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Jomo Kenyatta, Keniaanse onafhanklikheidsleier, word uit die gevangenis bevry

Jomo Kenyatta, Keniaanse onafhanklikheidsleier, word uit die gevangenis bevry


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Jomo Kenyatta, leier van die Keniaanse onafhanklikheidsbeweging, word vrygelaat deur Britse koloniale owerhede na bykans nege jaar gevangenisstraf en aanhouding. Twee jaar later het Kenia onafhanklikheid verkry en Kenyatta premier geword. Sodra dit uitgebeeld is as 'n dreigende simbool van Afrika -nasionalisme, het hy stabiliteit in die land gebring en Westerse belange verdedig gedurende sy 15 jaar as Keniaanse leier.

Kenyatta is iewers in die laat 1890's in die Oos -Afrikaanse hooglande suidwes van Mount Kenya gebore. Hy was lid van die Kikuyu -etniese groep - die grootste van Kenia - en is opgevoed deur presbiteriaanse sendelinge. In 1920 word Kenia formeel 'n Britse kolonie, en teen 1921 woon Kenyatta in die koloniale hoofstad Nairobi. Daar het hy betrokke geraak by Afrika -nasionalistiese bewegings en teen 1928 het hy die pos van hoofsekretaris van die Kikuyu Central Association geword, 'n organisasie wat gekant is teen die beslaglegging van stamgrond deur Europese setlaars. In 1929 is hy eers na Londen om die koloniale beleid te protesteer, maar die owerhede wou nie met hom vergader nie.

Kenyatta het in die komende jare verskeie kere na Londen teruggekeer om vir Afrika -regte aansoek te doen en het dan in die dertigerjare in Europa gebly om formele opleiding te ontvang by verskeie instellings, waaronder die Universiteit van Moskou. In 1938 publiseer hy sy deurslaggewende werk, Teenoor Mount Kenya, wat die tradisionele Kikuyu -samelewing geprys het en die situasie onder koloniale bewind bespreek het. Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het hy in Engeland gewoon, en het hy lesings gegee en geskryf.

In 1946 keer hy terug na Kenia en word in 1947 president van die nuutgestigte Kenya African Union (KAU). Hy dring aan op meerderheidsregering en werf beide Kikuyus en nie-Kikuyus tot die gewelddadige beweging, maar die blanke setlaarsminderheid was onwankelbaar om 'n belangrike rol vir swartes in die koloniale regering te weier.

In 1952 begin 'n ekstremistiese Kikuyu -groep genaamd Mau Mau 'n guerrilla -oorlog teen die setlaars en die koloniale regering, wat lei tot bloedvergieting, politieke onrus en die gedwonge internering van tienduisende Kikuyus in aanhoudingskampe. Kenyatta het 'n klein rol gespeel in die opstand, maar hy is deur die Britte verneder en in 1952 saam met vyf ander KUA -leiers tereggestel vir die "bestuur van die Mau Mau -terroriste -organisasie." Hy was 'n voorstander van geweldloosheid en konserwatisme en het in die hoogs gepolitiseerde verhoor onskuldig gepleit, maar is skuldig bevind en tot sewe jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis.

Hy was ses jaar in die tronk en is daarna na 'n interne ballingskap in Lodwar gestuur, waar hy onder huisarres gewoon het. Intussen het die Britse regering Kenia stadig begin beheer oor die swart meerderheidsregering. In 1960 is die Kenya African National Union (KANU) deur swart nasionaliste georganiseer, en Kenyatta is in afwesigheid tot president verkies. Die party het aangekondig dat hy aan geen regering sou deelneem voordat Kenyatta bevry is nie. Kenyatta het die beskerming van die setlaarsregte in 'n onafhanklike Kenia belowe, en op 14 Augustus 1961 is hy uiteindelik toegelaat om na Kikuyuland terug te keer. Na 'n week van huisarres in die geselskap van sy familie en ondersteuners, is hy formeel op 21 Augustus vrygelaat.

In 1962 gaan hy na Londen om oor Kenia se onafhanklikheid te onderhandel, en in Mei 1963 lei hy die KANU tot 'n oorwinning in die verkiesings voor onafhanklikheid. Op 12 Desember 1963 vier Kenia sy onafhanklikheid, en Kenyatta word formeel premier. Die volgende jaar het 'n nuwe grondwet Kenia as 'n republiek gevestig, en Kenyatta is tot president verkies.

As leier van Kenia tot met sy dood in 1978, het Kenyatta rassesamewerking aangemoedig, kapitalistiese ekonomiese beleid bevorder en 'n pro-Westerse buitelandse beleid aangeneem. Hy gebruik sy gesag om politieke opposisie te onderdruk, veral van radikale groepe. Onder sy bewind het Kenia 'n eenpartystaat geword, en die stabiliteit wat dit tot gevolg gehad het, het buitelandse beleggings in Kenia gelok. Nadat hy op 22 Augustus 1978 gesterf het, is hy opgevolg deur Daniel arap Moi, wat die meeste van sy beleid voortgesit het. Aanhoudend bekend in sy latere jare as mzee, of 'ou man' in Swahili, word Kenyatta gevier as die stigtervader van Kenia. Hy was ook 'n invloedryke regdeur Afrika.


Jomo Kenyatta

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Jomo Kenyatta, oorspronklike naam Kamau Ngengi, (gebore c. 1894, Ichaweri, Brits -Oos -Afrika [nou in Kenia] — oorlede op 22 Augustus 1978, Mombasa, Kenia), Afrikaanse staatsman en nasionalis, die eerste premier (1963–64) en daarna die eerste president (1964–78) van onafhanklike Kenia.

Hoe het Jomo Kenyatta by die politiek betrokke geraak?

Gedurende die twintigerjare verdiep Jomo Kenyatta hom in die beweging teen 'n Keniaanse regering wat deur wit setlaars gedomineer is. As lid van die Kikuyu -mense het hy in 1929 na Londen gereis om te protesteer teen die aanbeveling van die Britse regering dat sy gebiede in Oos -Afrika nouer verenig moet word ten koste van Kikuyu -belange. Hy het die planne vir die vakbond suksesvol gestaak.

Hoe het Jomo Kenyatta gehelp om Kenia tot onafhanklikheid te lei?

Terwyl president van die nasionalistiese Kenya African Union, is Jomo Kenyatta in 1953 tot sewe jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis weens beweerde verband met die gewelddadige Mau Mau -opstand in 1952. Hy ontken hierdie verbintenis. Na sy vrylating onderhandel hy oor die grondwetlike bepalings van Kenia se onafhanklikheid, en in 1963 word hy premier van 'n vrye Kenia.

Wat was die binnelandse beleid van Jomo Kenyatta?

In 1964 het Jomo Kenyatta Kenia oorgegaan van 'n parlementêre stelsel na 'n eenparty-republiek en president geword. Sy regering bestaan ​​uit lede van verskillende etniese groepe om etniese spanning te kalmeer. Kenyatta het kapitalistiese ekonomiese beleid uitgevaardig, en Kenia het gedurende die eerste 20 jaar van sy onafhanklikheid een van die ekonomieë wat die vinnigste gegroei het op die vasteland.

Hoe het die fiskale beleid van Jomo Kenyatta die lae-inkomste-Keniane beïnvloed?

Baie van die rykdom wat deur die kapitalistiese fiskale beleid van Jomo Kenyatta geskep is, was in die hande van sy vriende en familie. Die toenemende welvaartsgaping het skeefgetrek ten gunste van die dominante Kikuyu ten koste van Keniane met 'n lae inkomste en lede van ander etniese groepe, 'n probleem wat vererger is deur die vinnige bevolkingsgroei.

Wat was die buitelandse beleid van Jomo Kenyatta?

Anders as sommige van sy tydgenote in Afrika, was die regering van Jomo Kenyatta veral gunstig vir die Britse en ander Westerse moondhede. Kenyatta het die Keniaanse republiek in die Britse Gemenebes gestig, en die kapitalistiese internasionale gemeenskap het hulpbronne in die ontwikkeling van die infrastruktuur van Kenia gestort as gevolg van sy Westerse belyning tydens die Koue Oorlog.


Verwante verhale

Tot en tydens sy bewind het hierdie selfpersepsie nooit verlore gegaan by die eerste president van Kenia nie. Hy was 'n bourgeoisie, en 'n deel van sy roeping was om daardie Platoniese filosoof-koning te wees.

Dit alles staan ​​in skrille kontras met Kenyatta se vroegste inleiding en belangstelling in politieke ideologie.

Op sy eerste reis na Engeland, het Kenyatta met die League Against Imperialism, sowel as linkse politici, gebroed. Hy het selfs kontakte gehad onder die radikale linkses van die Britse Arbeidersparty van die vroeë 20ste eeu.

In die dertigerjare het sy vriendskap met die Karibiese marxistiese teoretikus George Padmore die Kenyatta se geloofsbriewe as sosialis ten minste bevestig. Hy het selfs 'n artikel bygedra tot die November 1933 -uitgawe van Arbeid maandeliks.

Dit is redelik om te sê dat Kenyatta se sienings ononderskeibaar was van dié van sy Pan-Afrikanistiese eweknieë, onder leiding van niemand minder nie as Kwame Nkrumah van Ghana.

Die mantra was eenvoudig: Afrika verdien selfbestuur, al die onafhanklikheidstryde is verbind en sosialisme was die toekoms.

Toe die 1960's kom, was Kenyatta egter nie op hierdie bladsy nie. Ten minste, in die populêre filosofie van die Pan-Afrikaniste, het Kenyatta verskil.

Om Kenyatta eerlik te wees, was dit Nkrumah wat verpersoonlik het wat Pan-Afrikanisme beteken in die goue era van onafhanklikheid in Afrika. Dit was nie genoeg om onafhanklik te wees vir Afrika nie; 'n mens moes anti-imperialisties wees en 'n “Afrikaanse sosialis ” wees.

Dit was Nkrumah wat suksesvol 'n filosofiese skakel van Pan-Afrikanisme as 'n algemene sentiment van onafhanklikheid getrek het na die grondbeginsel van organisering rondom die gemeenskaplikheid van die wêreldwye swart ervaring.

Mense van Afrika -afkoms het die ergste ervaar wat die mensdom in staat was. Pan-Afrikanisme was alles swart mense se plig: die samekoms was die bestemming van alle swart en 8221 lande.

Dit was nie genoeg om onafhanklik te wees nie, meen Nkrumah. Swart mense moes bly onafhanklik deur self die materiële middele te verskaf om relevant te bly in 'n wêreld waar die Westerse blik heeltemal verby was.

In die argument oor hoe om die materiële noodsaaklikhede van bestaan ​​te voorsien, het Nkrumah die Afrika -kommunalisme en die marxistiese sosialisme verenig. Dit was 'n poging om kollektivisme as 'n fenomeen ontologies afrikaans te verkoop.

Baie onafhanklikheidsleiers het hieraan ingegaan, soms in selfsugtige voortbestaan ​​van hul outokrasie. Nkrumah self is in 1966 in Ghana se eerste staatsgreep afgesit, deels omdat daar geglo is dat hy die opposisie minag.

Maar afsonderlik het Kenyatta nooit die Pan-Africanism-handelsmerk van Nkrumah ingekoop nie. Die Keniaanse leier was natuurlik vir 'n vrye Afrika, maar hy het nooit heeltemal 'n oorheersende gevoel van Afrikanerskap bereik nie.

Kenyatta het sy stam gekies bo enige ander uitgebreide identiteit wat verder verwyder is van sy onmiddellike selfopvatting. Hy was in die eerste plek 'n Keniaanse, indien nie Kikuuyu, nasionalis wat ook genoeg van Afrika gehou het om sy lande onafhanklik te wil hê.

Die ander vertrekpunt van Nkrumah se Pan-Afrikanisme was dat Kenyatta eenvoudig die Europese liberalisme en kapitalisme beywer het.

Die Keniaanse politieke skrywer William Ochieng het Kenyatta, 'n Afrikaanse kapitalis, saam met Donald Savage genoem, en bygevoeg dat die rigting van Kenyatta skaars 'n radikale nuwe sosialistiese samelewing sou wees.

Kenyatta skuld niemand rede vir sy filosofiese handelsmerk nie, en hy gee geen. Dit is beter vir ons om te aanvaar dat hy 'n verskeidenheid gedagtes toon wat in sy tyd skaars was.


Sentraal -Kenia se weerstand teen Uhuru, 'n herhaling van die geskiedenis

• Die verset en opposisie van verkose leiers in Sentraal -Kenia teen Uhuru Kenyatta het baie parallelle met wat sy pa, Jomo Kenyatta, in 1958 in die gesig gestaar het.

• Dit was in 'n tyd toe Jomo in aanhouding was in Lokituang (in die huidige Turkana -graafskap) onder die noodtoestand wat die Britse koloniale regering bepaal het.

Buite Sentraal -Kenia is daar 'n neiging om aan die Kikuyu -gemeenskap te dink as die mees verenigde stemblok in die land, en een waarop staatgemaak kan word om hul erkende 'muthamaki' (opperleier) in al sy politieke inisiatiewe te ondersteun.

Maar onlangse gebeure het onthul wat eintlik al die tyd 'n oop geheim moes gewees het. Dat die mense van die streek eintlik baie onafhanklik is en dat hul ondersteuning nie vanselfsprekend kan word nie, selfs nie deur 'n dienende president van Kikuyu -etnisiteit nie, in hierdie geval, Uhuru Kenyatta.

Dit is ook nie 'n nuwe ontwikkeling nie. In 1992, tydens 'n verkiesing na baie jare van staatsondersteunde frustrasie van ondernemings in Kikuyu, het die vooruitsig om 'n einde te maak aan die Daniel Moi-presidentskap nie politieke eensgesindheid onder die Kikuyu-kiesers opgelewer nie. In plaas daarvan het hulle twee sterk presidensiële kandidate gehad, in Kenneth Matiba en Mwai Kibaki - kandidate wie se totale stem op die ou end maklik die van president Moi oorskry het, maar sodoende verdeeld was, het die posbekleër laat seëvier.

En in 2002 het ons weer twee sterk Kikuyu -presidentskandidate - Kibaki en Uhuru - by die stemming sien veg en die ondersteuning uit hul agterplaas gedeel.

Sentraal -Kenia is dus dikwels diep verdeeld, en dikwels op tye wanneer 'n politieke oorgang op hande is, waarin hulle alle rede het om 'n verenigde front aan die res van die land te bied.

Dit lyk asof die kiesers van Sentraal -Kenia eers na 'n mate van skommeling om 'n enkele leier saamspan.

In hierdie konteks hang die werklike mag en invloed wat 'n dominante leier uit die streek uitoefen, dikwels af van die ondersteuning van ander dele van die land.

Wat hier vreemd is, is dat die drama wat voor ons oë afspeel - die van Uhuru wat blykbaar deur verkose leiers in Sentraal -Kenia verset en gekant is - baie parallelle het met wat sy pa, Jomo Kenyatta, in 1958 in die gesig gestaar het. tyd toe Jomo in aanhouding was in Lokituang (in die huidige Turkana -graafskap) onder die noodtoestand wat deur die Britse koloniale regering bepaal is.

BOMBSHELL IN DIE HUIS

Uit die outobiografie van wyle Jaramogi Odinga, getiteld Nog nie Uhuru nie en eers in 1966 gepubliseer, kry ons besonderhede van wat gebeur het toe Jaramogi eis dat Jomo en sy medegevangenes vrygelaat word.

In 'n hoofstuk met die regte titel "Bom in die huis" gee Jaramogi hierdie verslag, wat die moeite werd is om in detail aan te haal:

'My geleentheid om die Kenyatta -kwessie aan die orde te stel, het binnekort gekom. Die Britse Observer [koerant] dra 'n brief van Kenyatta en die ander vier gevangenes by Lokitaung waarin hulle kla oor die omstandighede waaronder hulle aangehou is. Die regering antwoord: 'Langdurige en noukeurige ondersoeke is gedoen en geen bewyse van onreëlmatighede het aan die lig gekom nie.Die brief van Lokitaung het begin: 'Ons politieke gevangenes. . . ’Die regering het beswaar gemaak dat hierdie mans nie politieke gevangenes was nie ...”

'Hierdie mense', het ek aan die raad gesê, 'voordat hulle gearresteer is, was die politieke leiers van die Afrikaners in die land, en die Afrikaners het hulle gerespekteer as hul politieke leiers, en selfs op hierdie oomblik, in die hart van die Afrikaners , hulle is steeds die politieke leiers ... Sir Charles Markham het geskreeu: 'Julle gaan. . . ’Maar in die daaropvolgende herrie kon ek nie die einde van sy vonnis hoor nie.”

'Dit moet bekend word', vervolg ek bo die geskreeu, 'want dit is diep gewortel in die Afrikaanse hart.' Die herrie en geskreeu het weer opgestaan. Aan die einde van die dag het ek die woord gekry en die raad het in die middel van my toespraak verdaag. Ek hervat die volgende dag.

... Ek is onderbreek deur geskreeu, en die speaker het gesukkel om die huis tot orde te roep. Een van die lede het geskreeu: 'Mau Mau!' 'Wel,' het ek gesê, 'miskien neem jy hulle as Mau Mau, of neem jy hulle as 'n ander ding, maar ek gee jou wat jy moet weet oor ons gevoelens teenoor hulle as die Afrikaanse volk, en voordat jy besef dat jy nooit die samewerking van die Afrikaanse volk kan kry nie. 'Ek is beveel om op te hou praat ... "

'Die pers het 'n velddag gehad. Hulle het asem in die huis gerapporteer toe ek my toespraak gehou het ... Een koerant het gesê: 'Laat die mense nou na vore kom en Odinga vir ewig uit die politieke lewe jaag.'

Maar dit was nie die einde van die drama rondom Jaramogi se oproep om Jomo se vrylating uit aanhouding nie.

SENTRAAL PROVINSIE LOYALISTE SET DRUK

Jaramogi verduidelik dan dat nie alle verkose leiers in die Wetgewende Raad sy siening oor Jomo gedeel het nie, en veral nie alle verkose leiers uit Sentraal -Kenia nie.

Hy het dit te sê oor dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano, destyds lid van die LegCo en reeds ongelooflik bekend as die eerste inheemse Keniaan ooit wat 'n PhD verwerf het. [Dr Kiano dien nog baie jare in die eerste kabinet onder Jomo, en daarna onder Moi]

'... Dieselfde naweek het Kiano aan 'n baraza in Fort Hall gesê dat hy nie saamstem met my stelling dat Kenyatta en die ander steeds ons werklike politieke leiers is nie. Hy het gesê die verklaring is gemaak in 'n woede -uitbarsting, en die enigste leiers van die Afrikaanse volk was 'ons wat julle verkies het en die hoofmanne'.

Dr Kiano was nie alleen in sy gebrek aan entoesiasme om Jomo voor te stel as die onontbeerlike leier van die inheemse gemeenskappe van Kenia nie.

Daar was ook die heilige Jeremiah Nyaga, wat dekades lank in die kabinet sou dien en bekend was as een van die min ministers in die hele Keniaanse geskiedenis wat nooit een keer deur 'n sweempie van 'n korrupsieskandaal geraak is nie.

Wel, politieke heilige of nie, Nyaga het destyds sy twyfel oor Jomo gehad, want volgens Jaramogi:

'Lojaliste in die sentrale provinsie plaas druk op mnr Nyagah, die lid van Embu, wat op 'n openbare vergadering gesê het: ek en my kollegas is van mening dat Odinga se verklaring jammer en skadelik vir die mense in die sentrale provinsie was. Toe ek deur 'n persverklaring op die beskuldiging van mnr Nyagah dat my Kenyatta -toespraak skadelik was, antwoord, het die Kenya Weekly News my antwoord gepubliseer onder die opskrif 'Oginga Odinga Brays Again'.

Ons moet op die oomblik daaraan herinner word dat hierdie Kenyatta nie net 'n ewekansige Mau Mau-vegter was wat uit die woude van Sentraal-Kenia geruk is nie, of 'n klein plaaslike politieke aktivis.

Dit was 'n man wat selfs in hierdie stadium van sy lewe al dekades lank in 'n relatiewe penarie in Europa geleef het vir die grondregte van Keniane, en aangevoer het vir die reg op selfbeskikking vir die inheemse gemeenskappe van die land.

Wat ook al later gesê is oor hom en die regering wat hy gevorm het na onafhanklikheid - korrupsieskandale, sluipmoorde, bewerings van nepotisme en grondroof - was hy in hierdie stadium so na as moontlik aan 'n ware bevryder, wat baie gesukkel het om bevry sy mense van wat die Keniane nou liefhet om te noem as "die juk van kolonialisme".

Maar dit het ongetwyfeld nie verhinder dat twee van die beste politici wat ooit deur Sentraal -Kenia vervaardig is - en politieke reuse in hul eie reg - Kiano en Nyagah - om Jomo in sy nood te verlaat nie.

“U HET ONS VOLLEDIGE ONDERSTEUNING VIR U UITKLARING OOR KENYATTA”

Hierdie skouspel het twee van die vooraanstaande Keniaanse leiers van die tyd diep ontstel. Dit was Joseph Murumbi, wat later die tweede vise-president van Kenyatta sou wees na die bedanking van Jaramogi in 1966, en Mbiyu Koinange, wat die swaer van Kenyatta was en later een van die magtigste kabinetsministers in die Jomo-regering was. Albei mans woon toe in Londen.

Hulle het met groot vertroue aan Jaramogi geskryf, 'n brief wat die Star sedertdien 'n afskrif gekry het. Dit is so sensitief beskou dat hulle dit nie gewaag het om dit aan die poskantoor toe te vertrou nie en dit eerder deur die Indiese regering se diplomatieke sak, dws via die Indiese hoë kommissie in Londen, aan die Indiese hoë kommissie in Nairobi gestuur het. Indië het toe sy onafhanklikheid verkry en was ook reeds 'n sterk voorstander van Kenia se stryd om onafhanklikheid.

Die rol van Indië in die stryd om Kenia se onafhanklikheid sou later deur die inheemse politieke leiers onder die mat gevee word, net soos die baie opofferings en bydraes van patriotte uit die Keniaanse Asiatiese gemeenskap.

Maar nou tot die brief self: dit is op 16 September 1948 gedateer en met die posstempel "110 Savernake Road, London NW3."

Die twee groet Jaramogi en sê dan: Ons skryf gesamentlik om u geluk te wens met die standpunt wat u geneem het ter ondersteuning van Kenyatta. Ons is inderdaad baie teleurgesteld om te hoor dat sommige lede van die wetgewende raad met u verskil het en wat erger is, u openlik aangeval het ... U het ons volle steun vir u stelling oor Kenyatta en ons hoop dat u nie sal toegee aan die druk wat daar is nie deur Europese en Afrikaanse lede van die wetgewer op u opgelê. ”

Daarna volg uitdrukkings van hoop dat daar 'n herstel van 'die gees van eenstemmigheid onder die Afrikaanse lede van die Leg Co' sal bestaan, 'n versoek om inligting oor verskillende 'Mau Mau -voorvalle', 'n hoop dat 'die verslapping van die noodtoestand' 'Kan binnekort versoeke vir Jaramogi se ondersteuning vir verskeie fondsinsamelingsinisiatiewe kom, 'n beplande toer deur verskillende onafhanklike Afrika -lande (Nigerië, Marokko, Tunisië, ens.)

Al met al duidelike tekens van toegewyde "aktiviste", soos ons hulle nou sou noem, wat onder groot moeilikheid en te midde van skrikwekkende kans werk om die bewind van die Britse koloniale regering te beëindig, en om hul land te help beweeg na selfregering.

IMMUNISEERING VAN DIE VOLK TEGEN VERSOENINGS VAN SUKSES

Maar wat veral vir ons van belang sou wees op die oomblik dat Uhuru hom regtig moet inspan om heel Sentraal -Kenia agter die Building Bridges Initiative te probeer haal, is dat sy pa dieselfde uitdaging die hoof gebied het en dit gedoen het terwyl hy gevangenis.

Jomo het heel moontlik 'n goeie deel van die voetsoolvlak van Sentraal -Kenia agter hom gehad. Maar hy het nie die onbetwisbare lojaliteit van die Sentraal -Kenia -elite nie, soos verteenwoordig deur die verkose leiers uit die streek.

Dit was slegs deur die steun van Jaramogi, 'n man wat die onwankelbare steun van sy uithoek van die land, Nyanza, beveel het, dat Jomo hom op die ou einde stewig kon herstel as die leier van die stryd om onafhanklikheid.

Daar kan geen werklike vergelyking wees tussen 'n gekoloniseerde mense se soeke na selfbeskikking, ekonomiese geleenthede en politieke vryheid nie-en wat ons ken as die BBI, wat eintlik 'n poging is om die nasie te immuniseer teen die versoekings van opvolging. die gevolg van 'n persepsie wat Uhuru onlangs genoem het, dat slegs twee stamme uit 44 die presidentskap meer as 50 jaar lank onafhanklik kon monopoliseer.

Tog is die parallelle tussen “die vrugte van die handdruk”, wat Uhuru en ODM -leier Raila Odinga, wat voorheen “onversoenbare politieke mededingers” was, saamgewerk - en die manier waarop hulle vaders ook saamgewerk het vanaf die tydperk voor onafhanklikheid inderdaad merkwaardig is.

En nie minder merkwaardig is hoe Uhuru - net soos sy vader voor hom - agtergekom het dat die ondersteuning van sy eie politieke agterplaas in Sentraal -Kenia, wanneer hy dit die nodigste gehad het, baie nodig was.


Marin Akademie -biblioteek

Kenyatta het bekendheid verwerf deur die nasionalistiese (onafhanklikheidsondersoekende), anti-koloniale beweging wat in Afrika ontstaan ​​het na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-45). Hy tree vinnig op tot die leierskap van 'n invloedryke nasionalistiese organisasie en word 'n belangrike stem in die groeiende opposisie teen die Britse koloniale bewind. In 'n poging om hom stil te maak, het die koloniale regering hom vir byna sewe jaar gearresteer en in die tronk gesit. Toe Brittanje besef dat die Afrika -volk hom nie aan koloniale bewind sou onderwerp nie en in die vroeë 1960's tot 'n onafhanklike Kenia ingestem het, het Kenyatta die nuwe president geword. Sy nasionalistiese regering was aanvanklik uiters gewild, maar met verloop van tyd het die Kenyatta -regime toenemend gesentraliseer en outoritêr geword. Dit het ook korrup geword en kollegas en gesinne naby die leiers verryk. Opposisiepartye is óf opgeneem in die regerende party óf stilgemaak. Nietemin word Kenyatta deur baie in Oos -Afrika onthou as 'n leier wat grootliks bygedra het tot die bou van 'n onafhanklike nuwe nasie.

'N Kralergordel: mucibi wa kinyata

Volgens die meeste biograwe is Jomo Kenyatta op 20 Oktober 1891 gebore te Ngenda, Kikuyuland, Brits -Oos -Afrika. Daar is egter altyd vrae oor sy geboortedatum weens die ongewone manier waarop die Kikuyu rekords gehou het. Kenyatta het gesê dat selfs hy nie seker was van sy ware geboortedatum nie.

Kenyatta se pa was Muigai, 'n boer, en sy ma was Wambui. Sy ouers het hom Kamau wa Ngengi genoem, maar hy het later die naam “Kenyatta ” van die Kikuyu -naam gekry vir die gordelwerkersgordel wat hy as jeug gedra het (mucibi wa kinyata). Hy het na die Church of Scotland Mission naby Nairobi gegaan vir sy eerste vyf skooljare. In Augustus 1914 is hy gedoop as 'n Presbiteriaan in die Church of Scotland.

Van 1921 tot 1926 werk Kenyatta vir die munisipale waterraad van Nairobi en dien as tolk van die Kikuyu -taal vir die Hooggeregshof in Kenia. In 1922 sluit hy aan by die Young Kikuyu Association, 'n nasionalistiese organisasie wat gevorm is deur die Kikuyu, die grootste etniese groep in die land. Die Afrikaners van Brits -Oos -Afrika was ontvanklik vir baie aspekte van die Britse kultuur, maar geleidelik het hulle geleer om die instellings van die Britse demokrasie te gebruik om hul eie nasionalistiese doelwitte te bereik.

Britse kolonialisme: Kenia ’s – en Kenyatta ’s – agtergrond

Aan die einde van die 1800's het die British East Africa Company en 'n privaat maatskappy wat deur die Britse regering gesteun is, na Britse belange in Oos -Afrika gekyk. Met die opening van die Suez -kanaal (wat die Rooi en Middellandse See in noordoostelike Afrika verbind) in 1869, het Brittanje besef hoe belangrik dit is om die hoofwater van die wêreld se langste rivier, die Nyl, te beheer. Die Wit Nyl vloei uit die Victoriameer en sluit aan by die Blou Nyl, wat uit die Tana -meer van Ethiopië vloei. Die twee sluit by Khartoem in die Soedan aan om die Nylrivier te word. Die suidelike helfte van die Victoriameer is in Tanzanië en die noordelike helfte is meestal in Uganda, met 'n klein gedeelte in die noordweste van Kenia.

Die Britse regering het besluit om 'n spoorlyn te bou van Mombasa, 'n belangrike hawe aan die suidelike kus van Kenia, na die Victoriameer en het die omliggende deel van Brits -Oos -Afrika 'n Britse kolonie gemaak. Een van die stilhouplekke langs die spoorlyn, Nairobi in Kenia, het die administratiewe sentrum geword en later die hoofstad van die land. Nadat die spoorweg gebou is, het die Britse regering sy burgers begin aanspoor om hulle in Kenia te vestig en te begin boer. Brittanje was vasbeslote om Kenia te verander in 'n wit man en 'n land.

Na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-18) het byna 9 000 Europeërs hulle in Kenia gevestig, en baie van die hooglande buite Nairobi is vir blankes opsygesit. Byna 7 miljoen hektaar Afrika -grond is hoofsaaklik van die Maasai- en Kikuyu -mense geneem en vir die Europese nedersetting.

Die idee dat wit setlaars Kikuyu -grond besit, het die Kikuyu woedend gemaak. As een van die opgevoede elite onder die Kikuyu, het Jomo Kenyatta 'n leidende rol gespeel in die Young Kikuyu Association en die stryd om swart regte. Uit hierdie organisasie het die Kikuyu Central Association en die East African Association gegroei. In 1928 verkies die Kikuyu Central Association Kenyatta tot sy hoofsekretaris. Hy het hard gewerk om die steunbasis van die organisasie te verbreed en die Kikuyu op te voed in die politiek van grondonteiening (Brittanje se beleid om stamgronde oor te neem). In 1929, in 'n poging om die verre dorpe uit Kikuyu-gebied te bereik, begin die vereniging 'n maandelikse Kikuyu-taalkoerant genaamd die Muigwithania. Kenyatta word die redakteur van Muigwithania, die eerste koerant wat deur Afrikane in Kenia vervaardig is.

Reis en woon in Europa

In 1928 het die Britse regering vergaderings gehou om mening te kry oor 'n geprojekteerde federasie, of unie, van Britse Oos -Afrikaanse gebiede. Kenyatta getuig voor die Hilton-Young-kommissie oor die onderwerp. Die volgende jaar het die Kikuyu Central Association Kenyatta na Londen gestuur om hul grondeise voor te lê en te getuig teen die voorgestelde unie van Kenia, Uganda en Tanganyika. Terwyl hy in Europa was, het Kenyatta betrokke geraak by meer radikale anti-koloniale organisasies en organisasies wat 'n meer revolusionêre benadering tot die bereiking van hul doelwitte bevoordeel het.

Kenyatta het na verskeie Europese stede gereis en daarna in Augustus 1929 'n paar weke in die Sowjetunie gebly. Hy het in die herfs van 1930 teruggekeer na die Kikuyu om hul eie skole te beheer ten spyte van teenstand van Christelike sendelinge in die streek. Die volgende lente het die Kikuyu Central Association Kenyatta na Londen gestuur as afgevaardigde in 'n parlementêre komitee wat die planne van die Oos -Afrika -federasie bestudeer. Hy het 15 jaar daar gebly voordat hy teruggekeer het huis toe. Gedurende hierdie tyd studeer Kenyatta Engels aan die Quaker Woodbrooke College en aan Selly Oak in Birmingham. Nadat hy van 1933 tot 1936 taalkursusse aan die School of African and Oriental Studies in Londen onderrig het, behaal hy 'n nagraadse graad in antropologie (die studie van menslike samelewings, oorsprong, rasseverhoudings en kulture) onder professor Bronislaw Malinowski aan die London School of Ekonomie. Sy tesis, Facing Mount Kenya, 'n studie van Kikuyu -kultuur en -samelewing, is in 1938 gepubliseer. Dit is een van die vroegste werke oor kulturele nasionalisme deur 'n Afrika -nasionalis oor sy samelewing.

Gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-45) het Kenyatta op 'n plaas in Surrey, Engeland, gewerk en was hy 'n dosent oor Afrika vir die Worker ’s Educational Association. In 1945 het Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore en ander Afrikaanse nasionaliste die Pan-Afrikaanse Federasie gestig ('n organisasie wat toegewy is aan die vakbond van alle Afrikaners) en het die Vyfde Pan-Afrikaanse Kongres in Manchester gestig met die tema “Africa for the Afrikaners. ”

Vooraanstaande nasionaliste

Kenyatta het Engeland in 1946 verlaat om na Kenia terug te keer. Hy is onmiddellik verkies tot president van die Kenya African Union (KAU), 'n nuutgestigte nasionalistiese organisasie in sy vaderland. Kenyatta het die vete oor Kikuyu -land weer aangevuur wat stamlede teen die koloniale regering en blanke Britse setlaars ontstel het. Sy sterk persoonlikheid, vurige toesprake en goed georganiseerde vryheidsoptogte trek die aandag van ander Keniaanse stamleiers en bring nuwe lede in die KAU. Sy ledetal het gou toegeneem tot meer as 100,000 mense.

'N Opvallende voorkoms

Jomo Kenyatta is in die laat veertigerjare as 'n spoggerige dressoir beskou. Die meeste foto's toon hom in 'n tradisionele Afrikaanse kleredrag, gewoonlik met 'n hoed met 'n dier of 'n veer. Soms het hy 'n kappie aapvelle om sy skouers gedraai en 'n swaar rooi-gestenigde seëlring aan sy linkerhand. In sy regterhand het Kenyatta 'n groot ebbehoutstok gedra. Afrikaners het hom gegroet met 'n geskreeu van “Savior, ” “ Groot ouderling, ” en “Hero of Our Race. ”

Namate die veertigerjare vorder, het swart Afrikaners toenemend gefrustreerd geraak oor die wit-gedomineerde regering in Brits-Oos-Afrika. Die KAU het 'n lang gevestigde beleid gehad om te werk vir 'n vreedsame verandering in die bewind van die blanke minderheid in Kenia, maar die opposisie word al hoe meer ontevrede. Militante swartes en swart swart Afrikaners wat gereed was om vir hul vryheid te veg en het direkte uitdagings aan die Britse owerheid georganiseer.

Ten spyte van sy ontkenning, word Kenyatta daarvan verdink dat hy aan die hoof gestaan ​​het van die fanatiese Mau Mau, 'n geheime Kikuyu -genootskap wie se lede 'n eed afgelê het om Kenia van die blanke setlaars te bevry en 'n gewelddadige opstand begin het wat aan die einde van die veertigerjare in die Europese boerderygebied van Kenia ontstaan ​​het . Mau Mau het begin met die moord op 'n paar Britse boere en die vernietiging van hul vee. Die Kikuyu wou hul grond terug hê en hoop om die Europeërs bang te maak om die land te verlaat. Die regering het gereageer deur Jomo Kenyatta en ander bekende Kikuyu-leiers in hegtenis te neem en Kikuyu-boere af te rond en hulle te dwing om in bewaakte gebiede te woon. Teen die einde van 1955 is die opstand afgelê. About 100 British settlers were killed in the uprising nearly 3,000 Kikuyu died in the civil war that pitted Kenyan rebels against blacks who were suspected of supporting the white regime.

In a world-famous trial in the remote town of Kapenguria, Kenyatta and his associates were found guilty of the charges leveled against them. In April 1953 they were sentenced to seven years of hard labor. British authorities hoped that by removing Kenyatta from public life, the Mau Mau movement would become disorganized and eventually disappear. But during his six and a half years in prison in the desert of Lokitaung in northwestern Kenya, the terrorism actually increased in violence and frequency. Thousands of Kikuyu militants fled to the forest areas of Mount Kenya and the Aberdares, where they continued their battle against the government. Britain sent in troops to reinforce the colony’s security forces.

While Kenyatta was in prison, the British declared a state of emergency, outlawing all political party activity. The Kenya Federation of Labor under Tom Mboya led political activism during the time political parties were outlawed. By 1955 the government was allowing limited, district-level political organizations in the non-Kikuyu areas to start up these groups began to take up the labor union’s political activities.

With Kenyatta’s release from prison in 1959, violence in the region subsided. Nevertheless, the government restricted him to an additional two years of house arrest in the Northern Frontier district town of Lodwar. A new generation of Kenyan nationalists continued to agitate for Kenyatta’s release. Meanwhile, the British government began to accept the idea that the existing colonial government could no longer control Kenya. Making a firm move toward granting Kenya its independence, Great Britain revised its colonial constitution several times in the late 1950s. Each constitutional step increased African involvement in self-government.

Kenyan leaders insisted on Kenyatta’s participation in any government leading to independence. In March 1960 members of the old Kenya African Union (KAU) reorganized themselves as the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and elected Kenyatta as their president, even though he remained under house arrest. Finally, on August 14, 1961, the British authorities permitted Kenyatta to return to Kikuyuland.

Forms independent government

KANU took a radical nationalist stand and drew its membership from the groups most affected by colonial rule, especially the Kikuyu and the Luo. The Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), created in 1960, was more conservative (more traditional and less supportive of change brought on by revolutionary means). Headed by Ronald Ngala and Daniel arap Moi, KADU represented the interests of the smaller ethnic groups.

On January 12, 1962, voters in the Fort Hall constituency elected Kenyatta to the Kenyan legislative assembly. That April he agreed to serve in a coalition (combination British and African) government as minister of state for constitutional affairs and economic planning. In March 1963 the legislative assembly met for the last time in a colonial form. The election that followed would decide who would lead Kenya into independence. On the heels of KANU’s overwhelming victory in the election, Kenyatta became self-governing Kenya’s first prime minister on June 1, 1963.

Kenyatta took extraordinary steps to reassure European farmers about their future. He also appealed to the freedom fighters and members of Mau Mau to lay down their arms and join the new nation. On December 12, 1963, Kenya received its independence from Great Britain. The following year it became a republic with Kenyatta as its president. Once in power, Kenyatta continued to build a new nation based on racial and tribal harmony under the old workers’ slogan Harambee, meaning “pull together.” Britain helped Kenya to finance a massive land purchase scheme that permitted the settlers in the “white highlands” to sell their lands to Africans. Most white farmers in the highlands agreed to sell.

Conflicts arise

Kenya’s new president was not a firm backer of “African socialism,” the political trend of his day. (Socialism is a political and economic system based on the idea that the society rather than individuals should own the means of production). Kenyatta adopted a capitalistic system, and Kenya’s economy developed rapidly, but some inequities existed in opportunity and distribution of wealth. The Kikuyu people and Kenyatta’s immediate family (four wives and seven children) profited the most from the new economic system. At independence, the constitution gave considerable powers to various autonomous (self-governing) regions in Kenya. Kenyatta soon abolished these regional powers and replaced them with a highly centralized and authoritarian system. For instance, in 1964, when the Somali people living in Kenya’s North-West province wanted to join the Somali Republic across the border, Kenyatta sent in troops to crush the separatist movement.

Kenyatta persuaded the Kenya African Democratic Union to drop its political opposition and to voluntarily dissolve itself in November 1964. KADU–KANU’s greatest rival–supported at least limited regional self-government, while Kenyatta’s party argued for the concentration of power in a strong central government. The conflicting views of key figures in the government–mainly friction between Kenyatta and former leaders of KADU–fueled a political crisis in Kenya. Kenyatta’s vice president eventually resigned to form an opposition party known as the Kenya Peoples’ Union Party (KPU). In response, the ruling party redoubled its efforts to put down the opposition.

On July 5, 1969, Tom Mboya, a popular Luo politician, was assassinated by a Kikuyu. Although the assassin was tried and executed, the Luo were not satisfied. Kenyatta’s appearance in Luo country that October set off riots and threatened to divide the country. At first he ignored the problem, but finally he was forced to take action. Kenyatta banned the KPU, making Kenya a virtual one-party state.

Kenyatta’s legacy

In foreign policy, Kenyatta accepted aid from communist and capitalist countries while remaining as politically neutral as possible in global affairs. (Communism is a system of government in which the state controls the means of production and the distribution of goods.) His strategy helped Kenya take the lead in economic development in eastern Africa. Kenyatta became the undisputed leader in East Africa and achieved his greatest foreign policy success when he helped to settle a border dispute between Uganda and Tanzania in 1971.

But the 1970s were marred by political violence in Kenya. Alleged attempts to overthrow the Kenyatta regime brought severe government crackdowns. And the 1975 assassination of Josiah Kariuki, an outspoken critic of the government and member of parliament, sparked rumors that the government would resort to murder to stifle the opposition.

All criticisms aside, Kenyatta made independent Kenya a showcase nation among the former African colonial states. He is best remembered for stabilizing relations with whites in the region and turning Kenya into a viable twentieth-century society. Kenyatta was revered by many as Mzee, the “wise father” of Kenya. He died in Mombasa on August 22, 1978. As a tribute to Kenya’s first president, his successor, Daniel arap Moi, suggested a continuation of Kenyatta’s policies by calling his own program Nyayo or “footsteps.”


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A street in Kenya’s capital Nairobi has since been named in Haile Selassie’s honor.

Kenyatta led Kenya from its independence in 1963, ushering in new change for the nation after years of British rule. Born on an unknown date in the 1890s, Kenyatta’s political ambitions grew when he joined the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), becoming the group’s general secretary in 1928. Working on behalf of the KCA, Kenyatta traveled to London to lobby over the right to tribal lands.

Kenyatta did not get support from the British regarding the claims, but he remained in London and attended college there. It is documented that while studying in London’s Quaker College in Woodbroke, Kenyatta adored Haile Selassie so much so that he kept a red, green and gold Ethiopian flag in his room in England. During that period, they were already good friends, according to Murray-Brown.

Kenyatta would eventually become Kenya’s first president under independence. His health became poor when he suffered a heart attack. He ruled, however, as a leader open to reconciliation with the British and Asian settlers in the land. Kenyatta embraced a capitalist model of the government, although some experts write that he selfishly promoted those from his own circle and tribal line to positions of power. Still, Kenyatta was beloved by many, despite the rumblings that in his later years he had no control over government affairs due to his failing health.

Kenyatta died of natural causes, later succeeded by his Vice President Daniel Moi. Today, his son, Uhuru Kenyatta, is the current president of Kenya.


Colonization (1895–1939)

As imperialism drove the conquest of Kenya through pacts and through violence, the native populations of what was to become Kenya soon found themselves fighting against the new master for control of resources. The Colony of Kenya had plentiful land for agricultural needs for the natives or for the production of goods desired in the Empire’s capital market.

One of the most hit areas by land grabbing was the central highlands. So many white settlers came to the area that the place became known as White Highlands throughout the colonial period. The problem was that the settlers were not taking an empty land, they were taking Kikuyu land.

The Kikuyu were mainly an agricultural group and land played a major role in their social sphere. It is through land that a Kikuyu acquire richness it is through land that a Kikuyu builds a family it is through land that a Kikuyu will be remembered by the future generations. And land was being taken away.

Land dispossessed Kikuyu, also know as ahoi, were becoming working hands in British farms in exchange for low wages. Former landowners were selling their workforce or paying a price to squat in settler owned land. Taxes were also implemented and those who could not pay faced forced labor.

When World War I came, thousands of subjects of the Crown were draft into the carrier corps and many died fighting the Germans and their famous guerrilla commander, Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck (1870–1964) in what would later be known as Tanzania. The end of the war did not bring amelioration. Law after law was written to restrict ownership of the land by natives, to punish those who did not work, to increase, and to create new taxes.

The land was becoming the central question in Kikuyu life together with the hard work conditions. In 1922 Harry Thuku spoke up against the Colonial Government during a general strike in Nairobi and was imprisoned for his defiance. The mob that gathered to protest his arrest was received with bullets. It was no turning point for Kenyan alliances and groups who would later develop Kenyan nationalism and fight for decolonization and independence.

Even with mobilization and strikes the Colonial Government never ceded to any of the African demands. Contrary, they elevated each time more and more the harsher conditions for the working men and women. It was in the nature of the colonial state to mistreat people it considered to be lacking in humanity. And, as a capitalist power, the British colonial state understood people as coal to be burned for infinite gain.


Former Ministry of Defence Cabinet Ministers/Secretaries

1963-1965

Dr Munyua Waiyaki

Dr. Munyua Waiyaki was elected as a member of parliament for North-Eastern Nairobi Currently Kasarani constituency in 1963.

He was later appointed the Parliamentary Secretary (Assistant Minister) in the PM’s office in charge of Internal Security and Defence.

During his tenure , Dr. Waiyaki spent most of the time with the Prime Minister (Mzee Jomo Kenyatta) discussing the answers he (Waiyaki) would give on the PM’s behalf in the House of Representatives in regards to Shifta war which was a major security concern at the time.

He also handled the Mau Mau issue with the objective of ensuring that freedom fighters left the forest since Kenya had attained independence, an assignment the Prime minister followed keenly.

Later in his career, Dr. Waiyaki was appointed Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs where he was tasked by the Prime Minister to pursued US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger into authorizing sale of F5 fighter jets to Kenya , an aircraft simulator and train those who would operate them.

1965-1966

Dr. Njoroge Mungai, M.D. EGH 1965-1966

In independent Kenya, Njoroge Mungai would serve

In independent Kenya, Njoroge Mungai would serve first as Minister for Health in which capacity he established Kenya’s first medical school.

He was later moved to the Defense Ministry and it was during his tenure at the Ministry that the Shifta War between Kenya and Somalia broke out. He led a mediation team to Kinshasa which resulted in the Arusha Accord of 1967, bringing a close to the conflict.

But he would gain fame during his term as Minister for Foreign Affairs. An astute diplomat, he successfully lobbied to have the United Nations Environmental Programme headquartered in Nairobi. He further successfully lobbied the OAU to supply arms to forces fighting the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the Portuguese colonial regime in Mozambique.

Kenya also had a seat on the Security Council during his tenure and he was instrumental in pushing for sanctions against South Africa and Southern Rhodesia.

1974-1978

Hon. James Gichuru 1974-1978

James Gichuru was Kenya’s first Finance Minister after independence. He was also known to be at the centre of talks between Kenyan and British officials on the take-over of one million acres of mixed farmland owned by Europeans to resettle landless Kenyans.

He was later appointed Minister for Defence during President Kenyatta tenure. President Moi retained him briefly when he took over from President Kenyatta in 1978.

during President Kenyatta tenure. President Moi retained him briefly when he took over from President Kenyatta in 1978

1979-2000

The Ministry of Defence was renamed Department of Defence (DoD) and placed under the Office of the President. The highest civilian official was the Deputy Secretary.

2000-2003

Hon. Amb. Julius L. Ole Sunkuli, EGH, EBS

Hon. Julius Sunkuli 2000-2003

Julius Lekakeny Sunkuli was a member of parliament for Kilgoris Constituency in the National Assembly of Kenya between 1997-2002.

Sunkuli was appointed Minister of State for the newly formed Ministry of State for Defence in 2000 where he served for three years during President Moi’s Administration.

It was during Sunkuli’s tenure that Kenyan troops serving in the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) were attacked by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), a rebel group led by Foday Saybana Sankoh. The rebel group was supported by Charles Taylor-led National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) in the 11-year-long Sierra Leone Civil War.

Sunkuli led Kenya’s delegation consisting of Kenya’s Parliamentary Defence and Foreign Relations Committee that ensured the release of the Kenyan soldiers who had been captured by the rebel group in Sierra Leone.

2003-2005

Hon Christopher Ndarathi Murungaru

Hon Christopher Ndarathi Murungaru 2003-2005

Hon Christopher Murungaru was a Member of Parliament for Kieni Constituency. Hon. Murungaru was appointed Minister of State for Provincial Administration & National Security.

During his two-year tenure, Defence was a department in the Office of the of President and was amalgamated with Internal Security.

2006-2008

Hon. James Njenga Karume 2006-2007

Hon Njenga Karume was a Member of Parliament for Kiambaa Constituency.

He was appointed Minister of State for Defense in 2005 and served until December 2007.

2008-2013

Hon. Mohamed Yusuf Haji 2008-2013

Hon. Mohamed Yusuf Haji was a career civil servant turn politician. He was a member of Parliament for Ijara Constituency in Garissa County.

Hon Haji was appointed Minister of State for Defence in 2008 and served until 2013. He was later elected as a Senator for Garissa County.

Hon. Haji was a gifted politician, a devoted and top notch administrator who advocated for peace and harmony in the country. Hon Haji, also had ground breaking mediation skills. He is remembered for his wise counsel and steadfast leadership.

It was during Honourable Haji’s tenure that Kenyan troops entered into Somalia on 14 th October 2011 in a campaign aimed at securing Kenya’s sovereignty and territorial integrity against the threat that emanated from the Al Shabaab and its affiliates.

Kenya’s military intervention in Somalia re-energized regional and international resolve to address the Al Shabaab’s threat to peace and security. In that context, and in order to sustain the gains made by KDF, the UN and AU invited Kenya to incorporate KDF into AMISOM in November 2011.

2013-2020

Ambassador Raychelle Omamo SC, EGH

Ambassador Raychelle Omamo SC, EGH 2013-2020

Ambassador Raychelle Awuor Omamo was appointed Cabinet Secretary for Defence in 2013, the first female in the country to hold the post, and served until January 2020. She was later reshuffled and transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the same capacity.

Amb Omamo is a Senior Counsel and an advocate of High Court of Kenya for 28 years. As a practitioner she was the first female Chairperson of the Law Society of Kenya from 2001 to 2003 after serving as a council member from 1996 to 2000 and Kenyan first female ambassador to France, Portugal, The Holy See and Serbia as well as the Permanent Delegate of Kenya to UNESCO.

During her stint in the Ministry of Defence, KDF continued engagement in the Somalia theatre, under AMISOM. The troops degraded Al Shabaab and liberated several towns in the war torn country.

Amb. Omamo also spearheaded the construction and commissioning of the civilian administrative office blocks at MoD headquarters, Kahawa Barracks, Moi Air Base and Kenya Navy Mtongwe with the objective of improving work environment for the civilian component in the Ministry.


President Jomo Kenyatta Was Both A Friend And Enemy Of Freedom

Indeed I grew up hero-worshipping Kenyatta as the Moses of black people who would rescue Africans from the Egypt of white colonialism and deliver them to the Promised Land of freedom and independence. To many Africans, the name Kenyatta was synonymous with the word freedom.

Later in life, after meeting Jaramogi Oginga Odinga I learnt that for playing contradictory roles in history, Kenyatta had more than one personality.

When fighting for independence, Kenyatta was a freedom fighter and a hero of Africans everywhere. When he became President and turned his back against freedom and democracy, he became a king, dictator for life and an anti-hero of downtrodden Kenyans.

During the struggle for freedom, Kenyatta was my personal hero who symbolised all the good that I valued. To hear him and other freedom fighters like Mboya, Odinga and Kaggia speak, at the tender age of 12 and 13 years, I would travel 30 kilometres from our forest village Rugongo to Nakuru town barefoot.

But when Kenyatta became President, instead of creating democracy and promoting freedom, he championed one party, one man rule.

Indeed, the person who had symbolised everything good that I dreamt of, Kenyatta became a traitor of freedom and democracy.

Yes, the person whose freedom had become the dream of my life became my detainer and arch enemy of my personal freedom. As a champion of dictatorship, he also became the enemy of the nation, freedom and democracy.

After independence, it was tragic that instead of Kenyatta creating democracy for Kenya, he terrorised Kenyans with dictatorship.

Indeed, I could hardly believe when Kenyatta’s government carted me away into indefinite detention without trial in the same prisons of Kamiti, Manyani and Hola where Kenyatta and his comrades had been detained, tortured and killed by colonial tyrants in the name of white supremacy.

My first shock at Kenyatta rule was when he abandoned the Mau Mau who had fought and died in his name and country and subjected his closest friends like Achieng Oneko to the same detention where he had languished under colonial tyranny. As a friend of detention, Kenyatta had become the worst enemy of freedom.

However, President Kenyatta was not all evil. Once he saved me from death when he dismissed a false claim by some of his sharks that I had hidden guns in our home compound.

Later, I also learnt from Njoroge Mungai that Kenyatta had refused to make Kenya a de jure one-party state, arguing that de facto one-party rule was enough for his generation, which had no right to impose political tyranny on their children.

But Kenyatta’s one-party dictatorship had not only undermined the spirit of freedom, it had also sabotaged and substituted the best in humans with the worst in them.

Worst of all, under detention, our freedom was never a right. It was a privilege that President Kenyatta and later President Moi could take away at will. Once detained, a person never knew when his freedom would be given back. The President had authority to keep a detainee in prison forever.

Worse, when in detention, courts could not be resorted to for freedom because they were themselves emasculated into kangaroo courts that could never release anyone that the President wanted in prison.

Whimsically, it was always Presidents who pardoned detainees for sins uncommitted and released them, not to exercise justice, but display self-serving magnanimity.

Other than for self-glory, Presidential magnanimity was also exercised to subject political enemies and critics to total surrender and prostration of politicians that the President knew personally.

As for most unknown detainees, their release would be pleaded for by people who knew the President personally or from outside pressure. But when detainees grew completely hopeless, they prayed for the President’s death to rescue them from the hell of detention.

In 1978, Kenyatta’s death became the liberator of detainees, not because detainees wished Kenyatta dead, but because Kenyatta had made his death the only key that could open the doors of detention.

Indeed the despair of detention had driven detainees to such low levels that many times they caught themselves unwillingly praying for the demise of detainers and tormentors whom they rightly believed had put them into detention to die from torture.

Apart from detention, Kenyatta made himself an enemy of freedom by abandoning Kenyans in the desert when he died before he landed them in the Promised Land into which he secretly entered with his family and close friends.

Nor did it assist freedom when Kenyatta government became an exterminator of political enemies and critics through political assassinations.

Like Solomon who was considered a great philosopher king but left Rehoboam his dictator son to succeed him at great expense to the people who had begged him to give them better leadership but refused, Kenyatta also bequeathed power and kingship to Presidents Daniel arap Moi who became a greater dictator than him, while those who came after Moi – Mwai Kibaki and Uhuru Kenyatta – continue to compromise freedom with their failure to eradicate negative ethnicity whose worst expression was post-election violence of 2007-08.

And though tyranny was not confined to Kenya, it defied belief to see Presidents Kenyatta and Moi justify their dictatorship with African culture and deification of Presidency, a horror that persists to date.

Ultimately, Kenyatta’s lasting legacy is not that he fought for independence and was even detained for it – which was great – but that, tragically, he later betrayed his fellow freedom fighters like the Mau Mau, Kaggia, Odinga and Achieng Oneko, and subverted the very freedom and democracy that he fought and sacrificed so much for.


Kenya President Jomo Kenyatta Died On This Day In 1978

D.L. Chandler is a veteran of the Washington D.C. Metro writing scene, working as a journalist, reporter and culture critic. Getting his start in the late 1990s in print, D.L. joined the growing field of online reporting in 1998. His first big break came with the now-defunct Politically Black in 1999, the nation's first Black political news portal. D.L. has worked in the past for OkayPlayer, MTV News, Metro Connection and several other publications and magazines. D.L., a native Washingtonian, resides in the Greater Washington area.

Jomo Kenyatta (pictured) led Kenya from its independence in 1963, ushering in new change for the nation after years of British rule. While still in office, Kenyatta died on this day in 1978, leaving behind a legacy that has been both praised and criticized.

Kenyatta was born Kamau wa Ngengi on an unknown date in the 1890s. Early birth records of Kenyans were not kept so there is no way to determine the official day. Kenyatta was raised in the village of Gatundu by his parents as part of the Kikuyu people. After his father died, he was adopted by an uncle and later lived with his grandfather who was a local medicine man.

Entering a Christian missionary school as a boy, Kenyatta worked small chores and odd jobs to pay for his studies. He then converted to the Christian faith and found work as a carpenter. Kenyatta married his first wife, Grace Wahu, in 1920 under Kikuyu customs but was ordered to have their union solidified by a European magistrate.

Kenyatta’s political ambitions grew when he joined the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), becoming the group’s general secretary in 1928. Working on behalf of the KCA, Kenyatta traveled to London to lobby over the right to tribal lands.

Kenyatta did not get support from the British regarding the claims, but he remained in London and attended college there. While at University College London, Kenyatta studied social anthropology.

Kenyatta came to embrace Pan-Africanism during his time with the International African Service Bureau, which was headed by former international Communist leader George Padmore. Kenyatta’s thesis from the London School of Economics was turned into a book, “Facing Mount Kenya,” and he went on to become one of the leading Black-emancipation intellectuals alongside Padmore, Ralph Bunche, C.L.R. James, Paul Robeson, Amy Ashwood Garvey, among others.

Die Mau Mau Rebellion of 1951 was a time of political turmoil in Kenya, still known as British East Africa. The Mau Mau were in open opposition of British colonizers, and Kenyatta was linked to the group. Despite little evidence connecting Kenyatta to the “Kapenguria Six” – the individuals accused of leading the Mau Maus, Kenyatta spent nine years in prison.

He was released in August 1961, which set the stage for bringing about Kenya’s independence.

Kenyatta joined the Legislative Council, and he lead the Kenya African National Union (KANU) against the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) in a May 1963 election. KANU ran on a unitary state ticket, while KAU wanted Kenya to run as an ethnic-federal state.

KANU defeated KADU handily, and in June 1963, Kenyatta became the prime minister of the Kenyan government. Although the transfer of power was slow to come, with Queen Elizabeth II remaining as “Queen Of Kenya,” Kenyatta eventually became the nation’s first president under independence.

Kenyatta’s health had been poor since 1966, when he suffered a heart attack. He ruled, however, as a leader open to reconciliation with the British and Asian settlers in the land. Kenyatta embraced a capitalist model of the government, although some experts write that he selfishly promoted those from his own circle and tribal line to positions of power. Still, Kenyatta was beloved by many all the same, despite the rumblings that in his later years he had no control over government affairs due to his failing health.

Kenyatta died of natural causes, later succeeded by his Vice President Daniel Moi. Today, the late-first president’s son, Uhuru Kenyatta, is the current and fourth president of Kenya.