beslag lê op die eiendom en bekende kommuniste verbied om werk te kry. Hierdie wetgewing is in Maart 1951 deur die hooggeregshof in Australië as ongrondwetlik bevind en deur die hooggeregshof omvergewerp. Menzies het gereageer deur 'n referendum te reël om die grondwet te verander. Hierdie referendum (September 1951) is nouliks verslaan.

Menzies verbind Australië tot twee belangrike Koue Oorlog-verdragte: ANZUS, 'n drieparty-militêre alliansie met die VSA en Nieu-Seeland (onderteken in September 1951) en SEATO, 'n agt-nasie Asië-Stille Oseaan-alliansie (September 1954).

In April 1954 is die Australiese regering deur die Petrov -aangeleentheid geskok: die afvalligheid van 'n Sowjet -diplomaat wat gelei het tot verhitte tonele en bewerings van Sowjet -spioenasie in Australië. Menzies het die Petrov -voorval en die vrees vir kommunistiese infiltrasie uitgebuit om die Arbeidersparty aan te val en die federale verkiesing van April 1954 te wen.

Een van die laaste groot besluite van die Koue Oorlog by Menzies ’ was om Australiese militêre ondersteuning aan Suid -Viëtnam te verleen, militêre adviseurs (1962) te stuur en daarna troepe te bestry (1965). Menzies tree in Januarie 1966 uit die politiek. Hy skryf sy memoires en dien vyf jaar as kanselier van sy alma mater, Universiteit van Melbourne.

Menzies is in Mei 1978 oorlede. Sy begrafnisdiens in Melbourne is deur ongeveer 100 000 mense bygewoon.


Menzies -geskiedenis, familiewapen en -wapens

Die vroegste bekende voornaam van die van is Robert de Manieres, 'n Normandie uit Mesnieres, naby Rouen, Normandië. Sy naam verskyn in die & quotRoll of Battle Abbey, & quot 'n ererol van almal wat tydens die Slag van Hastings in 1066 nC geveg het. Hy is eers grond toegeken in Kent en Surrey onder Odo, biskop van Bayeux.

Een tak van die gesin het in Engeland gebly om uiteindelik die hertogte van Rutland te word met die van Manners, die genormeerde Saksiese manier om hierdie naam uit te spreek. Met toenemende ontevredenheid onder die heerser se heerskappy het een tak van die familie (dit is nie seker of dit die mees senior tak was nie) egter noordwaarts getrek, waarskynlik met Margaret, koning Malcolm Ceanmore se tweede vrou, waar hulle grond in Lothian gekry het. Hulle verhuis van die Laeveld na die Hoogland in ongeveer 1090. Hulle vestig hulle in die Lands of Culdares in Glenylon.

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Vroeë oorsprong van die Menzies -familie

Die van Menzies is die eerste keer in Midlothian gevind, waar dit baie verstaanbaar is dat die inheemse Gaelies probleme ondervind het met hierdie Normandiese van, en dit kan in verskillende vorme gevind word, onder andere: Mengues, Mingies en Meyners.

Die rede vir hierdie variasies is die poging om die & quoty & quot in Menyers ('n ander variasie van die oorspronklike) in die Gaelies uit te spreek, lei tot 'n kruising tussen die klank van 'n & quoty & quot en die van '& quotg & quot. Binne 'n eeu is die Clan werklik gelese, hoewel die eerste hoof vir hofdoeleindes die naam van sir Robert de Meyners behou het.

Sir Robert het in hofkringe opgestaan, onder koning Alexander II, in die posisie van Chamberlain van Skotland in 1249. Die vroegste oorlewende handves van hierdie stam word deur die Moncreiffes gehou. In die Handves vind ons 'n toekenning van Lands of Culdares (nou gespel Culdair) en kwotas vrylik, stil, volledig en eerbaar soos enige baron in die koninkryk Skotland in staat is om sulke grond te gee. & Quot Die getuies van hierdie daad, wat 'n baronie tot stand gebring het binne die graafskap van Atholl was David de Meyneris en ook Alexander de Meyneris.

Sir Robert het ook grond in Rannoch gekry wat aan koning Alexander se eie familie behoort het. U kan dan nie anders as om te vermoed dat hy in werklikheid met een van die dogters van die koning getrou het nie (dat sy seuns die koninklike naam van Dawid aangeneem het, en dat Alexander dit kan bewys), maar dit word nie opgeteken nie. Sir Alexander, die seun van sir Robert, het Aberfeldybeg in Strath Tay en die eiendom van Weem gekry. Die rede vir hierdie toelaes word weereens nie aangeteken nie, maar ons kan dieselfde gevolgtrekking maak.


Die wetsontwerp op die ontbinding van die kommunistiese party en die gevolge daarvan

Robert Menzies het probeer om Australië van die kommunisme te bevry deur middel van Wet op Ontbinding van die Kommunistiese Party 1950 en 'n daaropvolgende referendum.

Die histerie van die vroeë vyftigerjare het in sy intensiteit soos 'n godsdienstige ywer gelyk. In 'n toespraak op 23 Mei 1950 vat Ben Chifley die gevoelens van die tyd saam:

Hierdie maatreël [die ontbindingswet] sal tot 'n mate toegedien word in 'n atmosfeer van nasionale histerie, opgestel deur politici en ander persone, en deur die pers Daar is 'n groot gevaar dat die histerie- en vreeskompleks wat opgewek is, lei tot ernstige onreg aan individue. Die menigte kan ernstige foute begaan. Dit was die menigte, deur sy stem, wat Christus gestuur het om gekruisig te word.

Die Ontbindingswet weerspieël dit.

Die Ontbindingswet

Die opstellers van die Ontbindingswet het op baie bronne geput. Michael Kirby het die Verenigde State geïdentifiseer Smith -wet 1946, Suid -Afrika s’n Wet op die onderdrukking van die kommunisme 1950 en Australië s’n Wet op onwettige verenigings 1916 as waarskynlike invloede.

Onder die meer merkwaardige kenmerke van die Ontbindingswet was die nege oorwegings wat die operasionele afdelings van die wetgewing voorafgegaan het. Die voordragte is ingesluit om die swak grondwetlike grondslae van die wet te versterk. Daar was ooglopende grondwetlike probleme met die verbod op die Australiese Kommunistiese Party (ACS) en die oplegging van beperkings op kommuniste onder die verdedigingsmag van die Gemenebest in 'n tyd van relatiewe vrede.

Die oorweging vier tot agt gee 'n uiteensetting van die parlement se siening van kommunisme en die AVS. In oorweging vier word byvoorbeeld gegee:

EN AANGESIEN die Australiese Kommunistiese Party, in ooreenstemming met die basiese teorie van kommunisme, soos uiteengesit deur Marx en Lenin, besig is met aktiwiteite of operasies wat ontwerp is om die koms van 'n revolusionêre situasie te help of te versnel, waarin die Australiese Kommunistiese Party, as 'n revolusionêre minderheid, sou die mag kon gryp en 'n diktatuur van die proletariaat kon vestig

Afdeling 3 van die Ontbindingswet 'kommunisties' gedefinieer as ''n persoon wat die doelwitte, beleid, leerstellings, beginsels of praktyke van kommunisme ondersteun of voorstaan, soos uiteengesit deur Marx en Lenin.'

Hierdie definisie het probleme met interpretasie veroorsaak. Die onnauwkeurigheid van die taal het beteken dat die potensiële denotasie enorm was. 'N' Kommunis 'was moontlik 'n sosialis, soos baie lede van die Arbeidersparty en baie vakbondlede, wat een of meer aspekte van Marx se leerstellings ondersteun of bepleit het. Letterlik gelees, 'n persoon wat slegs die doelwitte van Marx of Lenin ondersteun het, was 'kommunis'.

Die definisie van 'kommunisties' veroorsaak groot kommer oor lede van die Arbeidersparty, veral in sy linkervleuel. Menzies het by vorige geleenthede probeer om die sosialistiese agenda van die Arbeidersparty te koppel aan die basiese beginsels van kommunisme. Byvoorbeeld, deur kommentaar te lewer op Labour se poging om die Australiese bankwese in 1947 te nasionaliseer, het Menzies gesê:

verdere oorweging van die feite toon aan dat hierdie sosialiseringsmaatreël geen voorbeeld is van onbepaalde onwettigheid nie. Dit is inteendeel die normale kind van die lank deurdagte sosialistiese beleid, wat in Australië die afgelope 25 jaar diep beïnvloed is deur kommunistiese en revolusionêre idees.

By 'n ander geleentheid het Menzies aangevoer 'Kommunisme het dieselfde basiese doelstellings as sosialisme. Net die middele is anders. Die gevolglike staat sou onder beide stelsels identies wees. ’As Menzies korrek was, is dit moeilik om te dink dat baie lede van die Arbeidersparty die ambisie van Ontbindingswet.

Afdeling 4 van die Ontbindingswet het die ACS tot 'n onwettige vereniging verklaar, voorsiening gemaak vir die ontbinding daarvan en die aanstelling van 'n ontvanger in staat gestel om sy eiendom te bestuur.

Die masjinerie vir verklarings deur die goewerneur -generaal dat ander organisasies as die ACS onwettig was, word deur afdeling 5 verskaf. of kommuniste. Sodra dit onwettig was, sou 'n vereniging ontbind word kragtens artikel 6 en 'n ontvanger aangestel kragtens artikel 8.

Afdeling 5 bevat duidelik organisasies wat moontlik wesenlik deur kommuniste beheer is, maar nie die kommunistiese ideologie ondersteun het nie. Liggame soos die kommunisties beheerde Vredesraad, wat wye nie-kommunistiese steun verkry het, kon geweier gewees het. Gegewe die onbepaalde grense van politieke leerstellings, sou 'n groot verskeidenheid linksgeoriënteerde organisasies moontlik ook verklaar gewees het.

Selfs die ACTU sou moontlik onder artikel 5 verbied gewees het. Volgens sommige geregistreerde vakbonde was deregistrasie gevolg deur 'n verklaring 'net 'n entjie weg'. Die president van die ACTU, Albert Monk, het in 1950 aangevoer:

Ondervinding regoor die wêreld het getoon dat die verbod van een politieke party deur 'n regering, ongeag politieke ideologie, altyd 'n voorspel was vir die onderdrukking van ander politieke partye en die verbreking van vakbonde met die gevangenis van vakbondamptenare, in baie lande sonder verhoor.

Artikel 7 (1) het bepaal dat iemand vyf jaar gevangenisstraf opgelê kan word indien hy of sy bewustelik dade gepleeg het, insluitend die aanhou om as lid of beampte van 'n onwettige vereniging op te tree of om iets te dra of aan te toon wat aandui dat hy of sy in enige manier wat verband hou met 'n onwettige vereniging. Artikel 7 was 'n blatante skending van burgerlike vryhede. 'N Persoon kan byvoorbeeld gevangenisstraf opgelê word omdat hy 'n kenteken gedra het met die woorde' Kommunistiese Party Konferensie 1948 'of' Die Australiese Vredesraad staan ​​vir vrede in Korea '.

Ingevolge artikel 9 kon die goewerneur -generaal enige persoon wat 'n kommunis of lid van die ACS was, verklaar op dieselfde manier as uiteengesit vir organisasies in afdeling 5. 'n Sanksie moes nie toegepas word volgens 'n persoon se dade nie, maar volgens 'n persoon se oortuigings . Sodra dit verklaar is, kon 'n persoon nie die amp beklee in die staatsdiens van die Statebond of in nywerhede wat deur die goewerneur -generaal verklaar is as noodsaaklik vir die veiligheid en verdediging van Australië nie (artikel 10). As 'n persoon 'n verklaring deur die goewerneur -generaal wil betwis, kan hy of sy dit doen kragtens artikel 9 (4), maar 'die las is op hom om te bewys dat hy nie 'n persoon is waarop hierdie artikel van toepassing is nie' (artikel 9 (5)).

Die verloop van die wetsontwerp deur die parlement

Die ontbrekingswetsontwerp het verdeeldheid in die Arbeidersparty veroorsaak, aangesien sy lede en faksies gesukkel het om 'n verenigde benadering te bereik. Die toenemend kragtige Victoriaanse faksie was 'n voorstander van aktiewe en ongekwalifiseerde steun vir die wetsontwerp, terwyl 'n groter groep lede, waaronder Chifley en Evatt, 'n beleid van passiewe en gekwalifiseerde ondersteuning verkies het. Aanvanklik kon Chifley en Evatt hul mening van die Kaukasus aanvaar.

Die deurvoer van die wetsontwerp deur die Huis van Verteenwoordigers was 'n bitter aangeleentheid. Arbeiders het voortdurend laster gekry van die regeringslede, terwyl die regering dikwels onderdrukking van die opposisie was wat beweer 'n assosiasie met fascistiese en Nazi -invloede.

Menzies se tweede voorlesingstoespraak was 'n uitstekende oefening in retoriek en oorreding. Hy het byna anderhalf uur lank gepraat oor die gereelde toejuiging van regeringslede met slegs twee onhoorbare tussenwerpsels van die opposisie. Die wetsontwerp is geregverdig op grond van 'n wêreldwye kommunistiese infiltrasie van demokratiese samelewings.

Menzies noem voorbeelde van die gevare van kommunisme deur te verwys na werke soos Die grondslae van Leninisme deur Joseph Stalin en 'n pamflet deur Lance Sharkey. Deur kommunistiese propaganda aan te haal, kweek Menzies die angs van Australiërs. Gereelde en buite konteks verwysing na frases soos 'diktatorskap van die proletariaat', 'gewelddadige proletariese rewolusie' en 'omverwerping van die bourgeoisie' kon net die gedagtes van diegene wat nie die kennis het nie, versterk om die kommunistiese dogma te verstaan.

In sy toespraak by die tweede voorlesing noem Menzies 53 persone wat volgens hom kommuniste was in gesagsposisies in Australiese vakbonde. Dit was bedoel om die publiek konkrete bewyse te lewer dat daar talle kommuniste in magtige posisies was en dat Australië se welstand bedreig is. Die publiek, wat nog steeds die steenkoolstaking van 1949 onthou, was min oortuigend.

Menzies het later in die parlement erken dat vyf van die persone wat op 27 April 1950 'genoem' is, nie kommuniste was nie. Hierdie fout het die gevare van Menzies se aanslag op kommunisme geïllustreer, aangesien 'n persoon wat as 'n kommunis verklaar is, die onus dra om sy of haar eie onskuld te bewys en geen beroep op 'n jurieverhoor het nie. Menzies se reaksie op hierdie argument was:

Is iemand werklik van mening dat die mening van negentien van die ministers van die koning, verantwoordelik vir openbare veiligheid, in so 'n saak, wat ons bestaan ​​betref, tersyde gestel moet word deur die besluit, of liewer deur die twyfel, van een man of ses of twaalf verkies tot juriediens?

Die steun wat Menzies van die pers gekry het, het sy bewerings geloofwaardig gemaak. Die Sydney Morning Herald het die volgende opskrif op 28 April 1950 op die voorblad gepubliseer, die dag na Menzies se tweede leestoespraak:

MNR. MENZIES SKUIF WETSKAAP NA UITVERKOOP VAN ROOIES
Sal King's Vyande hanteer

In dieselfde uitgawe word die Sydney Morning Herald in sy hoofartikel 'Die morele en politieke regverdiging vir die maatreël [die ontbrekingswetsontwerp] word in sy' oorwegings 'en' 8211 'n reeks verwoestende en onbeantwoorde voorstelle, wat die kommunistiese sameswering aandui. '

As 'n voorgevoel vir die daaropvolgende jare het Menzies die verdeeldheid wat binne die Arbeidersparty ontstaan ​​het oor die wetsontwerp briljant uitgebuit. Nadat hy na Menzies se toespraak in die tweede lesing geluister het, het Chifley gesê: 'Dit is 'n politieke maatreël wat daarop gemik is om die Arbeidsbeweging te verdeel'.

Die Arbeidersparty het weer 'n politieke grondslag gekry in Chifley se antwoord op Menzies se toespraak. Ondanks gereelde tussenwerpsels deur regeringslede, het Chifley 'n hartstogtelike toespraak gelewer wat bedoel was om sy party net so bymekaar te hou as om die wetgewing aan te val. Chifley se reaksie op die wetsontwerp word saamgevat in hierdie gedeelte van sy toespraak:

Dit maak die deur oop vir die leuenaar, die leuenaar en die pooier om beskuldigings te maak en die reputasie van mans te verdoem en dit in die geheim te doen sonder om enige aanklagte wat hulle mag maak, te staaf of te bewys.

Labour se benadering tot die wetsontwerp was om wysigings te ondersteun wat daarop gemik was om die bewyslas terug te gee aan die staat waar 'n verklaring deur die goewerneur -generaal betwis word. Evatt het die grootste deel van die stryd teen die regering hanteer en onvermoeid vir die wysigings geveg. Die wysigings is aangebring toe die wetsontwerp die senaat van die Arbeid bereik het.

Die regering verwerp die wysigings ondanks die feit dat die veranderinge die wetsontwerp se nadelige uitwerking op burgerlike vryhede sou verminder het sonder om die uitwerking daarvan op kommunisme aansienlik te verander. Desondanks is die wetsontwerp op 23 Junie 1950 ter syde gestel. Deur die wysigings te verwerp en die Arbeidersparty te dwing om óf die wetsontwerp op te neem óf die wetsontwerp as geheel te verwerp, het Menzies die spanning en verdeeldheid in die Arbeidersparty verhoog. Dit het getoon dat die wetsontwerp meer behels as 'n aanval op kommunisme. Dit was 'n geleentheid vir Menzies om die Arbeidersparty te beskadig.

Op 29 September 1950 is die ontbindingswetsontwerp weer in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers ingebring. Hierdie keer het die Federale Uitvoerende Bestuur van die Arbeidersparty ingegee en op 16 Oktober 1950 die sogenaamde 'hoender' -resolusie aanvaar. Die toenemende druk van die publiek en die partye en die moontlikheid dat 'n dubbele ontbinding -verkiesing teen die wetsontwerp gevoer kan word, het tot 'n verandering van hart gelei. Die Federale Uitvoerende Gesag verklaar dat:

Die federale uitvoerende gesag het besluit om die wetsontwerp van die Menzies -regering voor die mense te betwis en die leuen te gee van sy valse en lasterlike bewerings teen die Arbeidersparty, dat die wetsontwerp aanvaar moet word in die vorm waarin dit nou voor is die Senaat.

Hierdie resolusie het Arbeids senatore verbind tot die vernedering dat die ontbrekingswetsontwerp onveranderd deur die senaat kon gaan. Die wetsontwerp is op 19 Oktober 1950 deur die parlement aanvaar en het die volgende dag met die goedkeuring van die goewerneur -generaal die wet geword.

Die hooggeregshofuitdaging

Die ACS, tien vakbonde en verskeie amptenare van die kommunistiese vakbond het min tyd geneem om die geldigheid van die Ontbindingswet. Op dieselfde dag wat die wet in werking getree het, is agt aksies in die hooggeregshof teen die Statebond en verskeie persone wat met die wet verband hou, begin. Elke aksie wou 'n verklaring verkry dat die wet nie onder die grondwetlike bevoegdheid van die Statebond val nie.

Evatt, destyds die onderleier van die opposisie, verbaas alle betrokkenes deur op 25 Oktober 1950 aan te kondig dat hy die kommunisties geleide Waterside Workers 'Federation en sy kommunistiese amptenaar, James Healy, sou verteenwoordig in die hooggeregshof teen die Ontbindingswet. Chifley was seker diep bekommerd oor die effek wat Evatt se besluit op die verdiepende verdeeldheid in die Arbeidersparty sou hê. Die Victoriaanse tak aanvaar 'n mosie waarin Evatt veroordeel word. In die parlement het Chifley Evatt egter kragtig gesteun, aangesien Chifley Evatt se vasberadenheid om die wet te bestry, beskou as in ooreenstemming met Evatt se lang kampioenskap van burgerlike vryhede.

Harold Holt, vir die regering, het 'n opsomming gegee van wat die enigste gevolg van Evatt se besluit kan wees, 'met reg of verkeerd sal die mense van Australië in die voorkoms van die regte agbare heer 'n simpatie en ondersteuning lees vir die saak wat hy wil verdedig'. JA Ferguson, die president van die Arbeidersparty in Nieu -Suid -Wallis, het gesê Evatt se aanvaarding van die opdrag was 'eties korrek, professioneel gesonde en polities baie, baie dwaas'.

On March 9 1951 the High Court, with Chief Justice Latham dissenting, declared the Act to be invalid on the basis that it was beyond the power of the Federal Parliament to suppress an organisation under its defence power on its own opinion in a time of peace. In a departure from the legalism pervading the decision, Justice Dixon stated:

History and not only ancient history, shows that in countries where democratic institutions have been unconstitutionally superseded, it has been done not seldom by those holding the executive power.

In the wake of the High Court’s decision, Menzies declared ‘This is not the end of the fight against communism, it is merely the beginning.’

A week after the High Court’s rebuff, and somewhat ironically, Menzies called a double dissolution of Parliament on the basis of the Senate’s failure to pass a Bill dealing with the Commonwealth Bank. Communism was, however, the issue of the day and was the stick with which Menzies proceeded to beat his Labor opponents.

The Liberal Party’s campaign slogan in Tasmania was ‘Menzies or Moscow’. Menzies won the poll held on 28 April 1951 with a reduced majority in the House of Representatives but with a majority in the Senate. Evatt was opposed in his seat by World War II hero Nancy Wake who campaigned on the slogan ‘I am the defender of freedom Dr Evatt is the defender of communism’. Evatt retained his seat by 243 votes.

Menzies then sought the power to deal with communism by way of referendum under section 128 of the Constitution. The referendum put to the people of Australia on 22 September 1951 sought to graft section 51A onto the Constitution. Section 51A would have allowed the Commonwealth to legislate with respect to communists and communism, to enact the Dissolution Act and to amend that Act within certain limits. If passed, the ungainly section 51A would have enabled Menzies to legislate with the utmost freedom to suppress communism. The alteration thus posed an even greater threat to political freedom than the Dissolution Act.

Menzies argued for a ‘yes’ vote on the ground that communism had to be countered and that, as the High Court had showed that the Commonwealth did not possess the constitutional power to suppress communism, the Constitution was inadequate and had to be altered. Initially, the referendum proposal attracted massive electoral support.

In Parliament, Evatt, now Leader of the Opposition, described the attempt to amend the Constitution as ‘one of the most dangerous measures that has ever been submitted to the legislature of an English-speaking people.’ Holt, in a now familiar role, responded by saying:

The House has just been listening to the most notable defender of Communism in Australia. The leader of the Opposition has spoken at considerable length and, at times, with some degree of fervour in a role in which this country is becoming increasingly accustomed to see him in both the Parliament and the law courts.

Evatt invested his considerable energy into the fight against the referendum. Despite a lack of support from many sections of the Labor Party, Evatt travelled thousands of kilometres to address numerous meetings. His advocacy for the ‘no’ vote was based less on logic than upon a heartfelt awareness that the referendum proposal contravened fundamental democratic freedoms.

Evatt argued that the referendum proposal would grant the Commonwealth despotic powers that could be used to deal indiscriminately with the enemies of the Government. At times, Evatt sought to associate the proposal with the techniques of Hitler. In four weeks of campaigning Evatt turned the tide of support for a ‘yes’ vote towards a ‘no’ vote. Evatt had tapped the traditional reticence of the Australian people to support constitutional change. Even vehement anti-communists like Jack Lang, Archbishop Daniel Mannix and Laurie Short came to back Evatt’s position.

The referendum failed to gain the support of a majority of electors by a narrow margin, 2,317,927 ‘yes’ votes to 2,370,009 ‘no’ votes. Menzies was bitter about the loss, accusing the proponents of a ‘no’ vote of misleading the public with a ‘wicked and unscrupulous’ campaign.

Evatt won a crucial victory for himself, the Labor Party and Australia by leading the defeat of the referendum. Commenting upon the result he said:

I regard the result as more important than half a dozen general elections. The consequences of a mistaken vote in an election verdict can be retrieved. But an error of judgement in this constitutional alteration would tend to destroy the whole democratic fabric of justice and liberty.


Curriculum Focus

Outcomes
A student:
5.1 explains social, political and cultural developments and events and evaluates their impact on Australian life
5.2 assesses the impact of international events and relationships on Australia’s history
5.3 explains the changing rights and freedoms of Aboriginal peoples and other groups in Australia
5.4 sequences major historical events to show an understanding of continuity, change and causation
5.5 identifies, comprehends and evaluates historical sources
5.7 explains different contexts, perspectives and interpretations of the past.

This material is an extract. Teachers and students should consult the Board of Studies website for more information.


Inhoud

United Australia Party Edit

The United Australia Party had been formed as a new conservative alliance in 1931, with Labor defector Joseph Lyons as its leader and John Latham, hitherto leader of the Nationalist Party of Australia as his deputy. The stance of Lyons and another former Labor minister, James Fenton, against the more radical proposals of the Labor movement to deal the Great Depression had attracted the support of prominent Australian conservatives. In March 1931, though still a member of the ALP, Lyons supported a no confidence motion against the Scullin Labor government and the UAP was formed from a coalition of citizens' groups and with the support of the Nationalist Party. [1] In November 1931, Lang Labor dissidents chose to challenge the Scullin Labor government and align with the UAP to pass a 'no confidence' and the government fell.

With Australia still suffering the effects of the Great Depression, the newly formed United Australia Party won a landslide victory at 19 December 1931 Election, and the UAP commenced its first term in government in January 1932. [2] The Lyons Government won three consecutive elections, pursuing a conservative fiscal policy of balanced budgets and debt reduction, while stewarding Australia out of the Depression.

Lyons death in April 1939 saw Robert Menzies assume the Prime Ministership on the eve of World War II. After a decade in office, the party had declined in popularity, and faced the demands of war in a shaky coalition with the Country Party. Forced to rely on the support of independents following the 1940 election, Menzies resigned in 1941, whereupon the UAP was unable to replace him with a suitable leader and allowed the leader of the junior coalition party, Arthur Fadden to take office. The Fadden Government lasted just 40 days, before the independents crossed the floor bringing Labor's John Curtin to the Prime Ministership just prior to the outbreak of the Pacific War.

Labor's John Curtin proved a big war time leader and the Curtin Government won in a landslide in the 1943 election. In the aftermath of this defeat, the UAP began to disintegrate, and Australian conservatives and anti-socialist liberals looked to form a new political movement to counter the Australian Labor Party.

Foundation of Liberal Party Edit

Fourteen political parties had allied to form the United Australia Party, but disenchantment with the United Australia Party was now widespread. A group of New South Wales members had formed the new "Democratic Party". This new group looked to Robert Menzies to provide leadership. [3] Menzies called a conference of conservative parties and other groups opposed to the ruling Australian Labor Party which met in Canberra on 13 October 1944, and again in Albury in December 1944. [4] [5] The formation of the party was formally announced at Sydney Town Hall on 31 August 1945. [5]

Menzies had served as Prime Minister as leader of the United Australia Party from 1939–1941. [6] From 1942 onward, Menzies had maintained his public profile with his series of "Forgotten People" radio talks, similar to US President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "fireside chats" of the 1930s, in which he spoke of the middle class as the "backbone of Australia" but as nevertheless having been "taken for granted" by political parties and of being effectively powerless because of lack of wealth on the one hand, and lack of organisation on the other. [7] [8]

Outlining his vision for a new political movement in 1944, Menzies said:

". [W]hat we must look for, and it is a matter of desperate importance to our society, is a true revival of liberal thought which will work for social justice and security, for national power and national progress, and for the full development of the individual citizen, though not through the dull and deadening process of socialism. [9]

Menzies wanted the new party to be independent of interest groups like big business and so sought to organise a structure under which the Party would only receive money from individuals in small amounts, rather than from trade groups or associations. [3]

After only modest gains against Labor at the 1946 election, Menzies saw out another three years as opposition leader – opposing Labor's efforts to nationalise Australia's banks, criticising petrol rationing and speaking out against Communism in the early stages of the Cold War. Menzies characterised the incumbent Chifley Government as "socialist". With Arthur Fadden of the Country Party as his deputy, Menzies led the Liberal-Country Party Coalition to victory at the 1949 election. [3] He was now to become the longest serving prime minister in Australian history.

Following victory in the 1949 election, the Menzies Government secured a double dissolution election for 28 April 1951, after the Australian Labor Party-controlled Senate refused to pass the Menzies' banking legislation. The Liberal-Country Coalition was returned with a reduced majority in the Lower House, but with control of the Senate. The Government was returned in the aftermath of the Petrov affair in the 1954 election and again after the formation of the anti-Communist Democratic Labor Party split the Australian Labor Party early in 1955 and Australia went to the polls in December 1955. John McEwen replaced Arthur Fadden as leader of the Country Party in March 1958 and the Menzies-McEwen Coalition was returned again at elections in November 1958 – their third victory against Labor's H V Evatt. The Coalition was narrowly returned against Labor's Arthur Calwell in the December 1961 election, in the midst of a credit squeeze. Menzies stood for office for the last time in the November 1963 election, again defeating Calwell, with the Coalition winning back its losses in the House of Representatives. Menzies went on to resign from parliament on 26 January 1966. [10]

Menzies' 1949 Cabinet had the leader of the Country Party, Arthur Fadden, as the Treasurer and Deputy Prime Minister and included Dame Enid Lyons as the first woman to serve in an Australian Cabinet. [11]

Economy and trade Edit

After winning office in 1949, Menzies fulfilled his promises to end rationing of butter, tea and petrol and provide a 5 shilling endowment for first born children, as well as for others. [3]

Australia experienced a prolonged economic boom during the Menzies years. Menzies remained a staunch supporter of links to the monarchy and British Commonwealth but formalised an alliance with the United States and launched post-war trade with Japan, beginning a growth of Australian exports of coal, iron ore and mineral resources that would steadily climb until Japan became Australia's largest trading partner. [12] John McEwen, as minister for commerce and for trade negotiated the Agreement on Commerce between Australia and Japan which was signed in July 1957. The agreement carried political risk for the Menzies government, because memories of atrocities perpetrated on Australians by Japan in World War II were still strong in the community. Britain meanwhile was negotiating entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1960s with major implications for Australian trade, which had previously enjoyed preferential treatment in the UK. McEwen was active in maintaining tariff protections for agriculture, mining and manufacturing, which he believed would sustain employment and contribute to national defence. [13]

In the Menzies Government, McEwen pursued what became known as "McEwenism" – a policy of high tariff protection for the manufacturing industry, so that industry would not challenge the continuing high tariffs on imported raw materials, which benefitted farmers but pushed up industry's costs. This policy was a part (some argue the foundation) of what became known as the "Australian settlement" which promoted high wages, industrial development, government intervention in industry (Australian governments traditionally owned banks and insurance companies and the railways and through policies designed to assist particular industries) and decentralisation.

In the early 1950s, external affairs minister Percy Spender helped to establish the Colombo Plan for providing economic aid to underdeveloped nations in Australia's region. Under the scheme, many future Asian leaders studied in Australia. [14]

In 1951, the top marginal tax rate for incomes above £10,000 what is equivalent to $425,000 today, was 75 per cent under Menzies. from 1955 until the mid-1980s the top marginal tax rate was 67 per cent. [15]

Other than blocking the nationalisation of the Banking system by the Labor Party, Menzies privatised the Commonwealth Oil Refinery. The wool industry remained a mainstay of the economy through the 1950s, indeed it was said that the Australian economy "rode on the sheep's back". [16] Nevertheless, important developments in further industries occurred, such as the construction of Australia's first commercial oil field at Moonie in Queensland in 1961. [17]

In 1960, the government split the Commonwealth Bank of Australia into the Commonwealth Banking Corporation and the Reserve Bank of Australia. [17]

While for most Australians the Menzies era was an era of prosperity, the nation experienced high inflation during the early years of Menzies' rule. The Korean War increased demand for commodities. Wool in particular boomed, leading to a rise in growers' incomes, but also to inflation. The Arbitration Court helped stabilise wages from 1953. From 1959–1960 Australia experienced something of a boom, spurred by overseas speculators and high domestic spending – resulting in recession by 1961, following a "horror" mini-budget designed to slow the economy. Unemployment reaching 2.1% (at that time considered "high") and Menzies went on to win the 1961 election by just one seat. Following the election, Menzies and Treasurer Harold Holt introduced another mini-budget designed to spur growth and the economy was in recovery. [3]

Foreign affairs Edit

The Menzies era saw immense regional changes, with post-war reconstruction and the withdrawal of European Powers and the British Empire from the Far East (including independence for India and Indonesia) the consolidation of Communist regimes in China, North Vietnam, North Korea and Communist insurgencies elsewhere. [17]

Cold War Edit

Menzies was firmly anti-Communist. In 1950 his government committed troops to the Korean War and attempted to ban the Communist Party of Australia. Menzies secured passage of the Communist Party Dissolution Bill through Parliament in June 1950. [17] Although it had popular support, for many it went too far in such measures as allowing the disqualifying of declared Communists from public offices, or industries considered vital to defence. The Bill had the support of anti-Communist Labor Senators, and so passed through Parliament. Early in 1951 however, the High Court declared the Act invalid for unconstitutionally interfering with civil liberties and property rights. Following the 1951 election, Menzies held a referendum seeking power for the Federal Parliament to legislate "With respect to Communists or Communism as the Parliament considers to be necessary or expedient for the defence or security of the Commonwealth". Labor leader H V Evatt campaigned against the proposal and the referendum was narrowly defeated. [3]

In 1951, during the early stages of the Cold War, Menzies spoke of the possibility of a looming third world war. Soviet diplomat Vladimir Petrov and his wife defected from the Soviet embassy in Canberra in 1954, revealing evidence of Russian spying activities and Menzies called a Royal Commission. [18] The Labor Party split over concerns about the influence of the Communist Party over the Trade Union movement, leading to the foundation of the breakaway Democratic Labor Party(DLP) whose preferences supported the Liberal and Country Party, in return for key concessions, like funding for Catholic schools. The new Party never won a House of Representatives seat, but often held the balance of power in the Senate. [19]

Treaties and defence Edit

Australia signed the official Peace Treaty with Japan in San Francisco in 1951, but by this point, the world had entered a new and tense period in international relations – the Cold War. [17] With the memory of Japanese expansionism fresh in the Australian experience, and with the commencement of the Cold War seeing the Soviet Union dominating Eastern Europe, the Chinese Communist Party winning the Chinese Civil War in 1949 and Communist North Korea invading South Korea in 1950, Australia sought security outside its traditional allegiance to Britain. [18]

In June 1950, Communist North Korea invaded South Korea. The Menzies government responded to a United States led United Nations Security Council request for military aid for South Korea and diverted forces from occupied Japan to begin Australia's involvement in the Korean War. The entry of Communist China into the war saw allied forces driven backwards down the peninsula. After fighting to a bitter standstill, the UN and North Korea signed a ceasefire agreement in July 1953. Australian forces had participated in such major battles as Kapyong and Maryang San. 17,000 Australians had served and casualties amounted to more than 1,500, of whom 339 were killed. [20]

Analysts voiced fear of the "domino theory", according to which South East Asia would fall to Communism state by state. In defence policy, Menzies moved Australia to a policy of "forward defence" and committed troops against Communists insurgencies in South East Asia – the Malayan Emergency, and Indonesia's policy of Confrontation and, near the end of Menzies' prime ministership, the early stages of the Vietnam War. [18]

In 1951, the first call ups were made under the National Service Act, which provided for compulsory military training of 18-year-old men, who were then to remain on the Army Reserve for five years. The Scheme trained 227,000 men between 1951 and 1960 (when it ended). [17] In 1952, a program of British nuclear weapons testing began in Australia. The program was based at Maralinga, South Australia from 1954 until 1963 (and was later the subject of a Royal Commission investigation). National Service was reintroduced in 1964, in the form of the National Service Lottery, under which Marbles of birth dates were drawn from a lottery barrel. The Scheme remained in place until 1972 and saw 63,000 men conscripted. [17]

The Menzies Government entered the first formal military alliance outside of the British Commonwealth with the signing of the ANZUS Treaty between Australia, New Zealand and the United States in San Francisco in 1951. External Affairs Minister Percy Spender had put forward the proposal to work along similar lines to the NATO Alliance. The Treaty declared that any attack on one of the three parties in the Pacific area would be viewed as a threat to each, and that the common danger would be met in accordance with each nation's constitutional processes.

In 1954, the Menzies Government signed the South East Asia Collective Defence Treaty (SEATO) as a South East Asian counterpart to NATO. [17]

In 1959, Australia signed the Antarctic Treaty agreeing a legal framework for the management of Antarctica. [21]

Suez -krisis wysig

Robert Menzies' was despatched to Cairo by an 18 nation committee to act as chairman in negotiations with Egyptian President Nasser following his 1956 nationalisation of the Suez Canal during the Suez Crisis. Western powers had built the trade canal, but Egypt was now seeking to exclude them from a role in its ownership or management. Menzies felt that Nasser's actions threatened Australia's interests as a trading nation and an ally of Britain. [3] [22]

Menzies' 7 September official communique to Nasser presented a case for compensation for the Suez Canal Company and the "establishment of principles" for the future use of the Canal that would ensure that it would "continue to be an international waterway operated free of politics or national discrimination, and with financial structure so secure and an international confidence so high that an expanding and improving future for the Canal could be guaranteed" and called for a Convention to recognise Egyptian sovereignty of the Canal, but for the establishment of an international body to run the canal. Nasser saw such measures as a "derogation from Egyptian sovereignty" and rejected Menzies' proposals. [22]

Menzies hinted to Nasser that Britain and France might use force to resolve the crisis, but United States President Eisenhower openly opposed the use of force and Menzies left Egypt without success. [3] Menzies voiced support for the subsequent Anglo-French military operation in Egypt, which resulted in a humiliating withdrawal and the resignation of the British Prime Minister, Anthony Eden.

Commonwealth of Nations Edit

The Menzies era saw the sun set on the British Empire and the expansion of the Commonwealth of Nations as its successor. Menzies and Australians in general remained deeply loyal to the institution of the Monarchy in Australia and the 1954 Royal Tour by Queen Elizabeth II and her consort, Prince Philip was greeted by wild enthusiasm across the continent. Harold Macmillan then became the first British Prime Minister to visit in 1958.

The first tour by a reigning monarch saw her cover 10,000 miles by air and 2,000 miles by ground. [17] On a later Royal Tour in 1963, Menzies famously and effusively praised Queen Elizabeth by quoting an Elizabethan era poem: "I did but see her passing by and yet I love her till I die". [23]

As decolonisation proceeded around the British Empire, the Menzies Government followed Britain's lead and imposed economic sanctions on Southern Rhodesia when the Ian Smith government had declared self-government to maintain white minority rule. [17]

Society and welfare Edit

The Menzies Government instigated a series of important reforms to immigration laws, which resulted in the erosion of the restrictions of the unofficial White Australia Policy which had privileged British migrants over all others since the time of Australian Federation in 1901 and abolished restrictions on voting rights for Aboriginal people, which had persisted in some jurisdictions.

Health Edit

In 1953 the government introduced a number of reforms to the existing provision of health services. These reforms served as the basis for the future expansion in the provision of public health and aged care services. The first major health reform was the creation of a voluntary, contributory national health scheme through the National Health Act,1953. This was followed by the Aged Persons Homes Act, 1954, die Aged and Disabled Persons Care Act, 1954 en die Home Nursing Subsidy Act, 1956. National subsidies for residential aged care services commenced in 1963. In implementing these reforms the Menzies Government promoted the role of private insurance funds and private health care providers (mainly charitable and religious based organisations), rather than adopting the model adopted in the United Kingdom with the introduction of the National Health Service in the 1940s.

In 1960, the Menzies Government introduced a new pharmaceutical benefits scheme, which expanded the range of prescribed medicines subsidised by the government.

Marriage and divorce Edit

Through the Matrimonial Causes Act 1959, the Menzies Government introduced a uniform divorce law across Australia and recognised "no-fault" divorce by allowing a specified period of separation as sufficient grounds for a divorce. It was eventually replaced by the Family Law Act 1975. In 1961, the Menzies Government used the powers granted by section 51(xxi) of the constitution to pass the Marriage Act 1961, which gave the federal government exclusive jurisdiction over the formation of marriages. It remains in force although it has been amended on several occasions. [17]

Immigrasie Redigeer

Beginning in 1949, Immigration Minister Harold Holt decided to allow 800 non-European war refugees to remain in Australia, and Japanese war brides to be admitted to Australia. [24] In 1950 External Affairs Minister Percy Spender instigated the Colombo Plan, under which students from Asian countries were admitted to study at Australian universities, then in 1957 non-Europeans with 15 years' residence in Australia were allowed to become citizens. In a watershed legal reform, a 1958 revision of the Migration Act introduced a simpler system for entry and abolished the "dictation test" which had permitted the exclusion of migrants on the basis of their ability to take down a dictation offered in enige European language. Immigration Minister, Sir Alexander Downer, announced that 'distinguished and highly qualified Asians' might immigrate. Restrictions continued to be relaxed through the 1960s in the lead up to the Holt Government's watershed Migration Act, 1966. [24]

This was despite in a discussion with radio 2UE's Stewart Lamb in 1955 he was a defender of the White Australia Policy: [25]

(Menzies) "I don't want to see reproduced in Australia the kind of problem they have in South Africa or in America or increasingly in Great Britain. I think it's been a very good policy and it's been of great value to us and most of the criticism of it that I've ever heard doesn't come from these oriental countries it comes from wandering Australians.

(Lamb) "For these years of course in the past Sir Robert you have been described as a racist."

(Menzies) "Have I?"

(Lamb) "I have read this, yes."

(Menzies) "Well if I were not described as a racist I'd be the only public man who hasn't been."

Aboriginal affairs Edit

Campaigns for Aboriginal rights gathered pace in Australia during the Menzies era. When Menzies assumed office, Aboriginal people were still excluded from voting in Federal elections in Queensland and West Australia. In 1949, Parliament legislated to ensure that all Aboriginal ex-servicemen should have the right to vote. In 1961 a Parliamentary Committee was established to investigate and report to the Parliament on Aboriginal voting rights and in 1962, Menzies' Commonwealth Electoral Act provided that all Indigenous Australians should have the right to enrol and vote at federal elections. [26] [27] In 1963, Yolngu people petitioned Parliament, with the famous Yirrkala bark petitions, after the government excised land from the Arnhem Land reserve, without consulting the traditional owners. [17]

Echoing developments in the United States and elsewhere in the Western World and their disintegrating colonial empires, attitudes to race underwent significant shifts in Australia during the Menzies era. Aboriginal artists like Albert Namatjira could gain great popularity and be presented to the Queen on her first Royal Tour, but under existing law still needed to be "granted" Australian citizenship. Indigenous activists like Douglas Nicholls and Faith Bandler continued their long campaign of lobbying governments for legal reform and University of Sydney students led by Charles N. Perkins sought to expose inequalities with their freedom rides in the mid-60s. Menzies' successor Harold Holt instigated the famous 1967 Referendum, which saw a 90% endorsement from the electorate to automatically include Aboriginal peoples in the national census.

Education, science and infrastructure Edit

The Menzies Government extended Federal involvement in education and developed the city of Canberra as the national capital. Menzies introduced the Commonwealth scholarship scheme in 1951, to cover fees and pay a generous means-tested allowance for bright students from lower socioeconomic groups. [14] In 1956, a committee headed by Sir Keith Murray was established to inquire into the financial plight of Australia's universities, and Menzies' pumped funds into the sector under conditions which preserved the autonomy of universities. [18]

In 1954, the government established Mawson Station in Antarctica as Australia's first permanent base on the continent and in 1957, Davis Station was constructed. [17]

In 1956, Television in Australia began broadcasting. In a significant step, Menzies opted for a hybrid system, licensing both commercial and public broadcasters. [28]

The Australian Atomic Energy Commission (now Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation) was set up under the Atomic Energy Act in 1953 and Lucas Heights Nuclear Reactor commenced operation in 1958. [17]

From 1960 the Government allowed the United States to establish satellite tracking stations in the A.C.T. – resulting in the construction of Orroral Creek, Honeysuckle Creek and Tidbinbilla. [17] The National Astronomical Observatory, a 64-metre radio telescope at Parkes was opened in 1961. [17] These facilities would prove crucial to the United States Lunar Program. Australia joined the International Telecommunications Satellite Consortium in 1964.

In 1960, money was set aside for the construction of the long-delayed Lake Burley Griffin – the original centre-piece of the design for Canberra. [18]

In 1962, an interstate coaxial cable linking the Eastern seaboard cities was completed. International direct dial was achieved with the opening of the Commonwealth Pacific Cable in 1963, in a scheme designed to link the Commonwealth by phone. [17]

Menzies era Edit

In his last address to the Liberal Party Federal Council in 1964, Menzies reflected on the "Liberal Creed" as follows:

As the etymology of our name 'Liberal' indicates, we have stood for freedom. We have realised that men and women are not just ciphers in a calculation, but are individual human beings whose individual welfare and development must be the main concern of government. We have learned that the right answer is to set the individual free, to aim at equality of opportunity, to protect the individual against oppression, to create a society in which rights and duties are recognized and made effective." [29]

Though often characterised as a "conservative" period in Australian history, the Menzies era was a period of sustained economic boom with rapid technological advance and Australia experienced the beginnings of sweeping social change – with the arrivals of rock and roll music and television in the 1950s. Melbourne hosted the Olympics and iconic Australian performers like Barry Humphries, Johnny O'Keefe and Slim Dusty emerged in the arts scene during the 1950s. Though support for the monarchy in Australia remained strong, Australia's cultural and political identity began a slow shift away from its traditional British allegiance.

Retirement of Menzies Edit

Menzies was Knighted in 1963, and was honoured in 1965 by being appointed to succeed Winston Churchill as Constable of Dover Castle and Warden of the Cinque Ports. [30] Menzies' second period as prime minister lasted a record sixteen years and seven consecutive election victories and ended in his voluntary retirement on 26 January 1966, aged 71. [18] Harold Holt replaced the retiring Menzies in 1966 and the Holt Government went on to win 82 seats to Labor's 41 in the 1966 Election. [31]



Geskiedenis
The Robert Gordon Menzies Scholarship to Harvard is one of Australia's most prestigious national awards for postgraduate study in the United States. Inaugurated in 1967 by prominent Australian alumni of Harvard to honour the Australian statesman and longest-serving Prime Minister, the Menzies Scholarship grants have assisted over eighty-eight talented Australians to undertake post graduate study in a wide range of disciplines. While not exhaustive, these include architecture, education, public health, law and business and the broader arts and sciences.

Scholarship value
The Selection Committee may award up to two Menzies scholarships valued at up to US$60,000 each. We are also currently building capital to support an additional Menzies Scholarship to be offered for study at the Harvard Business School. This was instigated by the MBA class of 1970 and enjoys their ongoing support

Geskiktheid
To be awarded a scholarship, the candidate must be accepted by Harvard into their selected program on a full-time basis, for study at Harvard. The ideal candidates are Australians whose primary objective, after completing their studies , is to make a significant contribution to this country's development and advancement, in their chosen field

Funding Source
Funding of the scholarship is provided by the Harvard Club of Australia via generous donations and additional fund-raising activities of the club. Awarded in partnership with the Australian National University, the scholarship fund is managed by the ANU Endowment Office and scholarship administration is carried out by the ANU. -

Selection Process
Applicants submit their application to Australian National University. Applications are then reviewed and shortlisted with the best and most eligible candidates being invited for an interview by the Selection Panel. The selection panel consists of 3 representatives from ANU and 3 representatives appointed by the Harvard Club of Australia.. The Selection Panel usually has a number of past winners serving on it.

Timetable
Applications open in November each year and close by the following February. Interviews are then conducted in April. Once the winners have accepted the terms of the scholarship, a media release is issued announcing the successful candidates. The ANU then liaises with the successful candidates as required, in preparation for the transfer of funds and their leaving for the United States.

Ongoing involvement
The awarding of the Menzies Scholarship to Harvard, always amongst a group of outstandingly talented candidates, is intended to widen the perspective and deepen the capacity of those fortunate enough to be successful. Each year the winners benefit into the future from the efforts, contributions and experiences of those who preceded them. In this context we encourage Menzies Scholars to become involved in the Harvard Club of Australia on their return to Australia and contribute, in any way they consider appropriate, to the ongoing success of the Robert Gordon Menzies Scholarship.

Partner Organisation/s
Australian National University


Robert Menzies of Culterallers, WS

Robert Menzies of Culterallers was admitted to the Society of Writers to the Signet on 3 August 1742. He served his apprenticeship with James Baillie. He was the eldest son of John Menzies, M.D. He died on 28 August 1769. He married, in December 1749, Margaret Thomson, daughter of the Reverend John Thomson, Minister of West Liberton. A History of the Society of Writers to Her Majesty's Signet: 143

Evidence from the National Records of Scotland

1732-51: Papers relating to the title of Robert Menzies of Culterallers, heir to his grandfather, Alexander Menzies of Culterallers, and his settlement of residual debts with the trustees of Thomas Menzies of Letham and William Dickson of Kilbucho. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/15

28 August 1736: Dumfries burgess ticket in favour of Robert Menzies of Culterallers. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55

12 April 1737: Lanark burgess ticket in favour of Robert Menzies of Culterallers. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55

28 July 1747: Rothesay burgess ticket in favour of Mr Robert Menzies, WS. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55

31 March 1748: Minute of sale by Angus McDonald, Edinburgh, eldest son to Angus McDonald of Kenknock, and John Campbell of Barcaldine for John, lord Glenorchy. Said Angus McDonald, senior, was to grant Lord Glenorchy disposition of Kenknock and Eastermore and other lands in barony of Glenlyon, sheriffdom of Perth, in feu contract of 5 October 1699 by John, earl of Tullibardine, as restricted by decree of House of Lords concerning grazings and sheallings, for � sterling. Consent of James, duke of Athole, was to be obtained to said alienation. Reg. V.C. & S. 25 February 1725. Written by George Martin, servant to Alexander Robertson, W.S., who witnesses with Robert Menzies of Culterallers, W.S., and John Campbell, Cashier to the Royal Bank. National Records of Scotland, Papers of the Campbell Family, Earls of Breadalbane (Breadalbane Muniments), reference GD112/2/92/10

30 September 1752: Dingwall burgess ticket in favour of Robert Menzies of Culterallers Esq. Embroidered tag and seal. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55

20 January 1759: Peebles burgess ticket in favour of Robert Menzies Esq. of Culterallers. Tags, no seals. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55

9 May 1760: Hamilton burgess ticket in favour of Robert Menzies of Culterallers Esq. With painted coat of arms. National Records of Scotland, Baillie of Coulterallers, reference GD1/1155/55