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Frankryk erken die koninkryk Merina in Madagaskar - geskiedenis

Frankryk erken die koninkryk Merina in Madagaskar - geskiedenis

Die Hova -koningin van Madagaskar is dood ná 'n 5 -jarige bewind. Ranavalona II het haar opgevolg. Die krag agter haar troon was haar man, 'n Christen, Rainilaiarrivony. Frankryk het die koninklike soewereiniteit in Madagaskar erken.

Imerina Koninkryk

Die magtigste van Madagaskar se koninkryke - die een wat uiteindelik hegemonie oor 'n groot deel van die eiland gevestig het - was die ontwikkeling van die etniese groep Merina. Voordat die Merina in die negentiende eeu as die dominante politieke mag op die eiland verskyn het, het hulle gewissel tussen tydperke van politieke eenheid en periodes waarin die koninkryk in kleiner politieke eenhede geskei het. Die ligging van die Merina in die sentrale hooglande bied 'n mate van beskerming teen die verwoestings van oorlogvoering wat onder die kusryke herhaal is. Die onderskeid, wat plaaslik sowel as internasionaal erken word, tussen die sentrale hooglanders (die Merina) en die cotiers (inwoners van die kusgebiede) sou binnekort 'n groot impak op die politieke stelsel van Madagaskar hê. Die Merina, georganiseer soos die kusryke in 'n hiërargie van edeles, gewone mense en slawe, het 'n unieke politieke instelling ontwikkel wat bekend staan ​​as die fokonolona (dorpsraad). Deur die fokonolona kon dorpsouderlinge en ander plaaslike bekendes regulasies opstel en 'n mate van plaaslike beheer uitoefen op aangeleenthede soos openbare werke en veiligheid.

Die westelike kus was verdeel in twee afsonderlike en absolute oorerflike Sakalava -monargieë, wat gedurende 'n tydperk van ongeveer 170 jaar die magtigste regerings op die eiland was. Die Hovas was sytak aan die Sakalava -stamhoofde tot aan die begin van die negentiende eeu, toe hulle begin om die juk af te gooi deur die Sakalava -gebied onder Andrianimpoina, en daarna onder sy seun, Radama I, wat op die troon gekom het, binne te val. 18 in die jaar 1810. Uiteindelik trou Radama met die dogter van die Sakalava -koning van Menabe en dwing hom om die Hova -oppergesag te erken. Terwyl die westelike koninkryke ingedien het, is hul kleiner bure in detail verower, sodat die grootste deel van die westelike kant van die eiland in 1824 tot die heerskappy van Radama verminder is, en hy die soewereiniteit van die hele eiland aanvaar het. Sy opvolgers het dieselfde bewering gemaak, maar hoewel die Hova -owerheid in die sentrale en oostelike provinsies gevestig is, bly groot gedeeltes van die suide en weste feitlik onafhanklik en in ander verre dele. Die Hovra -reël was baie gering.

Die Royal Hill van Ambohimanga bestaan ​​uit 'n koninklike stad en begraafplaas en 'n ensemble van heilige plekke. Dit word verbind met sterk gevoelens van nasionale identiteit en het die afgelope 500 jaar sy geestelike en heilige karakter behou, beide in rituele praktyk en in die populêre verbeelding. Dit bly 'n plek van aanbidding waarheen pelgrims uit Madagaskar en elders kom.

Die Royal Hill van Ambohimanga is 'n uitsonderlike getuie van die beskawing wat tussen die 15de en 19de eeu ontwikkel het in die 'Haute Terres Centrales' in Madagaskar en die kulturele en geestelike tradisies, die kultus van konings en voorouers wat daar nou verwant was. Die Royal Hill van Ambohimanga is die bakermat van die koninkryk en die dinastie wat Madagaskar 'n moderne staat gemaak het, sedert 1817 internasionaal erken. , sy talle heilige plekke (fonteine, heilige wasbakke en woude, offerstene) en sy majestueuse koninklike bome. Godsdienstige hoofstad en heilige stad van die koninkryk Madagaskar in die 19de eeu, die Royal Hill was die begraafplaas vir sy heersers. Die terrein behou duidelike argeologiese bewyse van die voormalige uitoefening van mag en geregtigheid. Dit is vandag nog die middelpunt van die godsdienstige praktyke vir baie Malgassiese mense en vorm 'n lewende herinnering aan die tradisionele godsdiens.

Die Royal Hill van Ambohimanga bestaan ​​uit 'n stelsel van versterkings met 'n reeks slote en veertien versterkte klippoortjies, 'n koninklike stad wat bestaan ​​uit 'n samehangende reeks geboue, verdeel deur 'n koninklike omheining en 'n openbare plek (die Fidasiana), koninklike bome, en setel van geregtigheid en ander natuurlike of beboude kultusplekke, 'n ensemble van heilige plekke sowel as landbougrond. Die koninklike stad bestaan ​​uit twee paleise en 'n klein paviljoen, 'n 'put', twee heilige wasbakke en vier koninklike grafte. Boonop vind die aangewese eiendomme skuilings van 'n primêre woud wat talle endemiese en medisinale plantspesies bewaar.

Twee monarge het 'n sleutelrol gespeel in die vestiging van Merina se politieke oorheersing oor Madagaskar. Die eerstes, wat onder die naam Andrianampoinimerina (r. 1797-1810) geheers het, het die troon van een van die Merina-koninkryke in 1787 ingeneem. Teen 1806 het hy die oorblywende drie koninkryke verower en binne die voormalige grense van Imerina, die hoofstad gevestig in die versterkte stad Antananarivo. Radama I (r. 1810-28), 'n bekwame en vooruitskouende monarg, het in 1810 die troon opgevolg met die dood van sy vader. Deur mededingend Britse en Franse belange op die eiland behoorlik uit te speel, kon hy die gesag van Merina oor byna die hele eiland Madagaskar uitbrei. Radama I het eers die etniese groep Betsileo in die suidelike deel van die sentrale hooglande verower en daarna die Sakalava oorrompel, 'n etniese groep wat soms ook probeer om sy hegemonie teenoor ander groepe te bevestig.

Die koninkryk van Madagaskar het sy oorsprong te danke aan die prins Radama, die opperhoof van die Ovahs, wat in energie en verligte beleid soos Petrus die Grote gelyk het. Hierdie buitengewone man het, nadat hy 'n groot deel van die eiland verower het, begin met die moeilike, maar glorieryke onderneming om die beskawing en kunste van Europa in sy ryk in te voer. Hy het die sendelinge ontvang en beskerm en die vestiging van skole bevorder, wat ten tyde van sy dood tot meer as 100 toegeneem het en waarin byna 5 000 kinders geleer is. Verskeie jongmense is na Mauritius en selfs na Engeland gestuur om onderrig te ontvang.

Alhoewel hy deurdrenk was van die wrede bygelowe van sy landgenote, beskik Radama I oor groot natuurlike intelligensie. en ammunisie. Hy het Malgassies in Arabies en Frans in Romeinse letters geskryf en sy twee broers na Mauritius gestuur om opgevoed te word, en ontvang in 1818 ook sendelingonderwysers vir sy mense en militêre instrukteurs vir sy leër.

Deur die voorbidding van die Engelse het Radama begin om die slawehandel in sy heerskappye af te skaf. Met die hulp van die Britte, wat 'n sterk koninkryk wou hê om die Franse invloed te verreken, het Radama I die gewapende magte gemoderniseer. In 1817 het die mense van die ooskus, wat voor 'n leër van 35 000 soldate te staan ​​gekom het, met min of geen protes ingedien nie, en Radama het dan die hele suidooste tot by Tolanaro verower. Veral onvrugbare of ondeurdringbare dele van die eiland het die verowering vrygespring, veral in die uiterste suide, maar voor sy dood het Radama I daarin geslaag om die belangrikste en meer gasvrye dele van die land onder Merina -bewind te bring.

Radama I se belangstelling in modernisering langs Westerse grense het betrekking op sosiale en politieke aangeleenthede. Hy organiseer 'n kabinet en moedig die Protestantse Londense Sendinggenootskap aan om skole en kerke te stig en die drukpers bekend te stel-'n stap wat verreikende gevolge vir die land sou hê. Die genootskap het byna 'n halfmiljoen bekeerlinge gemaak, en sy onderwysers het 'n geskrewe vorm van die plaaslike taal, Malgassies, bedink met die Latynse alfabet. Teen 1828 het etlike duisende mense, hoofsaaklik Merina, geletterd geword, en 'n paar jongmense is na Brittanje gestuur vir skoolopleiding. Later het die Merina -dialek van Malgassies die amptelike taal geword. Malgassiese taalpublikasies is opgestel en versprei onder die Merina-opgevoede elite teen 1896, en ongeveer 164 000 kinders, hoofsaaklik Merina en Betsileo, het die missie se laerskole bygewoon. Saam met nuwe idees het die plaaslike vervaardiging ontwikkel. Baie produktiewe tyd is egter bestee aan militêre veldtogte om grondgebied uit te brei en slawe vir handel te bekom.

Radama was op die punt om sy groot projekte te sien bekroon met die briljantste sukses, toe sy koningin, 'n tweede Clytemnestra, hom in Julie 1828 laat vergiftig het. Radama I is op 27 Julie 1828, 36 jaar oud, oorlede en begrawe. in 'n silwer koper, groot hoeveelhede klere en waardevolle artikels wat saam met hom begrawe is. Hy het 'n kind agtergelaat, 'n dogter met die naam Kaketaka, 14 jaar oud, maar is deur die senior vrou, koningin Ranavalona, ​​in die regering opgevolg.

Sy, met haar berugte medepligtige, het die troon opgevolg en dit was nie onwaarskynlik dat hierdie groot koninkryk eers lank sou oplos in sy oorspronklike elemente. Sy was in die uiterste wreed en het probeer om al die goeie dinge wat Radama bereik het, ongedaan te maak; sy het die Britse inwoner verdryf, die verdrag teen slawe -uitvoer verbreek en 'n reaksie veroorsaak ten gunste van bygeloof en barbaarsheid. Die bewind van Radama I se vrou en opvolger, koningin Ranavalona I (r. 1828-61), was in wese reaksionêr, wat haar wantroue teenoor buitelandse invloed weerspieël. In 1835 word alle inboorlinge verbied om die Christendom te bely of die skole by te woon, en diegene wat nie wil terugtrek nie, is doodgemaak. Gedurende 25 jaar was die land geïsoleer van alle buitelandse invloed en handel, en soveel wreedheid is in die Sakalavas van die noorde gebruik dat hulle hulself onder Franse beskerming geplaas het, en in 1840 afgestaan ​​het Nosi Be, wat daarna 'n Franse besitting was. In 1861 sterf Ranavalona en word opgevolg deur haar seun, Radama II, wat slegs 18 maande regeer het.

Onder die oligargie wat in haar naam geheers het, is mededingers vermoor, talle protestantse bekeerlinge is vervolg en vermoor, en baie Europeërs het van die eiland gevlug. Die heersende elite het die hele land en die gemonopoliseerde handel besit, behalwe die handjievol Europeërs wat vee, rys en ander goedere mag verkoop. Vergoedings aan die koningin het die Franse handelaars 'n voorraad slawe en 'n monopolie in die slawehandel gebied. Die Franse ambagsman Jean Laborde, wat veral gevestig was in Mantasoa, naby Antananarivo, 'n vervaardigingskompleks en landbounavorsingsstasie, het veral guns geniet weens sy merkwaardige prestasies, waar hy goedere vervaardig het, van sy en seep tot gewere, gereedskap en sement.

Tydens die bewind van Radama II (r. 1861-63) het die slinger weer na modernisering en hartlike betrekkinge met Westerse nasies, veral Frankryk, geswaai. Radama II het 'n verdrag van ewige vriendskap met Frankryk gesluit, maar sy kort heerskappy het geëindig met sy sluipmoord deur 'n groep adellikes wat ontsteld was oor sy pro-Franse houding. Hy word opgevolg deur sy weduwee, koningin Raosoherina, wat tot 1868 regeer het, waartydens sy die verdrag met Frankryk en die handves van Laborde se onderneming nietig verklaar. Sy regeer vyf jaar en laat die land in daardie tydperk geleidelik vordering maak in sedes, menslikheid en godsdiens. Na haar dood op 1 April 1868 is koningin Ranavalona II, neef van die voormalige koningin, gekroon en die Bybel in haar regterhand gehou, terwyl alle afgode van die seremonie uitgesluit was. In Februarie 1869 is die koningin en die premier gedoop, en in September is alle afgode en sjarme begrawe deur koninklike bevel in die sentrale provinsie Imerina. In 1870 is die aantal sendelinge van 10 na bykans 40 verhoog.

Na 1868 regeer 'n Merina -leier, Rainilaiarivony, die monargie. Om te verhoed dat óf die Franse óf die Britte 'n voorwendsel vir ingryping gee, het Rainilaiarivony klem gelê op die modernisering van die samelewing en probeer om Britse guns aan te spreek sonder om die Franse te beledig. Hy het toegewings aan beide lande gemaak en 'n kommersiële verdrag met Frankryk in 1868 en met Brittanje in 1877 onderteken. Merina en die bekering van die monargie in 1869 tot protestantisme.

Huishoudelike slawerny was sedert die vroegste tye 'n instelling van die land, maar op 20 Junie 1877 is die invoer van Afrikaanse slawe verbied, en diegene in die land is geemansipeer tot sover die Hova -gesag uitgebrei het. Koningin Ranavalon'a II regeer meer as 15 jaar, oor die algemeen lief vir haar vriendelikheid van hart en humane geaardheid, en word op 13 Julie 1883 opgevolg deur koningin Ranavalona III, bestem om die laaste heerser van 'n onafhanklike te wees. hangende Madagaskar.

Die verskille tussen die Hova -regering en die Franse het tydens haar bewind geleidelik skerper geword totdat die Franse regering op 18 Oktober 1894 'n ultimatum gestel het deur 'n gesant. ekspedisiemag van 15 000 man het by Majunga aan die noordwestelike kus geland, op Antananarivo opgeruk en dit op 30 September 1895 beset, die volgende dag 'n verdrag onderteken deur die koningin wat alle Franse aansprake toegelaat het. 'N Protektoraat is onmiddellik gestig, maar in 1896 word die eiland tot 'n Franse kolonie verklaar, en op 27 Februarie 1897 word die koningin versoek om te bedank en is dit na die eiland Reunion verwyder, waar sy op 4 Maart aangekom het.


Eerste Franco-Hova Oorlog

Frankryk val Madagaskar in 1883 binne, wat bekend gestaan ​​het as die eerste Franco-Hova-oorlog, in die poging om die gekanselleerde toegewings te herstel. Met die ondertekening van die Verdrag van Tamatave in Januarie 1886 het die oorlog opgehou. Madagaskar het Antsiranana (Diego-Suarez) aan die noordkus aan Frankryk afgestaan ​​en 'n stewige boete van 10 miljoen frank betaal. [ aanhaling nodig ] Die verdrag bevat 'n 'leersame brief' wat die verdrag sou verduidelik, maar wat nooit in die Franse parlement voorgelê is toe hulle gestem het om die verdrag te bekragtig nie. Die verdrag het Frankryk in wese beheer oor die Malgassiese buitelandse beleid gegee, en die Franse regering het dit gebruik om toenemende beheer oor die gebied uit te oefen, maar 'n protektoraat is nie formeel verklaar nie.


Sedert die aankoms van Europese moondhede na Madagaskar, het die Verenigde Koninkryk en Frankryk ambisies ontwikkel om Madagaskar te beheer, 'n ryk eiland met 'n strategiese belang ten opsigte van die seegang na Indië. Desondanks kon die Merina -koninkryk Madagaskar gedurende die 19de eeu standvastig daarin slaag om sy onafhanklikheid te behou. Die verdediging van die eiland is aangehelp deur die grootte en diversiteit van die terrein, die georganiseerde militêre en regeringstrukture van die land en die voorkoms van tropiese siektes, wat dikwels vir die Europeërs dodelik was. Die eerste belangrike Europese invloed in Imerina was die aankoms van 'n handjievol Britse sendelinge in die hoofstad Antananarivo in 1820 tydens die bewind van Radama I, wat hulle genooi het om skole te stig en die vrye bevolking van Merina te leer lees. 'N Paar jaar in die bewind van koningin Ranavalona I, wat in 1828 begin het, het die monargie toenemend afkeer van die toenemende gewildheid van die Christendom wat die sendelinge ingestel het, en hulle aangemoedig om op te hou om godsdiens te onderrig, terwyl hulle voortgaan met die verskaffing van tegniese en beroepsopleiding om 'n kader geskoolde vakmanne. Sy het die Franse aanvalle op Foulepointe en ander kusstede suksesvol afgeweer. Gedurende verskeie periodes het Ranavalona se beperkings op die praktyk van die Christendom die Europese teenwoordigheid op die eiland tot 'n minimum beperk.

By die dood van Ranavalona volg haar seun haar op as koning Radama II in 1861. As prins het hy reeds toegewings gemaak aan Joseph-François Lambert, 'n Fransman wat by die hof van Ranavalona gewoon het en gehelp het met die ontwikkeling van talle hulpbronne. Die Lambert-handves Radama het aan Lambert toegegee beduidende stukke grond toegestaan ​​in die verwaarlosing van die betekenis van die hele eiland wat aan voorvaderlike grond geheg is. Boonop het die Franse regering 'n brief ontvang wat na bewering deur die prins geskryf is, waarin hy Franse militêre hulp versoek om sy moeder te ontslaan. Die oorsprong en egtheid van die brief word betwis, en die Britte beweer dat dit vervaardig is deur Jean Laborde (veral omdat dit in Frans geskryf is, 'n taal wat Radama nie weet hoe om in te skryf nie) om Franse militêre ingryping op die eiland te ondersteun.

Na 'n kort bewind is Radama in 1863 verwurg staatsgreep die Aristokratiese Revolusie genoem. Radama se weduwee Rasoherina is deur premier Rainivoninahitriniony en sy kabinet op die troon geplaas op voorwaarde dat die absolute mag van die monarg beëindig is en dat die meerderheid van die mag oor die daaglikse regering en buitelandse sake by die premier berus. Die despotisme van die premier het daartoe gelei dat hy vervang is deur sy jonger broer, Rainilaiarivony, wat 30 jaar lank Madagaskar sou regeer totdat die Franse weermag Antananarivo verower het. Rainilaiarivony en opeenvolgende koninginne Ranavalona II en Ranavalona III wou die soewereiniteit van Madagaskar handhaaf. Die Merina -monargie herroep die bepalings van die Lambert -handves en verduidelik dat die ooreenkoms ongeldig is omdat die gebied van Malgassië tot die kroon behoort en die prins nie die reg gehad het om dit weg te gee terwyl Ranavalona regeer nie. Nadat die erfgename van Laborde geweier is op die grond wat hulle beloof is en die verskillende eiendomme wat hul vader besit, het hulle die eis ingedien by die Franse regering, wat 'n voorwendsel vir inval was op grond van die handhawing van die wettige regte van 'n Fransman. burger.

Die Merina -monargie het kragtig probeer om die probleem op te los deur middel van onderhandeling en diplomasie, sterk afhanklik van die steun van hul Britse en Amerikaanse handelsvennote. Hulle het ambassadeurs na Engeland en Frankryk gestuur om die eise op te los, maar die Franse regering het geweier om iets minder as die volledige bepalings van die verdrag te aanvaar. Dit het die nodige voorwendsel verskaf vir 'n Franse militêre inval op die eiland, wat tussen 1883-1895 in twee golwe plaasgevind het. [1]

Frankryk val Madagaskar in 1883 binne, wat bekend gestaan ​​het as die eerste Franco-Hova-oorlog, in die poging om die gekanselleerde toegewings te herstel. Met die ondertekening van die Verdrag van Tamatave in Januarie 1886 het die oorlog opgehou. Madagaskar het Antsiranana (Diego-Suarez) aan die noordkus aan Frankryk afgestaan ​​en 'n stewige boete van 10 miljoen frank betaal. [ aanhaling nodig ] Die verdrag bevat 'n 'instruksiesbrief' om die verdrag te verduidelik, maar wat nooit in die Franse parlement voorgelê is toe hulle gestem het om die verdrag te bekragtig nie. Die verdrag het Frankryk in wese beheer oor die Malgassiese buitelandse beleid gegee, en die Franse regering het dit gebruik om toenemende beheer oor die gebied uit te oefen, maar 'n protektoraat is nie formeel verklaar nie.

Rainilaiarivony het nie ten volle ooreengekom oor die bepalings en voorskrifte van die verdrag nie. Die situasie het vinnig verander toe die Britte in September 1890 'n Franse protektoraat van Madagaskar erken het, in ruil vir die uiteindelike Britse beheer oor Zanzibar en as deel van 'n algemene definisie van invloedsfere in Afrika. Met die opening van die Suez -kanaal het die strategiese betekenis van Madagaskar afgeneem. Rainilaiarivony het hom voorberei om die eiland teen die Franse militêre inval te verdedig deur kolonel Shervinton, sy Europese militêre adviseur, te stuur om wapens in Europa aan te skaf. Die Franse administrasie was vasbeslote om 'n volledige protektoraat op die eiland te bewerkstellig en het sy nie -noodsaaklike burgers uit die streek ontruim. Aktiewe vyandelikhede het op 12 Desember 1894 begin toe die Franse mariniers Tamatave in besit geneem het. Generaal Duchesne en sy vlieënde kolom beland in Mahajanga (Majunga) en marsjeer na die hoofstad Antananarivo, belemmer deur die oerwoud, vlak rivier, siektes en gebrek aan paaie. Hulle het uiteindelik die stad bereik en in die laaste week van September 1895 met die aanval begin.

Die verdedigers was gestasioneer op die hoofpad na die hoofstad, suid van die stad. Die Franse bevelvoerder draai om Antananarivo en voer 'n fyn aanval op die noorde van die stad. Sy hoofmag val die ooste van die stad aan en beveel 'n heuwel waaruit hy die belangrikste regeringsgeboue, insluitend die paleis van die koningin, kan beskut. Drie skulpe is teen die stad afgevuur, en die Hova -leër is geloods. Generaal Duchesne het die stad op 1 Oktober binnegekom en koningin Ranavalona III het die verdrag onderteken wat van Madagaskar 'n volledige protektoraat van die Franse regering gemaak het. Die Merina-koninkryk is in 1896 onder Franse beskerming geplaas, onder toesig van die eerste inwoner-generaal, Laroche. [2]

Twintig Franse soldate het gesterf en 6,000 is dood aan malaria en ander siektes voordat die tweede Franco-Hova-oorlog geëindig het.

Ranavalona en haar kabinet is aanvanklik toegelaat om as seremoniële figurehoofde in die regering te bly. Die Franse bewind is uitgedaag vanaf die oomblik dat die hoofstad ingeneem is deur 'n volksopstand wat die Menalamba -rebellie genoem word. Die gevegte is gelei deur gewone mense, hoofsaaklik uit Imerina, wat nie net die Franse bewind, maar die Christendom en die invloed van Europeërs onder die Merina -heersers verwerp het. Generaal Gallieni het die rebellie meer as 'n jaar later moeilik onderbreek. Die Franse regering het vasgestel dat 'n burgerlike goewerneur nie in staat was om orde en onderdanigheid van die Malgassiese volk te verseker nie, en het die koningin in 1897 afgesit, die 103-jarige Merina-monargie ontbind en 'n militêre regering onder leiding van Gallieni ingestel. Koningin Ranavalona III is in ballingskap na Réunion en later na Algerië, waar sy in 1917 oorlede is sonder om ooit na Madagaskar terug te keer.


Eerste Franco-Hova-oorlog [wysig | wysig bron]

Frankryk val Madagaskar in 1883 binne, wat bekend gestaan ​​het as die eerste Franco-Hova-oorlog, in die poging om die gekanselleerde toegewings te herstel. Met die ondertekening van die Verdrag van Tamatave in Januarie 1886 het die oorlog opgehou. Madagaskar het Antsiranana (Diego Suarez) aan die noordkus aan Frankryk afgestaan ​​en 'n stewige boete van 10 miljoen frank betaal. Die verdrag bevat 'n 'instruksiesbrief' om die verdrag te verduidelik, maar wat nooit in die Franse parlement voorgelê is toe hulle gestem het om die verdrag te bekragtig nie. Die verdrag het Frankryk in wese beheer oor die Malgassiese buitelandse beleid gegee, en die Franse regering het dit gebruik om toenemende beheer oor die gebied uit te oefen, maar 'n protektoraat is nie formeel verklaar nie.


Voormalige lande soortgelyk aan of soos Merina Kingdom

Hierdie artikel bevat 'n lys van die Imerina -monarge, van die vroegste oorsprong van die Merina -monargie tot die Franse verowering van die Merina -koninkryk tydens die Tweede Madagaskar -ekspedisie. Lys van die lyn van Merina -monarge wat in die sentrale hooglande van Madagaskar geheers het en van wie die eerste ware monarge van 'n verenigde Madagaskar in die 19de eeu uitgereik is. Wikipedia

Koninklike paleiskompleks (rova) in Madagaskar wat in die 17de en 18de eeu die tuiste was van die heersers van die koninkryk Imerina, sowel as van die heersers van die koninkryk Madagaskar in die 19de eeu. Amper versterkte dorpie Ambohimanga, wat as die geestelike setel van die koninkryk gedien het, in teenstelling met die politieke betekenis van die Rova in die hoofstad. Wikipedia

Andrianampoinimerinā (1745–1810) regeer die koninkryk Imerina van 1787 tot sy dood. Gemerk deur die hereniging van Imerina na 77 jaar van burgeroorlog, en die daaropvolgende uitbreiding van sy koninkryk in naburige gebiede, en sodoende die vereniging van Madagaskar onder Merina -bewind begin. Wikipedia

Andrianjaka regeer oor die koninkryk Imerina in die sentrale hoogland van Madagaskar van ongeveer 1612 tot 1630. Ondanks die feit dat hy die jongste was van koning Ralambo se twee seuns, het Andrianjaka op die troon geslaag op grond van sy sterkte van karakter en vaardigheid as militêr. taktikus. Wikipedia

Soewerein van die Koninkryk van Madagaskar van 1828 tot 1861. Nadat sy haarself as koningin geposisioneer het na die dood van haar jong man, Radama I, het Ranavalona 'n beleid van isolationisme en selfvoorsiening gevoer, wat ekonomiese en politieke bande met Europese moondhede verminder het en 'n Fransman afgeweer het. aanval op die kusdorp Foulpointe en kragtige maatreëls tref om die klein maar groeiende Malgassiese Christelike beweging uit te roei wat onder lede van die London Missionary Society onder Radama I begin is. Wikipedia

Franse kolonie aan die kus van Suidoos-Afrika tussen 1897 en 1958. Die Franco-Hova-oorloë (1883–1896) het gelei tot die val van die Merina-koninkryk en die oprigting van 'n Franse protektoraat (1896) wat 'n jaar later 'n kolonie geword het. Wikipedia

Die heerser van die Koninkryk Imerina in die sentrale Hoogland van Madagaskar van 1575 tot 1612. Die eerste om die naam Imerina aan die streek toe te ken. Wikipedia


Wat is die geskiedenis van Madagaskar? (met foto's)

Madagaskar, 'n eilandnasie aan die suidoostelike kus van Afrika, is die vierde grootste eiland ter wêreld, ongeveer 40% groter as die Amerikaanse deelstaat Kalifornië. Vanweë die groot aantal endemiese plant- en diersoorte, insluitend al 93 spesies lemur en ses spesies van die boebabboom, word Madagaskar soms 'die agtste kontinent' genoem. Die huidige bevolking is meer as 20 miljoen.

Die geskiedenis van Madagaskar begin tussen 200 en 500 nC, toe seevaarders op kano’s heeltemal uit Suidoos -Asië aangekom het, waarskynlik afkomstig van Borneo of die Suid -Celebes. Dit is 'n groot afstand, soortgelyk aan dié tussen Jerusalem en Bejing. Omtrent dieselfde tyd het Mikea- en Bantoe -setlaars uit Afrika die Mosambiekse seestraat van Afrika na Madagaskar oorgesteek.

Die geskrewe geskiedenis van Madagaskar begin omstreeks 700 v.C., toe Arabiese seevarende handelaars handelsposte aan die noordoostelike kus van Madagaskar gevestig het. Destyds was die eiland nog bevolk deur die 3 m lange olifantvoël en reuse -lemurs. Die voorkoms en groot eiers van die olifantvoël het waarskynlik bygedra tot die rocs in die legendes van Sinbad the Sailor, deel van die Arabiese nagte samestelling. Hierdie matrose het eiers van die olifantvoël na Bagdad gebring om die bestaan ​​daarvan te bewys.

Ongeveer dieselfde tyd het die Arabiere aangekom, en in die eeue daarna het die inheemse kapteinskappe van die eiland bekend geword, terwyl sommige hoofde uiteindelik groot gebiede kon beheer. Vanuit die Europese perspektief begin die geskiedenis van Madagaskar in 1500, toe die Portugese matroos Diogo Dias die eiland sien nadat sy skip van 'n vloot op pad na Indië geskei is. Hy noem die eiland St. Lawrence, 'n naam wat nooit vasgehou het nie.

In 1666 stel die Franse hulself bekend in die geskiedenis van Madagaskar toe Francois Caron, die direkteur -generaal van die Franse Oos -Indiese Kompanjie, op die eiland aankom. Hy het probeer om 'n kolonie daar te vestig, maar het misluk, maar in plaas daarvan om die nabygeleë Mauritus -eilande en Reunion -eiland te koloniseer. Die Franse sou in die volgende paar eeue 'n rol speel in die geskiedenis van Madagaskar.

In die 1790's het die inheemse heersers van die eiland daarin geslaag om hegemonie te vestig. In 1817 het die eiland die slawerny, wat vir die ekonomie belangrik was, afgeskaf en in ruil daarvoor voordele van Brittanje ontvang, net soos die Royal Navy die Indiese Oseaan oorheers het. In die volgende eeu het Brittanje 'n beduidende invloed op Madagaskar gehad en baie van die heersende klasse tot die Christendom bekeer.

In 1883 val die Franse Madagaskar binne, en begin die eerste Franco-Hova-oorlog, wat met 'n reeks vyandelikhede voortduur tot 1896, toe Frankryk die heersende Merina-koninkryk omverwerp en Madagaskar 'n Franse kolonie maak. Die koninklike familie, wie se dinastie 103 jaar lank regeer het, is in ballingskap na Algerië gestuur. Die Franse regeer Madagaskar 64 jaar lank as 'n kolonie. In 1947 het 'n volksopstand tot 90 000 sterftes gelei, maar die Franse het steeds aangehou. Eers in 1956 het die Franse Madagaskar begin teruggee aan sy inheemse bevolking, en die eiland het in 1960 'n onafhanklike nasie in die Franse gemeenskap geword. Vandag is Madagaskar 'n verteenwoordigende demokratiese republiek. Die eiland praat die tale Malgassies en Frans.

Michael is 'n jarelange bydraer wat spesialiseer in onderwerpe wat verband hou met paleontologie, fisika, biologie, sterrekunde, chemie en futurisme. Behalwe dat hy 'n ywerige blogger is, is Michael veral passievol oor stamselnavorsing, regeneratiewe medisyne en terapieë vir lewensverlenging. Hy het ook gewerk vir die Methuselah Foundation, die Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence en die Lifeboat Foundation.

Michael is 'n jarelange bydraer wat spesialiseer in onderwerpe wat verband hou met paleontologie, fisika, biologie, sterrekunde, chemie en futurisme. Behalwe dat hy 'n ywerige blogger is, is Michael veral passievol oor stamselnavorsing, regeneratiewe medisyne en terapieë vir lewensverlenging. Hy het ook gewerk vir die Methuselah Foundation, die Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence en die Lifeboat Foundation.


Madagaskar - GESKIEDENIS

DIE REPUBLIEK VAN MADAGASCAR, voorheen bekend as die Malgassiese Republiek en die Demokratiese Republiek van Madagaskar, het gedurende die negentiende en twintigste eeu aansienlike sosio -ekonomiese en politieke veranderings ondergaan. Op 'n strategiese plek aan die suidoostelike kus van Afrika, het die eiland histories die teiken geword van Britse en Franse keiserlike ambisies. Uiteindelik het die kompetisie aan die einde van die negentiende eeu Franse kolonisasie tot gevolg gehad. Die land verkry volle onafhanklikheid van die koloniale bewind op 26 Junie 1960. Philibert Tsiranana was aan die hoof van die konserwatiewe regime van die Eerste Republiek, wat in 1975 deur 'n Marxisties-georiënteerde militêre regime onder leiding van kommandant Didier Ratsiraka vervang is.

In die lig van die toenemende politieke onenigheid en sosio -ekonomiese agteruitgang wat aan die begin van die negentigerjare sy hoogtepunt bereik het, het die Tweede Republiek toegegee aan die demokratiseringsgolf wat oor die hele kontinent van Afrika versprei het. Op 27 Maart 1993 was die inhuldiging van Albert Zafy as die derde verkose president van Madagaskar sedert onafhanklikheid die begin van die Derde Republiek.

Madagaskar - Voorkoloniale era, voor 1894

Die ruïnes van versterkings wat deur Arabiese handelaars in die negende eeu gebou is, beklemtoon Madagaskar se historiese rol as bestemming vir reisigers uit die Midde -Ooste, Asië en Afrika. Maar eers aan die begin van die sestiende eeu het Europese skepe wat Portugese, Nederlandse, Engelse en Franse vlae vaar, die kuslyn van Madagaskar verken. Vanaf 1643 het verskeie Franse nedersettings die bekendste geword, Tolagnaro (voorheen Faradofay) aan die suidoostelike kus, wat meer as dertig jaar lank geduur het. Die nedersetting het deels oorleef omdat die koloniste moeite gedoen het om hartlike betrekkinge met die Antanosy, die etniese groep wat die gebied bewoon, te vestig. Die verhoudings het egter later versleg, en in 1674 het 'n bloedbad van byna al die inwoners die Franse kolonisasie -pogings beëindig, aangesien meer as 'n eeu oorlewendes oorsee na die naburige gebied Reunion gevlug het.

Hierdie vroeë ondersoek van die Franse keiserlike ontwerpe het saamgeval met die verspreiding van seerowery in die Indiese Oseaan. In the absence of a significant naval power in waters remote from Europe, privateer vessels attacked ships of many nations for nearly forty years. The favorite hunting grounds were in the north in the Arabian Sea and Red Sea areas, but Madagascar was a popular hiding place where crews could recuperate and replenish supplies for another attack. By this time, the institution of slavery also had been implanted on the island. Madagascar became a source of slaves, not only for the neighboring islands of Mauritius and Rodrigues, but also for more distant points, including the Western Hemisphere.

Madagascar's social and political structure facilitated the slave trade. Within several small coastal kingdoms, stratified societies of nobles, commoners, and slaves gave allegiance to a single king or queen. For example, the Sakalava ethnic group dominated the western and northern portions of Madagascar in two separate kingdoms. Menabe, on the barren western grasslands, had its first capital at Toliara Boina, in the northwest, included the port of Mahajanga. The towns became centers of trade where cattle and slaves, taken in war, were exchanged with European merchants for guns and other manufactured goods. These political domains were complemented by the Betsimisaraka kingdom along the east coast, and the southern coastal kingdoms dominated by the Mahafaly and the Antandroy ethnic groups.

The most powerful of Madagascar's kingdoms--the one that eventually established hegemony over a great portion of the island--was that developed by the Merina ethnic group. Before the Merina emerged as the dominant political power on the island in the nineteenth century, they alternated between periods of political unity and periods in which the kingdom separated into smaller political units. The location of the Merina in the central highlands afforded them some protection from the ravages of warfare that recurred among the coastal kingdoms. The distinction, recognized both locally and internationally, between the central highlanders (the Merina) and the c tiers (inhabitants of the coastal areas) would soon exert a major impact on Madagascar's political system. Organized like the coastal kingdoms in a hierarchy of nobles, commoners, and slaves, the Merina developed a unique political institution known as the fokonolona (village council). Through the fokonolona, village elders and other local notables were able to enact regulations and exert a measure of local control in such matters as public works and security.

Two monarchs played key roles in establishing Merina political dominance over Madagascar. The first, who ruled under the name of Andrianampoinimerina (r. 1797-1810), seized the throne of one of the Merina kingdoms in 1787. By 1806 he had conquered the remaining three kingdoms and united them within the former boundaries of Imerina, the capital established at the fortified city of Antananarivo. Radama I (r. 1816-28), an able and forward-looking monarch, succeeded to the throne in 1810 upon the death of his father. By adroitly playing off competing British and French interests in the island, he was able to extend Merina authority over nearly the entire island of Madagascar. Radama I first conquered the Betsileo ethnic group in the southern part of the central highlands and subsequently overpowered the Sakalava, an ethnic group that also sought at times to assert its hegemony over other groups. With the help of the British, who wanted a strong kingdom to offset French influence, Radama I modernized the armed forces. In 1817 the peoples of the east coast, facing an army of 35,000 soldiers, submitted with little or no protest Radama then conquered the entire southeast as far as Tolagnaro. Particularly barren or impenetrable parts of the island escaped conquest, especially in the extreme south, but before his death Radama I succeeded in bringing the major and more hospitable portions of the country under Merina rule.

Radama I's interest in modernization along Western lines extended to social and political matters. He organized a cabinet and encouraged the Protestant London Missionary Society to establish schools and churches and to introduce the printing press--a move that was to have far-reaching implications for the country. The society made nearly half a million converts, and its teachers devised a written form of the local language, Malagasy, using the Latin alphabet. By 1828 several thousand persons, primarily Merina, had become literate, and a few young persons were being sent to Britain for schooling. Later the Merina dialect of Malagasy became the official language. Malagasylanguage publications were established and circulated among the Merina-educated elite by 1896 some 164,000 children, mainly Merina and Betsileo, another ethnic group, attended the mission's primary schools. Along with new ideas came some development of local manufacturing. Much productive time was spent, however, in military campaigns to expand territory and acquire slaves for trade.

The reign of Radama I's wife and successor, Queen Ranavalona I (r. 1828-61), was essentially reactionary, reflecting her distrust of foreign influence. Under the oligarchy that ruled in her name, rivals were slain, numerous Protestant converts were persecuted and killed, and many Europeans fled the island. The ruling elite held all the land and monopolized commerce, except for the handful of Europeans allowed to deal in cattle, rice, and other commodities. Remunerations to the queen provided the French traders a supply of slaves and a monopoly in the slave trade. Enjoying particular favor owing to his remarkable accomplishments was French artisan Jean Laborde, who established at Mantasoa, near Antananarivo, a manufacturing complex and agricultural research station where he manufactured commodities ranging from silk and soap to guns, tools, and cement.

During the reign of Radama II (r. 1861-63), the pendulum once again swung toward modernization and cordial relations with Western nations, particularly France. Radama II made a treaty of perpetual friendship with France, but his brief rule ended with his assassination by a group of nobles alarmed by his pro-French stance. He was succeeded by his widow, who ruled until 1868, during which time she annulled the treaty with France and the charter of Laborde's company.

After 1868 a Merina leader, Rainilaiarivony, ruled the monarchy. To avoid giving either the French or the British a pretext for intervention, Rainilaiarivony emphasized modernization of the society and tried to curry British favor without giving offense to the French. He made concessions to both countries, signing a commercial treaty with France in 1868 and with Britain in 1877. Important social developments under his leadership included the outlawing of polygamy and the slave trade promulgation of new legal codes the spread of education, especially among the Merina and the conversion of the monarchy in 1869 to Protestantism.

Madagascar - Colonial Era, 1894-1960

The French largely ended the attempts of Malagasy rulers to stymie foreign influence by declaring a protectorate over the entire island in 1894. A protectorate over northwest Madagascar, based on treaties signed with the Sakalava during the 1840s, had existed since 1882. But Queen Ranavalona III refused to recognize the 1894 effort to subordinate her kingdom to French rule. As a result, a French expeditionary force occupied Antananarivo in September 1895. A wave of antiforeign, anti-Christian rioting ensued. In 1896 France declared Madagascar a French colony and deported the queen and the prime minister--first to Reunion, then to Algeria.

Nationalist sentiment against French colonial rule eventually emerged among a small group of Merina intellectuals who had been educated by Europeans and exposed to Western intellectual thought. The group, based in Antananarivo, was led by a Malagasy Protestant clergyman, Pastor Ravelojoana, who was especially inspired by the Japanese model of modernization. A secret society dedicated to affirming Malagasy cultural identity was formed in 1913, calling itself Iron and Stone Ramification (Vy Vato Sakelika--VVS). Although the VVS was brutally suppressed, its actions eventually led French authorities to provide the Malagasy with their first representative voice in government.

Malagasy veterans of military service in France during World War I bolstered the embryonic nationalist movement. Throughout the 1920s, the nationalists stressed labor reform and equality of civil and political status for the Malagasy, stopping short of advocating independence. For example, the French League for Madagascar under the leadership of Anatole France demanded French citizenship for all Malagasy people in recognition of their country's wartime contribution of soldiers and resources. A number of veterans who remained in France were exposed to French political thought, most notably the anticolonial and proindependence platforms of French socialist parties. Jean Ralaimongo, for example, returned to Madagascar in 1924 and became embroiled in labor questions that were causing considerable tension throughout the island.

Among the first concessions to Malagasy equality was the formation in 1924 of two economic and financial delegations. One was composed of French settlers, the other of twenty-four Malagasy representatives elected by the Council of Notables in each of twenty-four districts. The two sections never met together, and neither had real decision-making authority.

Only in the aftermath of World War II was France willing to accept a form of Malagasy self-rule under French tutelage. In the fall of 1945, separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges voted to elect representatives from Madagascar to the Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic in Paris. The two delegates chosen by the Malagasy, Joseph Raseta and Joseph Ravoahangy, both campaigned to implement the ideal of the self-determination of peoples affirmed by the Atlantic Charter of 1941 and by the historic Brazzaville Conference of 1944.

Raseta and Ravoahangy, together with Jacques Rabemananjara, a writer long resident in Paris, had organized the Democratic Movement for Malagasy Restoration (Mouvement D mocratique de la R novation Malgache--MDRM), the foremost among several political parties formed in Madagascar by early 1946. Although Protestant Merina were well represented in MDRM's higher echelons, the party's 300,000 members were drawn from a broad political base reaching across the entire island and crosscutting ethnic and social divisions. Several smaller MDRM rivals included the Party of the Malagasy Disinherited (Parti des D sh rit s Malgaches), whose members were mainly c tiers or descendants of slaves from the central highlands.

The 1946 constitution of the French Fourth Republic made Madagascar a territoire d'outre-mer (overseas territory) within the French Union. It accorded full citizenship to all Malagasy parallel with that enjoyed by citizens in France. But the assimilationist policy inherent in its framework was incongruent with the MDRM goal of full independence for Madagascar, so Ravoahangy and Raseta abstained from voting. The two delegates also objected to the separate French and Malagasy electoral colleges, even though Madagascar was represented in the French National Assembly. The constitution divided Madagascar administratively into a number of provinces, each of which was to have a locally elected provincial assembly. Not long after, a National Representative Assembly was constituted at Antananarivo. In the first elections for the provincial assemblies, the MDRM won all seats or a majority of seats, except in Mahajanga Province.

Despite these reforms, the political scene in Madagascar remained unstable. Economic and social concerns, including food shortages, black-market scandals, labor conscription, renewed ethnic tensions, and the return of soldiers from France, strained an already volatile situation. Many of the veterans felt they had been less well treated by France than had veterans from metropolitan France others had been politically radicalized by their wartime experiences. The blend of fear, respect, and emulation on which Franco-Malagasy relations had been based seemed at an end.

On March 29, 1947, Malagasy nationalists revolted against the French. Although the uprising eventually spread over one-third of the island, the French were able to restore order after reinforcements arrived from France. Casualties among the Malagasy were estimated in the 60,000 to 80,000 range (later reports estimated 11,000 casualties, of whom 180 were non-Malagasy). The group of leaders responsible for the uprising, which came to be referred to as the Revolt of 1947, never has been identified conclusively. Although the MDRM leadership consistently maintained its innocence, the French outlawed the party. French military courts tried the military leaders of the revolt and executed twenty of them. Other trials produced, by one report, some 5,000 to 6,000 convictions, and penalties ranged from brief imprisonment to death.

In 1956 France's socialist government renewed the French commitment to greater autonomy in Madagascar and other colonial possessions by enacting the loi-cadre (enabling law). Die loi-cadre provided for universal suffrage and was the basis for parliamentary government in each colony. In the case of Madagascar, the law established executive councils to function alongside provincial and national assemblies, and dissolved the separate electoral colleges for the French and Malagasy groups. The provision for universal suffrage had significant implications in Madagascar because of the basic ethnopolitical split between the Merina and the c tiers, reinforced by the divisions between Protestants and Roman Catholics. Superior armed strength and educational and cultural advantages had given the Merina a dominant influence on the political process during much of the country's history. The Merina were heavily represented in the Malagasy component of the small elite to whom suffrage had been restricted in the earlier years of French rule. Now the c tiers, who outnumbered the Merina, would be a majority.

The end of the 1950s was marked by growing debate over the future of Madagascar's relationship with France. Two major political parties emerged. The newly created Democratic Social Party of Madagascar (Parti Social D mocrate de Madagascar--PSD) favored self-rule while maintaining close ties with France. The PSD was led by Philibert Tsiranana, a well-educated Tsimihety from the northern coastal region who was one of three Malagasy deputies elected in 1956 to the National Assembly in Paris. The PSD built upon Tsiranana's traditional political stronghold of Mahajanga in northwest Madagascar and rapidly extended its sources of support by absorbing most of the smaller parties that had been organized by the c tiers. In sharp contrast, those advocating complete independence from France came together under the auspices of the Congress Party for the Independence of Madagascar (Antokon'ny Kongresy Fanafahana an'i Madagasikara-- AKFM). Primarily based in Antananarivo and Antsiranana, party support centered among the Merina under the leadership of Richard Andriamanjato, himself a Merina and a member of the Protestant clergy. To the consternation of French policy makers, the AKFM platform called for nationalization of foreign-owned industries, collectivization of land, the "Malagachization" of society away from French values and customs (most notably use of the French language), international nonalignment, and exit from the Franc Zone.

Madagascar - Independence, the First Republic, and the Military Transition, 1960-75

After France adopted the Constitution of the Fifth Republic under the leadership of General Charles de Gaulle, on September 28, 1958, Madagascar held a referendum to determine whether the country should become a self-governing republic within the French community. The AKFM and other nationalists opposed to the concept of limited self-rule mustered about 25 percent of votes cast. The vast majority of the population at the urging of the PSD leadership voted in favor of the referendum. The vote led to the election of Tsiranana as the country's first president on April 27, 1959. After a year of negotiations between Tsiranana and his French counterparts, Madagascar's status as a self-governing republic officially was altered on June 26, 1960, to that of a fully independent and sovereign state. The cornerstone of Tsiranana's government was the signing with France of fourteen agreements and conventions designed to maintain and strengthen Franco-Malagasy ties. These agreements were to provide the basis for increasing opposition from Tsiranana's critics.

A spirit of political reconciliation prevailed in the early 1960s. By achieving independence and obtaining the release of the MDRM leaders detained since the Revolt of 1947, Tsiranana had coopted the chief issues on which the more aggressively nationalist elements had built much of their support. Consistent with Tsiranana's firm commitment to remain attached to Western civilization, the new regime made plain its intent to maintain strong ties to France and the West in the economic, defense, and cultural spheres. Not entirely sanguine about this prospect, the opposition initially concurred in the interest of consolidating the gains of the previous decade, and most ethnic and regional interests supported Tsiranana.

Similar to other African leaders during the immediate independence era, Tsiranana oversaw the consolidation of his own party's power at the expense of other parties. A political system that strongly favored the incumbent complemented these actions. For example, although the political process allowed minority parties to participate, the constitution mandated a winner-take- all system that effectively denied the opposition a voice in governance. Tsiranana's position was further strengthened by the broad, multiethnic popular base of the PSD among the c tiers, whereas the opposition was severely disorganized. The AKFM continued to experience intraparty rifts between leftist and ultranationalist, more orthodox Marxist factions it was unable to capitalize on increasingly active but relatively less privileged Malagasy youth because the party's base was the Merina middle class.

A new force on the political scene provided the first serious challenge to the Tsiranana government in April 1971. The National Movement for the Independence of Madagascar (Mouvement National pour l'Ind pendance de Madagascar--Monima) led a peasant uprising in Toliara Province. The creator and leader of Monima was Monja Jaona, a c tier from the south who also participated in the Revolt of 1947. The main issue was government pressure for tax collection at a time when local cattle herds were being ravaged by disease. The protesters attacked military and administrative centers in the area, apparently hoping for support in the form of weapons and reinforcements from China. Such help never arrived, and the revolt was harshly and quickly suppressed. An estimated fifty to 1,000 persons died, Monima was dissolved, and Monima leaders, including Jaona and several hundred protesters, were arrested and deported to the island of Nosy Lava.

Another movement came on the scene in early 1972, in the form of student protests in Antananarivo. A general strike involving the nation's roughly 100,000 secondary-level students focused on three principal issues: ending the cultural cooperation agreements with France replacing educational programs designed for schools in France and taught by French teachers with programs emphasizing Malagasy life and culture and taught by Malagasy instructors and increasing access for economically underprivileged youth to secondary-level institutions. By early May, the PSD sought to end the student strike at any cost on May 12 and 13, the government arrested several hundred student leaders and sent them to Nosy-Lava. Authorities also closed the schools and banned demonstrations.

Mounting economic stagnation--as revealed in scarcities of investment capital, a general decline in living standards, and the failure to meet even modest development goals--further undermined the government's position. Forces unleashed by the growing economic crisis combined with student unrest to create an opposition alliance. Workers, public servants, peasants, and many unemployed urban youth of Antananarivo joined the student strike, which spread to the provinces. Protesters set fire to the town hall and to the offices of a French-language newspaper in the capital.

The turning point occurred on May 13 when the Republican Security Force (Force R publicaine de S curit --FRS) opened fire on the rioters in the ensuing melee between fifteen and forty persons were killed and about 150 injured. Tsiranana declared a state of national emergency and on May 18 dissolved his government, effectively ending the First Republic. He then turned over full power to the National Army under the command of General Gabriel Ramanantsoa, a politically conservative Merina and former career officer in the French army. The National Army had maintained strict political neutrality in the crisis, and its intervention to restore order was welcomed by protesters and opposition elements.

The Ramanantsoa military regime could not resolve rising economic and ethnic problems, and narrowly survived an attempted coup d' tat on December 31, 1974. The fact that the coup was led by several c tier officers against a Merina military leader underscored the growing Merina/c tier polarization in the military. In an attempt at restoring unity, Ramanantsoa, on February 5, 1975, turned over power to Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava (a Merina with a less "aristocratic" background). Five days later, Ratsimandrava was assassinated, and a National Military Directorate was formed to restore order by declaring martial law, strictly censoring political expression, and suspending all political parties.

The political transition crisis was resolved on June 15, 1975, when the National Military Directorate selected Lieutenant Commander Didier Ratsiraka as head of state and president of a new ruling body, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC). The choice of Ratsiraka allayed ethnic concerns because he was a c tier belonging to the Betsimisaraka ethnic group. In addition, Ratsiraka--a dedicated socialist--was perceived by his military peers as a consensus candidate capable of forging unity among the various leftist political parties (such as AKFM and Monima), students, urban workers, the peasantry, and the armed forces.

Madagascar - The Second Republic, 1975-92

Ratsiraka was elected to a seven-year term as president in a national referendum on December 21, 1975, confirming the mandate for consensus and inaugurating Madagascar's Second Republic. The guiding principle of Ratsiraka's administration was the need for a socialist "revolution from above." Specifically, he sought to radically change Malagasy society in accordance with programs and principles incorporated into the Charter of the Malagasy Socialist Revolution, popularly referred to as the "Red Book" (Boky Mena). According to this document, the primary goal of the newly renamed Democratic Republic of Madagascar was to build a "new society" founded on socialist principles and guided by the actions of the "five pillars of the revolution": the SRC, peasants and workers, young intellectuals, women, and the Popular Armed Forces. "The socialist revolution," explains the Red Book, "is the only choice possible for us in order to achieve rapid economic and cultural development in an autonomous, humane, and harmonious manner." The Red Book advocated a new foreign policy based on the principle of nonalignment, and domestic policies focused on renovating the fokonolona, decentralizing the administration, and fomenting economic development through rigorous planning and popular input.

Several early policies collectively decided by Ratsiraka and other members of the SRC set the tone of the revolution from above. The first major SRC decision was to bring the French-held sectors of the economy under government control. This "economic decolonization" was welcomed by nationalists, who long had clamored for economic and cultural independence from France. The government also lifted martial law but retained rigid press censorship. Finally, the SRC ordered the closure of an earth satellite tracking station operated by the United States as part of its commitment to nonaligned foreign relations.

Political consolidation proceeded apace following the addition of ten civilians to the SRC in January 1976. This act constituted the beginning of a civil-military partnership in that the SRC became more representative of the country's major political tendencies and ethnic communities. In March the Vanguard of the Malagasy Revolution (Antokin'ny Revolisiona Malagasy--Arema) was founded as the government party, and Ratsiraka became its secretary general. In sharp contrast to the single-party states created by other African Marxist leaders, Arema served as simply one (albeit the most powerful) member of a coalition of six parties united under the umbrella of the National Front for the Defense of the Revolution (Front National pour la D fense de la R volution--FNDR). Membership in the FNDR, necessary for participation in the electoral process, was preconditioned on party endorsement of the revolutionary principles and programs contained in the Red Book.

Ratsiraka and Arema clearly dominated the political system. In die fokonolona elections held in March 1977, for example, Arema captured 90 percent of 73,000 contested seats in 11,400 assemblies. In June 1977, Arema won 220 out of a total of 232 seats in elections for six provincial general assemblies, and 112 out of a total of 137 seats in the Popular National Assembly. This trend toward consolidation was most vividly demonstrated by Rasiraka's announcement of his 1977 cabinet in which Arema members held sixteen of eighteen ministerial posts.

Yet, less than three years after taking power, Ratsiraka's regime was confronted with growing popular disenchantment. As early as September 1977, antigovernment demonstrations erupted in Antananarivo because of severe shortages in foodstuffs and essential commodities. This trend intensified as the economy worsened under the weight of ill-conceived economic policies that gradually centralized government control over the key sectors of the economy, including banking and agriculture. Ratsiraka defiantly adopted authoritarian tactics in response to the evolving opposition, sending in the armed forces to stifle dissent and maintain order during student riots in May 1978. In the economic realm, however, Ratsiraka accepted the free-market reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in order to ensure an infusion of foreign assistance vital to keeping the economy functioning. Whereas Ratsiraka's drift toward authoritarianism provided his enemies with political cannon fodder, his economic reforms led them to charge him with abandoning "scientific socialism" and alienated his traditional base of political supporters, as well.

The results of presidential elections within the de facto single-party framework that prevailed throughout the Second Republic clearly demonstrated Ratsiraka's declining political fortunes. Widespread initial enthusiasm for his socialist revolution from above secured him nearly 95 percent of the popular vote in the 1975 presidential elections, but support declined to 80 percent in 1982 and to only 63 percent in 1989. The year of 1989 marked a special turning point in that the fall of the Berlin Wall heralded the intellectual death of singleparty rule in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and similarly transformed electoral politics in Africa. In the case of Madagascar, increasingly vocal opposition parties denounced what they and international observers considered massive fraud in the 1989 presidential election, including Ratsiraka's refusal to update outdated voting lists that excluded the anti-Ratsiraka youth vote and the stuffing of ballot boxes at unmonitored rural polling stations. Massive demonstrations against Ratsiraka's inauguration led to violent clashes in Antananarivo that, according to official figures, left seventy-five dead and wounded.

Popular discontent with the Ratsiraka regime heightened on August 10, 1991, when more than 400,000 citizens marched peacefully on the President's Palace in order to oust the Ratsiraka government and create a new multiparty political system. Ratsiraka already faced an economy crippled by a general strike that had begun in May, as well as a divided and restless military whose loyalty no longer could be assumed. When the Presidential Guard opened fire on the marchers and killed and wounded hundreds, a crisis of leadership occurred.

The net result of these events was Ratsiraka's agreement on October 31, 1991 to support a process of democratic transition, complete with the formulation of a new constitution and the holding of free and fair multiparty elections. Albert Zafy, the central leader of the opposition forces and a c tier of the Tsimihety ethnic group, played a critical role in this transition process and ultimately emerged as the first president of Madagascar's Third Republic. The leader of the Comit des Forces Vives (Vital Forces Committee, known as Forces Vives), an umbrella opposition group composed of sixteen political parties that spearheaded the 1991 demonstrations, Zafy also emerged as the head of what became known as the High State Authority, a transitional government that shared power with the Ratsiraka regime during the democratization process.

A new draft constitution was approved by 75 percent of those voting in a national referendum on August 19, 1992. The first round of presidential elections followed on November 25. Frontrunner Zafy won 46 percent of the popular vote as the Forces Vives candidate, and Ratsiraka, as leader of his own newly created progovernment front, the Militant Movement for Malagasy Socialism (Mouvement Militant pour le Socialisme Malgache--MMSM), won approximately 29 percent of the vote. The remaining votes were split among a variety of other candidates. Because neither candidate obtained a majority of the votes cast, a second round of elections between the two frontrunners was held on February 10, 1993. Zafy emerged victorious with nearly 67 percent of the popular vote.

Madagascar - The Third Republic, 1993

The Third Republic officially was inaugurated on March 27, 1993, when Zafy was sworn in as president. The victory of the Forces Vives was further consolidated in elections held on June 13, 1993, for 138 seats in the newly created National Assembly. Voters turned out in low numbers (roughly 30 to 40 percent abstained) because they were being called upon to vote for the fourth time in less than a year. The Forces Vives and other allied parties won seventy-five seats. This coalition gave Zafy a clear majority and enabled him to chose Francisque Ravony of the Forces Vives as prime minister.

By the latter half of 1994, the heady optimism that accompanied this dramatic transition process had declined somewhat as the newly elected democratic government found itself confronted with numerous economic and political obstacles. Adding to these woes was the relatively minor but nonetheless embarrassing political problem of Ratsiraka's refusal to vacate the President's Palace. The Zafy regime has found itself under increasing economic pressure from the IMF and foreign donors to implement market reforms, such as cutting budget deficits and a bloated civil service, that do little to respond to the economic problems facing the majority of Madagascar's population. Zafy also confronts growing divisions within his ruling coalition, as well as opposition groups commonly referred to as "federalists" seeking greater power for the provinces (known as "faritany") under a more decentralized government. Although recently spurred by the desire of anti-Zafy forces to gain greater control over local affairs, historically Madagascar has witnessed a tension between domination by the central highlanders and pressures from residents of outlying areas to manage their own affairs. In short, the Zafy regime faces the dilemma of using relatively untested political structures and "rules of the game" to resolve numerous issues of governance.

CITATION: Federale Navorsingsafdeling van die Library of Congress. Die Country Studies -reeks. Gepubliseer 1988-1999.

Let wel: hierdie teks kom uit die Country Studies Program, voorheen die Army Area Handbook Program. Die Country Studies -reeks bied 'n beskrywing en ontleding van die historiese omgewing en die sosiale, ekonomiese, politieke en nasionale veiligheidstelsels en instellings van lande regoor die wêreld.

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Madagascar Army - History

Madagascar has a rich military history. During the early nineteenth century, the Merina kings relied on the army to extend their control through most of Madagascar. A small permanent force of career soldiers formed the backbone of the royal army. Periodic levies of freepersons augmented these core units. Theoretically, military service was obligatory for all males, but conscription laws excused sons of members of the ruling class and barred slaves from serving in the army. All soldiers shared in the spoils of war as the Merina expanded and consolidated their control over the island.

During the 1820s, the army's size increased to about 14,000 professional soldiers. Britain, hoping to counter French influence in Madagascar, furnished new weapons, ammunition, uniforms, and technical assistance to the army. The British also helped reorganize and train the army.

Increasing French interest in Madagascar prompted numerous clashes with the island's indigenous forces. Between 1883 and 1885, France launched several attacks on Madagascar. To end hostilities, the Merina recognized French control over Diego Suarez, agreed to pay an indemnity, and allowed a French resident at Antananarivo to control the country's foreign relations. In 1894 France declared a protectorate over the island, but the Malagasy refused to acknowledge French authority. After a French expeditionary force occupied the capital in September 1895, Queen Ranavalona III recognized the protectorate.

The Menalamba ("red togas," also given as "red cloth" and "red shawls" armed guerrilla bands) revolt broke out between 1895 and 1899, however, among Merina conservatives against the institutions and agents of a repressive state-church society. Some observers also have suggested that the revolt was an attempt to overthrow the newly established colonial government. France reacted to this unrest by exiling the queen and the former prime minister to Algeria and by declaring Madagascar a French colony. The new French governor, General Joseph Gallieni, eventually pacified the country and carried out many reforms, including the abolition of slavery.

During the French period, which lasted from 1896 to 1960, the Malagasy could be conscripted into the colonial forces. During World War I and World War II, several thousand Malagasy served in France, North Africa, and other combat zones. After 1945 many Malagasy started agitating for independence.

In March 1947, the Merina, who regarded themselves as Madagascar's genuine rulers, and some cotiers (literally coastal people, an ethnic group), staged an uprising against the French. The island's colonial governor responded by unleashing a reign of terror against the rebels. Estimates of the numbers of Malagasy who died in the revolt ranged from 11,000 to 80,000 (relatively few French soldiers died during the fighting). Notwithstanding these losses, France retained its influence in Madagascar, even after the island gained its independence.

During the postcolonial period, the Malagasy armed forces reflected the French heritage. Military personnel continued to receive training in France and to use French-manufactured weapons. Moreover, with the exception of a brief period in the late 1970s, French military advisers continued to serve in Madagascar.

On the eve of its independence, Madagascar had to organize its defense by creating a national army. The project was adapted to the actual data taken into account by the strategists of the time. The proposed creation of national armed forces, a symbol of regained sovereignty was ongoing. It was finalized 13 May 1960 at successive meetings of the President of the Republic, Philibert Tsiranana with the Army General Garbay, Inspector troops overseas, the Medical Inspector Monkfish, Director of the Health Service in the Armed Madagascar and General Cathoulic, Inspector of Police from across the sea. June 26, 1960, the first elements of the Malagasy Armed Forces received their flag.

The components of the new army and the cooperation model were adapted to those of the French Army. This choice was due to two major reasons. Madagascar was among the countries members of the Community and must harmonize its defense with the overall defense strategy of the French Army the new Army was facing many problems of organization and equipment. The President of the Republic was the Supreme Chief of the Armed Forces.

Two army regiments were created (1 RIAM, 2nd RIAM) and under the command of the Head of State - General Staff of the Armed Forces in the person of Colonel RAMANANTSOA. The 1 RIAM had a headquarters company, two rifle companies outfielders, a parachute company, a squad of light reconnaissance vehicles based in Antananarivo and outfielders rifle company based in Mahajanga. The 2nd RIAM: a headquarters company, a rifle outfielders company based in Tulear and outfielders rifle company based in Fianarantsoa. Scheduled to 5000 men, the Force also included a legion of gendarmerie based in Antananarivo with its state - Major, local brigades, companies, and mobile platoons in district capitals.

The new Army had the support and assistance of the French Army at the technical level, especially in the implementation of the service stewardship, service equipment and buildings and health service. In short, the French Army continued to make its presence in the large island in Antananarivo Ivato Di go Suarez, Antsirabe, Tamatave and Fort-Dauphin.

The main purpose of defense was then the safeguarding sovereignty and national identity on the military, political, social, economic, cultural. The Malagasy Republic had two major assets: its people and its natural resources. Unfortunately, she was handicapped by the lack of financial resources, by the weakness of its social and economic development, the lack of cohesion inherent in a young nation finally by the inadequacy of the pace of life and the structures Malagasy requirements the modern world. Given this situation, the Defence of the Nation could only be assured by these strategists at the cost of mobilization of all energies and all available resources.

This required in particular the rational development of cultivable land and education of the people. It should show fierce determination to defense of the country that is expressed by a desire to work and a desire to progress. It is in this perspective that Ordinance No. 62-022 dated 19 September 1962 on the organization of Defence created the National Service for defending and promoting the nation, and that included, firstly, the Military service performed in the Army and oriented towards specific military needs of defense, and secondly, the Civic Service oriented non-military needs of defense, in particular economic and social needs. The latter was then placed under the authority of the Commissioner General Civic Service.

The Civic Service was to train men, improving their potential by developing their skills in the economic and social development, make trainers facilitators from the population, constitute reserves capable of defending the country in the sense defined by Ordinance No. 60-118 of 30 September 1960, finally awareness-national and civic consciousness.

Like the Armed Forces of the Western countries, particularly those of France, the Malagasy Armed Forces were kept out of politics: it was a taboo area for them. From May 1972, however, following the failure of political power led by civilians, elements of the Armed Forces were called to power. And even those who remained in the barracks found themselves more or less involved in politics by force of circumstance. During the revision of the Cooperation Agreement, it was agreed that as of September 1, 1973, common defense responsibilities exercised since June 27, 1960 with the French Republic are now fully supported by the Malagasy Republic. The French Army then transferred to the Malagasy Forces facilities previously available to them through a Special Commission.


The French Union (1946–58)

In the elections of 1945, two Malagasy nationalists were elected to the French parliament. The constitution of 1946, creating the French Union, made Madagascar an overseas territory of the French Republic, with representatives to the Paris assemblies and a local assembly at Antananarivo. Six provincial assemblies were created later. The political struggle erupted into violence on March 30, 1947, with a full-scale insurrection in eastern Madagascar. The leaders of the Democratic Movement for Malagasy Renewal (Mouvement Démocratique de la Rénovation Malgache), including the three representatives to the French national assembly, were outlawed. While an official count of lives lost in the revolt records about 11,000 dead, it is certain that thousands more of the Malagasy populace perished from famine, cold, and psychological misery while hiding from both the French army and the insurgents in the island’s inhospitable tropical forests.

A period of political inactivity followed until the 1950s. After the Overseas Territories Law of 1956 gave Madagascar an executive elected by the local assembly, Vice-Premier Philibert Tsiranana founded the Social Democratic Party (Parti Social Démocrate PSD), which, though most of its members were non-Merina from the coastal areas, offered to cooperate with the Merina. In 1958 France agreed to let its overseas territories decide their own fate. In a referendum on September 28, Madagascar voted for autonomy within the French Community. On October 14, 1958, the autonomous Malagasy Republic was proclaimed Tsiranana headed the provisional government.


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